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Статті в журналах з теми "Working class whites – social conditions"
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Jung, Moon-Kie. "No Whites, No Asians: Race, Marxism, and Hawai‘i’s Preemergent Working Class." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 357–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018125.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
By the close of the nineteenth century, Hawai‘i had become a newly annexed territory of the United States and was tightly controlled by a cohesive oligarchy ofhaolesugar capitalists. The “enormous concentration of wealth and power” held by the Big Five sugar factors of Honolulu up until statehood was unparalleled elsewhere in the United States (Cooper and Daws 1985: 3–4). In contrast, native Hawai‘ians and immigrants recruited from China, Portugal, Japan, and the Philippines—in successive and overlapping waves—endured the low wages and poor working and living conditions characteristic of other agricultural export regions.
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Louette, Antoine. "Creating Racial Structural Solidarity." Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 14, no. 01 (January 16, 2024): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gjn.14.01.271.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article draws on recent transnational protests against police brutality to advance an understanding of anti-racist solidarity that aims to improve over Mara Marin’s ‘structural solidarity’ view. On Marin’s view, anti-racist solidarity is grounded in the racial structure. But Marin forgets that racial domination exerts a segregative influence on different groups, so that whites and middle-class blacks tend not to frequent the social milieux that would help them develop a sense of solidarity with working-class blacks. To address this problem, the article hypothesises that the conditions for anti-racist solidarity are not inherent in the racial structure but created by social movements, as exemplified by Black Lives Matter: to the extent that white and middle-class black participants in the George Floyd protests experienced the racist police brutality they were denouncing on behalf of the black working class, these protests functioned as non-segregated milieux that could ground the solidarity of the former with the latter at the national and transnational levels.
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Smångs, Mattias. "The White Working Class and the Legacy of the 1960s Ku Klux Klan in the 2016 Presidential Election." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 694, no. 1 (March 2021): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211019679.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This is a theoretical and empirical exploration of how the presence of the Ku Klux Klan across southern communities in the 1960s mediated electoral support for Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. The analysis is prompted by divergent perspectives on the impact of working-class whites’ economic grievances and cultural identities in Trump’s victory, and by conjectures of a relationship between past white ethno-racial mobilization and support for Trump. I show that the civil rights–era Klan’s defense of Jim Crow segregation created an enduring legacy of reactionary white collective identity and mobilization that together with contemporary economic and demographic conditions shaped local-level 2016 voting patterns in Trump’s favor. I also discuss the broader implications of the 2016 U.S. presidential election and scholarship into the temporal endurance of racism’s past forms and manifestations.
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Aspholm, Roberto R., Nathan Aguilar, and Christopher St. Vil. "Deaths of Despair in Black and White." Advances in Social Work 24, no. 1 (July 18, 2024): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/27396.
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This article argues that elevated levels of gun homicide and gun suicide among younger black men and middle-aged white men, respectively, are the consequences of a political economy that produces widespread despair among the most vulnerable segments of the laboring classes. Understood in this way, these phenomena share a common etiology whose roots can be traced to two major, temporally distinct developments: (1) postwar shifts in the political economy that redefined central cities as sites of black dislocation, and (2) the more recent intensification of globalization and investor class power that has redefined smaller cities, towns, and rural communities as sites of white dislocation. These transformations have rendered working-class blacks and whites (and others) vulnerable to a wide range of maladies and adverse social outcomes, including involvement in gun violence. In addition to examining these political-economic transformations and their effects on black and white working-class communities, this article also explores the divergent racialized manifestations of gun violence within these demographic groups. While micro and mezzo interventions are typically stressed to respond to these issues, their ultimate resolution requires recognition of their common roots in conditions of structurally imposed despair and the concomitant remedy of those conditions at the macro level
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Gürcan, Efe Can, and Berk Mete. "Emerging Forms of Social-Union Organizing Under the New Conditions of Turkish Capitalism: A Class-Capacity Analysis." Review of Radical Political Economics 52, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0486613419899515.
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How has Turkey’s working-class movement adapted to the new conditions of capitalism? What alternative forms of struggle have emerged to address precarization under neoliberalism? Providing a bottom-up account of social-union activism based on interviews with union activists, we argue that neoliberal capitalism structurally incapacitates working-class organizing in Turkey through a process of precarization, strongly expressed in the flexibilization of labor and further amplified by sociogeographical unevenness and cultural identities. These challenges are addressed through innovatory methods of bottomup organizing such as white-collar forums of exchange, internet activism, the accentuation of the emotional and gendered dynamics of class struggle, solidarity actions with blue collars, and various forms of street activism.
