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Статті в журналах з теми "War and society – great britain"

1

Triyogo, Agus. "The Impact of Napoleonic War toward Great Britain’s Condition as Reflected in William Thackeray’s Vanity Fair (Sociological Approach)." EDULIA: English Education, Linguistic and Art Journal 1, no. 1 (September 15, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31539/edulia.v1i1.1569.

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The purpose of this study is to describe the social conditions that occurred in England after the Napoleonic war. This type of method is library research. Data collection was carried out through observation and documentation. Data were analyzed using a sociological approach. The results showed that the condition of British society after the Napoleonic war was still good in its education system with modern and intellectual thinking. British society realizes that education is very important for everyone to be more responsible. In fact, social relations that were conducive to change become individuals during war. The Napoleonic war had a negative impact on the life of British society, especially on psychological conditions and economic development. In conclusion, Britain's socio-economic life was destroyed after the war. All economic sources such as industry, agriculture and factories are getting worse. People only think how to protect themselves from war. Keywords: Great Britain, Impact, Napoleonic War, Sociological Approach, Vanity Fair
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Lavrenko, Valeriia. "Images of Great Britain and the British in Russian society during the First World War." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 5, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26220512.

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The aim of the article is to analyze the general ideas about Great Britain and the British as military allies of the bloc of Entente countries, which existed in Russian society during the First World War. Methods used in the research: the method of content analysis, historical-genetic and historical-comparative. Main results: the article examines the visions of the British, common among the Russian intelligentsia on the eve of the First World War, and the influence of previous historical experience on the formation of these visions. It is analyzed in what way Russians' ideas about Britain as an allied state were transformed during the course of hostilities. Attempts to carry out state actions to promote Britain in the Russian Empire are considered, in particular, the visit of Russian journalists to the British Isles in 1916.Journalistic notes and journalistic works resulting from this visit are examined. Concise conclusions: the experience of the First World War showed that the state propaganda of the Russian Empire paid much more attention to the formation of the image of the enemy. Conversely, efforts aimed at familiarizing Russian society with allies in the bloc of Entente countries were significantly less powerful. At the beginning of the First World War, most representatives of Russian society looked skeptically at Britain as an ally, taking to the attantion the country's lack of general mobilization and its desire to fight only at sea. The experience of the war showed that although general mobilization was not introduced in Great Britain, the number of the British Expeditionary Force in continental Europe increased tenfold due to volunteers who demonstrated high fighting qualities. Britain abandoned the strategy of war exclusively at sea, fulfilling the All-Allied obligations, the country learned to overcome the resource crisis that arose as a result of raids by German submarines on the routes connecting the British Isles with the colonies. It was these messages that Russian journalists and publicists tried to convey about Britain, in particular, the participants of the 1916 visit. However, the number of materials aimed at a mass reader, dedicated to allies in Russia was much less than articles dedicated to the enemy. Even at the end of the war, Russian society looked at the Western Front as an unknown war. Over time, this gave rise to the idea among Russian veterans during the years of the Civil War that Britain and France had failed to fulfill their duty as allies and were guilty of Russia. Practical meaning: the materials of the article can be used in the teaching of the basic course for students of the Faculty of History (Oles Honchar Dnipro National University) at the bachelor's level – “History of Western Europe and North America in modern times”. Originality: for the first time, attention is focused on the fact that the sphere of ideas about the Allies by the Entente bloc during the First World War directly influenced the events at the front and determined the narratives of the USSR and Russian emigration after the world carnage. Scientific novelty: for the first time, the change in perceptions of the British as allies of the Russian Empire (within the Entente countries) during the entire period of active hostilities during the First World War was analyzed. Type of article: descriptive and analytical.
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Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.

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The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time. The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.
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Zernetska, O. "The Concept of Historical Memory in Great Britain." Problems of World History, no. 5 (March 15, 2018): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-6.

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Great Britain is a country where the concept of historical memory has been sustained for a long time. It is especially interesting, how it has been done in the XXIst century. This article investigates,how traditions, rituals and values have been saved in Great Britain for many centuries and at the same time, how new ones have been born for last decades. This is a case-study in which the perpetuation inGreat Britain of a great date – the century from the date of the outbreak of the First World War; old and new traditions, rituals, events, performances that preserve and develop the historical memory ofBritish society are researched.
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Inkin, V. V. "British Society in the reflection of the press: fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 2 (April 27, 2024): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.

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Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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Inkin, Victor V. "Memory formation about World War I through British veterans’ activities and the historical policy of Great Britain in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2023): 1305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2023-28-5-1305-1315.

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Importance. The scientific problem lies in the World War I historical memory’s formation’s features’ study. The purpose of the research is to reveal what was the ratio of the state’s and veterans’ influence in the narratives’ formation of World War I historical memory in the Great Britain in the 1930s. Research Methods. The historical policy of the British government in the field of the memory about World War I was studied by a historical and systematic approach for consideration as one of the instruments of influence on the Great Britain’s society. The activity of veteran organizations and individual front-line soldiers during the 1930s was analyzed, whose protest against the state narrative of historical memory after the “Great Depression” began to fade by 1939. Results and Discussion. On the basis of the materials of the British press of the 1930s, as well as the involvement of additional sources, narratives about World War I were illustrated, which gradually changed in the 1930s. The ideology and activities of the state in the field of historical policy actively from 1932–1933 displaced negative ideas about the war, suppressed anti-war movements and pacifist sentiments in British society. The strengthening of the state’s influence on the British Legion testified to its subordination to the official agenda, which allowed the ruling circles to use veterans in the implementation of domestic and foreign policy (to develop international contacts, influence public opinion). Conclusion. The value of the research lies in the introduction into scientific circulation of the materials of the British press as historical sources that allow us to trace the gradual weakening of the role of veterans’ organizations in the field of memory about World War I by the middle of 1930s, and the strengthening of the influence of the state in this regard. The correlation of official and public (veteran) narratives in historical memory is shown.
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HEATHORN, STEPHEN. "THE MNEMONIC TURN IN THE CULTURAL HISTORIOGRAPHY OF BRITAIN'S GREAT WAR." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004930.