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Lareau, Annette. "Invisible Inequality: Social Class and Childrearing in Black Families and White Families." American Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (October 2002): 747–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700507.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although family life has an important impact on children's life chances, the mechanisms through which parents transmit advantages are imperfectly understood. An ethnographic data set of white children and black children approximately 10 years old shows the effects of social class on interactions inside the home. Middle-class parents engage in concerted cultivation by attempting to foster children's talents through organized leisure activities and extensive reasoning. Working-class and poor parents engage in the accomplishment of natural growth, providing the conditions under which children can grow but leaving leisure activities to children themselves. These parents also use directives rather than reasoning. Middle-class children, both white and black, gain an emerging sense of entitlement from their family life. Race had much less impact than social class. Also, differences in a cultural logic of childrearing gave parents and their children differential resources to draw on in their interactions with professionals and other adults outside the home. Middle-class children gained individually insignificant but cumulatively important advantages. Working-class and poor children did not display the same sense of entitlement or advantages. Some areas of family life appeared exempt from the effects of social class, however.
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Fuhg, Felix. "Ambivalent Relationships: London's Youth Culture and the Making of the Multi-Racial Society in the 1960s." Britain and the World 11, no. 1 (March 2018): 4–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2018.0285.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The emergence and formation of British working-class youth cultures in the 1960s were characterized by an ambivalent relationship between British identity, global culture and the formation of a multicultural society in the post-war decades. While national and local newspapers mostly reported on racial tensions and racially-motivated violence, culminating in the Notting Hill riots of 1958, the relationship between London's white working-class youth and teenagers with migration backgrounds was also shaped by a reciprocal, direct and indirect, personal and cultural exchange based on social interaction and local conditions. Starting from the Notting Hill Riots 1958, the article reconstructs places and cultural spheres of interaction between white working-class youth and teenagers from Caribbean communities in London in the 1960s. Following debates and discussions on race relations and the participation of black youth in the social life of London in the 1960s, the article shows that British working-class youth culture was affected in various ways by the processes of migration. By dealing with the multicultural dimension of the post-war metropolis, white working-class teenagers negotiated socio-economic as well as political changes, contributing in the process to an emergent, new image of post-imperial Britain.
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Eley, Geoff, and Keith Nield. "Farewell to the Working Class?" International Labor and Working-Class History 57 (April 2000): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002660.
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By the early 1980s, the class-centered politics of the socialist tradition was in crisis. In this situation, leading commentators took apocalyptic tones. By the end of the 1980s, the Left remained deeply divided between the advocates of change (“New Times” required new politics) and the defenders of the faith (class politics could be practiced, mutatis mutandis, much as before). By the mid-1990s the former had mainly carried the day. We wish to present this contemporary transformation not as the “death of class,” but as the passing of one particular type of class society, one marked by the process of working-class formation between the 1880s and 1940s and the resulting political alignment, reaching its apogee in the social democratic construction of the postwar settlement. As long-term changes in the economy combined with the attack on Keynesianism in the politics of recession from the mid-1970s, the unity of the working class ceased to be available in the old and well-tried way, as the natural ground of left-wing politics. While one dominant working-class collectivity went into decline (the classic male proletarians of mining, transportation, and manufacturing industry, with their associated forms of trade unionism and residential concentration), another slowly and unevenly materialized to take its place (predominantly female white-collar workers in services and all types of public employment). But the operative unity of this new working-class aggregation—its active agency as an organized political presence—is still very much in formation. To reclaim the political efficacy of the socialist tradition, some new vision of collective political agency will be needed, one imaginatively keyed to the emerging conditions of capitalist production and accumulation at the start of the twenty-first century. Class needs to be reshaped, reassembled, put back together again in political ways. To use a Gramscian adage: The old has been dying, but the new has yet to be born. Class decomposition is yet to be replaced by its opposite, the recomposition of class into a new and coherently shaped form.
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Creech, Brian. "Finding the White working class in 2016: Journalistic discourses and the construction of a political identity." European Journal of Cultural Studies 23, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549418786413.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article argues that the discourses and techniques of political journalism worked to make White working class identity sensible as an assumed norm in American politics during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Throughout the campaign, many news organizations sent journalists to small towns and various Donald Trump rallies to understand what was driving a burbling resentment among his base of White working class voters, and by interrogating the explanatory and long-form reporting produced by these journalists, we can come to understand how the White working class began to cohere as a particular political subjectivity. By documenting the economic decline and social peril borne from neoliberal policies, acts of journalism substantiate the conditions that animate White working class identity and legitimate its resentments. However, that same journalism also failed to adequately deal with the consequences of policy and the way economic conditions and cultural identities reflexively constitute one another, instead focusing on the ways class- and race-based resentments formed a well of political support, constraining any sense of agency to the discursive bounds of a political campaign. This article concludes by arguing that in order to decenter the primacy of whiteness in American politics, it is incumbent upon scholars and observers alike to attend to the various cultural discourses and techniques that render it simultaneously central and invisible.
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Kadritzke, Ulf. "Zur Mitte drängt sich alles (Teil 1)." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 184 (September 1, 2016): 477–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i184.127.
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The public and scientific discourse about the social structure in Germany is characterized by an absence of class categories and a peculiar attentiveness towards the middle classes - even the misleading term ‘Mittelstand’ is in use. This mode of thinking ‘beyond classes’ is criticized in a historical perspective. We reconstruct how several important socials scientist of the ‘Weimar Republic’ (1919-1933) analyzed the socio-economic status and mentalities of the so called ‘Neuer Mittelstand’ (primarily consisting of private and public employees).These sociologists revealed the clear majority of white collar and service workers as ‘hidden class’. In economic terms they are an essential part of the wage-dependent working class, albeit employed under specific conditions. Their position in the hierarchy of organizations and their (often merely pretended) prestige are the main causes of ‘middle class’ mentalities and their ‘alienation’ from working class values, habits and orientations. Referring to the Marx-related, but modified class studies of the past, the second part of the essay – coming up in the next PROKLA issue - will discuss the shortfalls of theories and conceptions of German middle classes in current sociology and politics, criticising their scientific approach as ‘classignoring’ ideologies.
Дисертації з теми "Working class whites – social conditions"
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Heller, Jennifer. "Academic and white working class perceptions of the economic aspects of white privilege." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4946.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on October 26, 2007) Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Hobbs, Mark. "Visual representations of working-class Berlin, 1924–1930." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2182/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the urban topography of Berlin’s working-class districts, as seen in the art, architecture and other images produced in the city between 1924 and 1930. During the 1920s, Berlin flourished as centre of modern culture. Yet this flourishing did not exist exclusively amongst the intellectual elites that occupied the city centre and affluent western suburbs. It also extended into the proletarian districts to the north and east of the city. Within these areas existed a complex urban landscape that was rich with cultural tradition and artistic expression. This thesis seeks to redress the bias towards the centre of Berlin and its recognised cultural currents, by exploring the art and architecture found in the city’s working-class districts. The thesis adopts Henri Lefebvre’s premise that each society creates its own space in which it lives, works, and sustains its cultural identity. On this basis, working-class culture and the spaces in which it was practiced, are treated with equal weight. The thesis begins by examining how the laissez-faire economics of the German Empire (1871–1914), combined with a massive influx of rural migrants into Berlin, creating a complex industrial landscape, whose working-class inhabitants retained many pastoral traditions. The thesis moves on to study the works of a number of artists active in Berlin between 1924 and 1930, using examples of their work to examine the unique nature of the working-class districts, and the culture and traditions that took place within them. The second half of the thesis explores the working-class districts from an explicitly political perspective. The extensive house building programme that took place across Berlin throughout the twenties is explored in all its varied and conflicting political perspectives. What emerges is a picture of a growing schism between Berlin’s Social Democratic government, and Communist supporters in the working-class districts. 1929 emerges as a critical year in which political contestations of space between the two parties and their supporters reached new levels of hostility, as working-class culture clashed against Social Democratic urban policy.
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Childs, Michael James 1956. "Working class youth in late Victorian and Edwardian England." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74015.
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Davies, Robert Samuel Walter. "Differentiation in the working class, class consciousness, and development of the Labour Party in Liverpool up to 1939." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 1993. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4943/.
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Young, Mai-san, and 楊美珊. "Women in transition: from working daughters to unemployed mothers." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31225524.
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Dunk, Thomas W. (Thomas William). ""It's a workin' man's town" : class and culture in Northwestern Ontario." Thesis, McGill University, 1988. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74063.
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Hampson, Peter Wright. "Working-class capitalists : the development and financing of worker-owned companies, in the Irwell Valley, 1849-1875." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2015. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/12134/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The mid-nineteenth century was an age of reform, which affected the whole of British society. Working people in southeast Lancashire were far from passive at this time, and the co-operative experiment in Rochdale was an inspiration. Many had pinned their hopes on the Chartist Land Plan, but when this failed they seized an unintended opportunity offered by changes in company law. The result was that over fifty industrial worker-owned and controlled companies were created in the period from 1850 to the onset of the Cotton Famine in 1861, with shares sold to other local people through pubs and shops. A database of these shares forms the basis of this thesis and their analysis provides much of the raw material. Following the Cotton Famine, a commercial revolution in the Irwell Valley and adjoining districts resulted and by the 1870s brought about a virtual stock market, where companies of all kinds were floated, including traditional family businesses. Many such businesses became worker-owned and added to the prosperity of the Irwell Valley. This valley had a quite unique geography and culture, which bred men and women willing to turn their hands to a variety of tasks. The worker-owned companies were intended to provide profit, but independence, pride and self-help were also important factors. The concept spread, and contributed to the formation of the better-known ‘Oldham Limiteds’. Despite many attempts, the source of industrial finance in the late Victorian period remains an unanswered question. This thesis demonstrates that for some industries, in this area, the finance came from the working classes, including women, a possibility not previously taken seriously. They funded a diversity of industries throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, providing millions of pounds of capital. The thesis also breaks new ground in being able to identify a significant percentage of investors as individuals whose activities can be reconstructed, sometimes in detail.
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Dunn, Tasha Rose. "Taking out the trash : critiquing the equipment for living of white trash films /." View online, 2009. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131565130.pdf.
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Hoover, Douglas Pearson. "Women in nineteenth-century Pullman." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276796.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Built in 1880, George Pullman's railroad car manufacturing town was intended to be a model of industrial order. This Gilded Age capitalist's ideal image of working class women is reflected in the publicly prescribed place for women in the community and the company's provisions for female employment in the shops. Pullman wanted women to establish the town's domestic tranquility by cultivating a middle class environment, which he believed was a key to keeping the working class content. Throughout the course of the idealized communitarian experiment, however, Pullman's policies and prescriptions changed to meet the needs of working class families who depended on the wages of women. This paper will study the ideologies and realities surrounding women in nineteenth century Pullman.
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McNeil, Charles A. "Carved from stone? : community life and work in Barre, Vermont, 1900-1922." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61921.
Повний текст джерелаКниги з теми "Working class whites – social conditions"
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Freie, Carrie. Class construction: White working-class student identity in the new millennium. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2007.
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Sobel, Richard. The white collar working class: From structure to politics. New York: Praeger, 1989.
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Ken, Dovey, Laughton Lorraine, and Durandt Jo-Anne, eds. Working in South Africa. Johannesburg, South Africa: Ravan Press, 1985.
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Goad, Jim. The redneck manifesto. New York: Simon Schuster, 1997.
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Gillespie, Michele. Free labor in an unfree world: White artisans in slaveholding Georgia, 1789-1860. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000.
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Vance, J. D. Jue wang zhe zhi ge: Yi ge Meiguo bai ren jia zu de bei ju yu chong sheng. Xinbei Shi: Ba qi wen hua, 2017.
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Morioka, Kōji. Hinkonkasuru howaito karā. Tōkyō: Chikuma Shobō, 2009.
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Bower, Stephanie. Kentucky countryside in transition: A streetcar suburb and the origins of middle-class Louisville, 1850-1910. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 2016.
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Volkov, S. V. Intellektualʹnyĭ sloĭ v sovetskom obshchestve. [Sankt-Peterburg]: Fond "Razvitie", 1999.
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Pat, Mahony, and Zmroczek Christine, eds. Class matters: 'working-class' women's perspectives on social class. London: Taylor & Francis, 1997.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Working class whites – social conditions"
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Thufvesson, Ola, and Devrim Umut Aslan. "Can Future Shopping Experiences Be Present in the Past? The Case of a Local High Street." In The Future of Consumption, 359–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-33246-3_23.
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AbstractThis chapter is a contemplation on the future experiences of local high streets based on analysing the past and present of one such local street, Södergatan in Helsingborg, Sweden. This street was established in the mid-nineteenth century, in an emerging working-class district, Söder, whose initial residents lived in crowded conditions. Without any modern technologies for storing food, or any cars for travelling longer distances, they walked everywhere, that is, to specialized stores, to work, and to school, on a daily basis. This created a vibrant street life with plenty of opportunities for social encounters. However, the establishment of new residential areas, shopping malls and supermarkets on the outskirts of the city gradually emptied the district post-1950s, until international migrants repopulated it post-1980s. These migrants took over small-scale stores and revived many of the previous retail and shopping activities occurring along this local high street. While this development bolstered the vibrancy of the street, part of the district was restructured as a distinctive consumption space based on luxury experiences. Hence, drawing on the case of Södergatan, there might be a dual future trajectory for local high streets with the first of these thriving on the sense of convenience and mechanisation of everyday items and the second providing up-scaled services to an upper-class clientele.
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Ngwainmbi, Emmanuel K. "Social Media Use Among the Youth and Working Class: Conditions for Remediating Globalization and Cultural Space." In Media in the Global Context, 49–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-26450-5_3.
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Rose, Daniel J., and Thomas P. Flynn. "Clues of Displacement: The Gentrification of Silver Hill." In Frontiers in Sociology and Social Research, 75–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11756-5_5.
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AbstractIn the United States, gentrification typically involves whites displacing African American, working-class communities. This work uses a political economy framework to better understand the clues displacement leaves behind. Specifically, this research investigates what happened to a former community in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, known as Silver Hill, which was an enclave of mostly African American residents founded in the late nineteenth century just west of the city. Through archival research and investigation of the remaining traces of the neighborhood, we develop a theory of spatial erasure that highlights how wealthy white communities that grew up around Silver Hill subsumed and eradicated it. Specifically, racial capitalism played a major role in the abuse and neglect of Silver Hill. The neighborhood became surrounded by wealthy white developments which cut off road access to their homes. Today, a cemetery, two houses, and a litany of historical records offer clues about what was once a thriving African American community. Additionally, descendants of the neighborhood’s residents provide key information about its life and death. We discuss the implications of examining this history, especially as it pertains to the collective remembrance of Silver Hill.
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Zapatka, Kasey, John Mollenkopf, and Steven Romalewski. "Reordering Occupation, Race, and Place in Metropolitan New York." In The Urban Book Series, 407–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-64569-4_21.
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AbstractThe New York metropolitan area is one of the oldest, largest, and perhaps most complex urban region in the United States (U.S.). Its 23.7 million residents live across four states, produce a GDP of more than $1.7 trillion, are governed by a fragmented political system, and experience persistently high degrees of geographic and racial/ethnic inequality and segregation. This chapter investigates the evolving spatial organization of occupation and race across the metropolitan area. While white professionals have traditionally lived in an outer ring of suburbs and blue-collar immigrant and minority groups have lived closer to the city center, our research shows that the forces of gentrification and minority and immigrant suburbanization have been turning the metropolitan area inside out. Specifically, young, usually white, professionals are increasingly located in and around the central city whereas many working-class minorities have shifted away from it. At the heart of this spatial reordering lie the diminishing plurality of native-born whites within the region and the increasing share of immigrant minority groups, especially for foreign-born Hispanics and Asians. This trend has lessened the share of white males in better occupations even as the region’s occupational structure slowly but inexorably tilts toward managerial and professional occupations. Technology is transforming white-collar work as blue-collar work continues to disappear. Dramatic shifts are thus afoot, yet inequality and segregation remain high. We argue that these changes in the spatial organization of the metropolitan area challenge us to see these inequalities from a new vantage point. As elites are now more likely to live among less advantaged groups, this may provide the social basis for new thinking.
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Farmer, Paul. "3. One & All!" In After the Miners’ Strike, 37–60. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0329.05.
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The conditions of Thatcher’s 1980s exposes those on the Left to government attack. The miners, organised in the National Union of Mineworkers with Arthur Scargill as President, are perceived by Thatcher’s cabal as a primary enemy to be destroyed. The strike provoked by the government exposes divisions and hypocrisy in the UK Labour Movement. Nevertheless, the miners’ struggle constitutes a defence of communities and ways of life and there is huge support for them among socialists and large sections of the general public. To participate in this support is what our work is for. The aim is ‘efficacy’, an effect on the world beyond the theatre. Now we have to find our audience, amongst whom we could assume no prior knowledge of the social event of theatre. Our work will be for Cornish communities and will also be a working-class voice. Hard rock metal mining is a part of Cornwall—a fundamental aspect of how the Cornish see themselves. We will create a show to support the Miners’ Strike through the story of Cornish mining, in a form we call ‘cabaret documentary’. A39 will be a permanent research process. Part of the experiment is to find what we are as performers. We write and start rehearsing One & All! in the Crypt Unemployed and Community Centre in early 1985.
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Wilson, Eli Revelle Yano. "Introduction." In Front of the House, Back of the House, 1–22. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479800612.003.0001.
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This book explores the reproduction of social inequality within everyday service settings. Wilson analyzes everyday relations among different types of workers, managers, and, to a lesser extent, customers in restaurants. Seen from the ground level, workers negotiate their surroundings by finding ways to make their labor conditions more palatable using the resources available to them. Amid compounded forces that pull workers into divided worlds of work, class-privileged whites and working-class Latinos derive meaningful forms of identity and community from their respective roles in restaurants. This nuances the workplace in unexpected ways: while immigrant Latino workers struggle to contend with their structural disadvantages in marginal jobs, later-generation workers have been able to leverage some of these very conditions to their advantage.
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Oakley, Ann. "Work Conditions." In The Sociology of Housework, 74–93. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447346166.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the role of the structure and content of work in the case of the housewife. Answers given by the forty women in the sample to questions about work tasks suggest that certain characteristics of housework may be more or less uniformly experienced as dissatisfying while others are potentially rewarding. A look at the social class dimension also indicates that there is a considerable area of shared response to housework which may reflect on the nature of the work itself, and the conditions under which it is done. Hence it would seem both helpful and important to examine a number of aspects of work that industrial sociology has highlighted as critical in the explanation of job satisfaction. These are the experiences of monotony, fragmentation, and excessive pace in work and social interaction patterns. Two other dimensions of work looked at in this chapter include working hours and the technical environment.
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Delerme, Simone. "The Fractured American Dream." In Latino Orlando, 69–97. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813066257.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chapter 3 of the book focuses on the character, reputation, and place-identity of the Buenaventura Lakes suburb, and the impact of linguistic transformations due to the community’s Latinization. Drawing on various data sources, the chapter shows how talk about landscape aesthetics, living conditions, crime, racial, ethnic, and class identities, and language intertwine to reinforce social class distinctions and the racialization of suburban spaces, places, and therefore people. The strong connection between suburban living and prosperity is unraveling, and Buenaventura Lakes is a declining suburb representative of the changing social and economic conditions and demographics in suburbs across the United States. Buenaventura Lakes, once a community for “country club living” and “affordable luxury,” is perceived as a Latino “ghetto” or “slum” in the eyes of residents and non-residents, Latinos and non-Latinos. Despite the populations’ income diversity and the high prices of some homes, the residents are paradoxically described as poor, lower class, low income, or at best working class. Additionally, the concentration of Latinos is interpreted as a lack of diversity. Thus, this suburb is constructed as a non-white space, foreign and uncomfortable for non-Latino whites, which adds to residential segregation in Greater Orlando.
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de Casanova, Erynn Masi. "Conclusion." In Dust and Dignity, 122–30. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501739453.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This concluding chapter argues that the book's analysis confirms previous research on Latin American domestic workers' experiences published mostly in Spanish and Portuguese, while generating new insights. The book's findings, when viewed along with research from other parts of Latin America, suggest that the experiences of nonmigrants, internal migrants, and international migrants in the region are quite similar. Their working conditions are equally dismal. Domestic workers are exploited as a subclass of worker, a subclass of human, whether they were born in the same country as their employers or not. They are always the other. Setting migration aside, then, as the primary variable explaining exploitation, the book's analysis focuses on three dimensions of oppression that act as obstacles to domestic workers' rights: social reproduction, informality, and class. Scholars and activists can target these obstacles in the effort to improve working conditions.
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Evans, Bryan, and Stephanie Ross. "Policy analysis and advocacy in the Canadian labour movement: when the force of argument is not enough." In Policy Analysis in Canada, 331–50. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447334910.003.0016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As states in the early twentieth century established labour ministries to manage and mitigate class conflict, the question of whether and under what conditions the public policy perspectives of the working class and their trade unions could find a hearing within the state became significant. As the labour-capital compromises that characterized the political economy of post-1945 liberal democracies unravelled and the internal architecture of states transformed with the rise of neoliberalism, the labour movement’s policy influence has declined, even within institutions of social dialogue. While it remains strategically important for trade unions to engage in state-oriented policy analysis and advocacy, the force of argument, of good rational analysis, is insufficient in the current era. This exploration of trade unions’ resulting reorientation of their policy advocacy tactics and strategies suggests a creative process of engaging members and the public is underway.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Working class whites – social conditions"
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Iñiguez, Mª José Itati, and Alejandra Vives. "O12-3 Social class, working conditions and occupational health in argentina: analysis of the first national working conditions survey." In Occupational Health: Think Globally, Act Locally, EPICOH 2016, September 4–7, 2016, Barcelona, Spain. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oemed-2016-103951.64.
Повний текст джерела
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Raudeliūnaitė, Rita, and Vida Gudžinskienė. "THE IMPORTANCE OF THE COOPERATION BETWEEN PARENTS AND A PRIMARY SCHOOL TO ACHIEVE SUCCESS IN THE INCLUSIVE EDUCATION OF CHILDREN WITH AUTISM SPECTRUM DISORDER." In INTCESS 2023- 10th International Conference on Education and Education of Social Sciences. International Organization Center of Academic Research, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51508/intcess.202353.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the priority goals of future education is inclusive education. When creating inclusive educational environments, it is important to ensure that every child would have the opportunity to receive quality education together with his peers in the local community closest to him, in the educational institution closest to his home. This obliges schools to constantly monitor the quality factors of education and improve their readiness to accept all learners regardless of any individual characteristics, obstacles or arising difficulties, and to strive to ensure the effective education of pupils. Research shows that in many countries, including Lithuania, general education schools experience a number of difficulties in educating children with autism spectrum disorder (hereinafter referred to as ASD). It is appropriate to conduct research on good practices in inclusive education based on the subjective perceptions and attitudes of different participants. The purpose of the study is to reveal the importance of cooperation between parents and primary school in order to achieve the success of inclusive education in children with autism spectrum disorder based on the experiences of parents. Qualitative research type was chosen for the study. In the study, the method of a semi-structured interview was used. The study data were processed by using the method of content analysis. Six parents, whose child had been diagnosed with ASD and attended primary school of general education, participated in the study. The study revealed that in order to achieve the successful education of a child with ASD in primary school, it is important to establish a cooperative relationship between parents and the school before a child with ASD begins to attend school, to maintain the continuity of cooperation between parents and the school after the child begins to attend school, and to have the cooperation of parents when creating a favourable educational environment in the classroom. The establishment of a cooperative relationship between parents and the school before a child with ASD begins attending his school is associated with the parents' openness and the disclosure of their child's disability, the emphasis on the child's abilities, not his disability and the difficulties arising for the child when presenting a child to the school administration and his future teacher, the willingness of the school to engage in equal cooperation with parents while considering them experts of their child, the creation of conditions for a child with ASD and his parents to get acquainted in advance with the school and his class environment and the class teacher, the discussion of the peculiarities of the child's education and his needs with his parents, the drawing up of a plan for individual assistance to the child, as well as the positive attitude of a child with a autism spectrum disorder to start attending school. The continuity of cooperation between parents and the school, after a child with ASD began attending school, is associated with the activeness of parents in cooperation with the school, their involvement in the educational process, cooperation of parents with educational assistance specialists and the involvement of parents in assessing the quality of their child's inclusive education. The cooperation of the parents of a child with ASD in creating a favourable educational environment in the classroom is associated with their close cooperation with the teachers working in the classroom, their cooperation with the class children and their parents in building and maintaining positive relationships. Keywords: autism spectrum disorder, child, parents, primary school, cooperation
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Liu, Xilu, and Ameen Farooq. "Is compact urbanity more connected?" In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8122.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The concept of urban compactness is widely accepted as an approach in modern architectural and urban design fields, this belief may vary relative to the density and connectivity of various neighborhoods working within cities of developing countries.
Beijing has several compact residential neighborhoods in many of its urban districts. This paper argues that urban compactness as predictor of connectivity may carry an altogether different meaning when compared to the U.S objectives for achieving sustainable compactness by increasing density that is tactically connected.
The accelerated pace of migration following the economic progress from the countryside to cities in China helped grew the middle class while shifting demographics has added serious demands of housing and infrastructure within and outside of Beijing districts and its urban core.
Various neighborhoods within and round Beijing districts are swelling with unwarranted compactness, causing serious environmental and ecological challenging making basic living conditions unchecked. In addition, crowding, traffic congestion, pollution and limited housing surrounding this compactness is a threat to the public health.
Several residential blocks of various sizes in close proximity to each other appear to add physical compactness seemingly well threaded in urban fabric various urban districts. Morphological analysis of selected neighborhoods revealed that many urban neighborhoods similar to case study examples are marred with unregulated urban interventions with little cohesive system of connectivity within these neighborhoods.
This study analyzed morphological patterns of street connectivity using Space Syntax method tounderstand if physical compactness also means more connected. The morphological variables notably, integration, connectivity and choice were used as key variables to describe the quality of connectedness of a diverse range of mixed-use commercial and residential typologies that were served by dense street networks.
Analysis of spatial morphology of selected compact neighborhoods provided perceptive clues to redevelop a spatial program to bring about a meaningful design intervention to achieve better connections to the unregulated compact urban neighborhoods for achieving more pedestrian-friendly urban neighborhoods that could co-exist with the existing vehicular street networks.
The findings indicated that much of mixed-use developments in close proximity to each other were part of a fragmented maze of dead-end streets serving these residential blocks. The incoherent street networks serving these neighborhoods created a lack of control between pedestrian and vehicular circulations causing congestions and unsustainable conditions for social and public realm to coexist.
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Chávez, Minerva S. "EMPLOYING WHITENESS AS PROPERTY: LEADERSHIP IN HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE SIGNALING DIVERSITY WHEN YOU ARE WHITE." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2022v2end061.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"Academic leaders in the United States are tasked with establishing university strategic plans that facilitate a holistic educational experience in order to meet the needs of our diverse student populations. A holistic education includes the academic, social, emotional, and spiritual (meaning of life, finding purpose) necessities of our students. To this end, let us consider the leaders accountable for upholding this ethical imperative. This autoethnography examines the concept of Whiteness as Property (WaP) (Harris, 1993) to identify how the distribution of power amongst educational leaders maintains whites in a space of racialized privilege while using people of color to signal their commitment to establishing a diverse university culture. Using the WaP lens, allows for the analyses of the practices, behaviors, and other social performances administrators engage in to construct their leadership identities in relation to the current sociopolitical milieu concerning inclusion and diversity. Autoethnography illuminates these leadership practices in unique ways—the narratives are from the perspective of the non-traditional leader. We serve to collectively lead our universities in the right direction to meet our strategic goals and provide equable education for all students. As a working-class Latina occupying educational leadership roles, autoethnography permits the theorization of my liminal perspective to underscore the interconnected role of universities as apparatuses assisting in capital accumulation, legitimation, and production. The narratives provide an analytical and profoundly humanistic understanding of the experiences that shape our conscious behaviors, actions, and thoughts in our workplace."
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Anishchenko, E. B., L. V. Trankovskaya, and A. A. Vazhenina. "STUDY OF PRIMORYE TERRITORY LABOR FORCE STRUCTURE BY PLACE OF RESIDENCE AND AGE GROUPS." In The 17th «OCCUPATION and HEALTH» Russian National Congress with International Participation (OHRNC-2023). FSBSI «IRIOH», 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31089/978-5-6042929-1-4-2023-1-23-26.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the course of a scientific study devoted to the development of a set of measures to extend the professional and labor longevity of older people (60+), regional features of the structure of the working population of Primorsky Krai were identified and characterized. The proportion of people aged 60 and over was 26.3% of the total adult population of Primorsky Krai, and in the structure of the labor force, the share of older people was 8.0%. The average annual number of employees at enterprises and organizations engaged in economic activities «education» «activities in the field of health and social services» amounted to 116,828 people (12.5%), of which the elderly (60+) — 19.4%. Hygienic assessment of working conditions of medical, pharmaceutical and pedagogical workers showed a harmful (3) class of working conditions of 1‑3 degrees.
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Santos, Bruno. "Who serves who serves you?" In ServDes.2023 Entanglements & Flows Conference: Service Encounters and Meanings Proceedings, 11-14th July 2023, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Linköping University Electronic Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/ecp203037.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In contemporary society, the service has taken up more and more space and, although part of its value is still linked to productive work, it is already possible to see that the field of non-productive and reproductive work begins to absorb a significant part of the social workforce. This process has generated, on the one hand, a demand for professionals able to design good services and, on the other hand, the precariousness of the work of service providers. This article aims to present a reflection on the relationship between these two categories of professionals: those who design and those who execute the service, both working class specimens, but different in their interests and working conditions. Thus, this work brings provocations that can be condensed into a single question: What is the role of the Service Designer in the face of the precariousness of the work of service providers?
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Tommasi, Francesco, Andrea Ceschi, and Riccardo Sartori. "PERSONAL AND ORGANIZATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS ANTECEDENTS OF MEANINGFUL WORK." In International Psychological Applications Conference and Trends. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021inpact095.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"The contribution presents evidence of the role played by personal and organizational characteristics of employees in the experience of meaningful work. As referred to the individuals’ experience of value and significance of their work, meaningful work is a critical working phenomenon both for individuals (e.g., individuals’ well-being) and organizations (e.g., workers’ productivity). Therefore, a large number of studies have tried to understand its antecedents, however, it is still not clear about how and to what extent personal and organizational characteristics are associated with meaningful work. For instance, it is unclear the roles of a higher level of education as well as financial returns or good working conditions (e.g., high level of salary and good health insurance) for the pursuit of meaningful work. The contribution considers such a need for knowledge and aims to understand the antecedent role of personal and organizational characteristics in the experience of meaningful work. 570 Italian employees participated in a cross-sectional study that comprised measures of meaningful work and related facets, as well as questions on personal and organizational characteristics. Data were analyzed via the MANOVAs and results showed significant associations with meaningful work dimensions and personal characteristics, such as education, social class and health as well as organizational characteristics, such as job contract, job sector and salary."
Звіти організацій з теми "Working class whites – social conditions"
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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. Equality Denied: Tech and African Americans. Institute for New Economic Thinking, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp177.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.
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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.