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How the First World War has come to be remembered has, over the past two decades, become a major concern for British historians, eclipsing earlier scholarly preoccupations with war guilt and its political consequences, the impact of the war on social structure and the status of women, and the conflict's role in the rise of the modernist aesthetic. This article surveys both scholarship on the cultural legacy of the First World War in Britain and the debates about how the memory of this war – the ‘Great War’ – has either retarded its consideration ‘as history’ or spurred new, if not always entirely successful, modes of inquiry into the relationships among war, society, and culture. The article argues that memory of the Great War must itself be treated as history; that the meaning of that memory should be placed within the context of the changing events, ideas, and identities of the entire twentieth century; and that more scholarly attention needs to be directed at the popular reception of representations of the Great War by the population at large, and at the power of the various forms of media by which those representations have been conveyed to their audience and have thereby shaped memory of the conflict.
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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.

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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.
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Lyons, Gene M. "The Study of International Relations in Great Britain: Further Connections." World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 626–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010170.

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Aside from language, students of international relations in the United States and Great Britain have several things in common: parallel developments in the emergence of international relations as a field of study after World War I, and more recent efforts to broaden the field by drawing security issues and changes in the international political economy under the broad umbrella of “international studies.” But a review of four recent books edited by British scholars demonstrates that there is also a “distance” between British and American scholarship. Compared with dominant trends in the United States, the former, though hardly monolithic and producing a rich and varied literature, is still very much attached to historical analysis and the concept of an “international society” that derives from the period in modern history in which Britain played a more prominent role in international politics. Because trends in scholarship do, in fact, reflect national political experience, the need continues for transnational cooperation among scholars in the quest for strong theories in international relations.
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Gente, Magali. "Family Ideology and the Charity Organization Society in Great Britain During the First World War." Journal of Family History 27, no. 3 (July 2002): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/036990027003003.

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Дисертації з теми "War and society – great britain"

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Oakes, Fergus Peter Wilfred. "The nature of war and its impact on society during the Barons' War, 1264-67." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6406/.

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This thesis examines the nature of war and its impact on society in the English civil war, known as the Barons’ War, which was waged from1264-67 between King Henry III and a baronial opposition led by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester. This is the first dedicated major study of the civil war as a war rather than as a political or constitutional event. While several of the war’s important campaigns have received individual study, the broader issues of the war, like the state and use of castles and town defences, guerrilla warfare and the impact of these on society have not received the same attention. Military history in general has received comparatively little study from the early to mid-thirteenth century and this thesis seeks to examine potential military developments between the civil war of 1215-17; the wars of Edward I in the late-thirteenth century and the Barons’ War’s possible impact upon these. Chapter one contextualizes the military experience and the types of men engaged in the civil war; the methods of recruitment and the general ‘customs of war’. This discussion will inform the discussion in the rest of the thesis. While castles were a crucial aspect of medieval warfare their role in 1263-1267 remains little studied, despite a considerable body of surviving documentation relating to them. Chapter two will therefore focus on the role, state and struggle for control of castles, particularly royal castles on the eve of the war. Chapter three will examine their use and effectiveness in warfare, the techniques and problems of besieging them and, in particular, will utilize a number of illustrative case studies of major sieges in the conflict. The fourth chapter will examine the previously unexamined role of town defences in the war, particularly their state and effectiveness. In chapter five, the thesis will bring a fresh focus by discussing the use of the wilderness by both sides as a tool of resistance, with its principal focus on the war waged by the Disinherited after the battle of Evesham until 1267 and its impact and significance. The final chapter examines the nature of warfare at a very local level, exploring how the issues and events described in the former chapters impacted on communities and also more local participation in waging war as well as examining the blurred lines between warfare and crime. The appendices include a discussion of the involvement of Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby in the largely unexplored events of the siege of Gloucester in 1264.
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Parker, Linda Mary. "Shell-shocked Prophets : the influence of former Anglican army chaplains on the Church of England and British society in the inter-war years." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2013. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/4495/.

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The role of Anglican army chaplains in inter-war church and society will be examined and judgements made on the extent to which their ideas and actions were influenced by their war- time experiences, leading to an impact on the inter-war Anglican Church and British society. The extent to which the intervention of the Church of England in social and industrial issues in the inter-war years was shaped by the activities and opinions of former chaplains will be examined using examples such as as in the work of the Industrial Christian Fellowship and Toc H. The significance of former chaplains in rituals of remembrance and the development of pacifism will be assessed and their contribution to discussions on ecclesiastical controversies such as Prayer Book revision and unity will be analysed. Similarly their views on marriage, divorce, contraception and the proper uses of the new media will be judged in the light of their impact of their thoughts on wider opinion. The conclusion will make a judgement on the practical and ideological impact of their ideas and actions. It It will be argued that they were a significant minority who became the catalyst for change.
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Farmer, John. "The deepest shelter in town : from the ruins to the bunker." Thesis, Royal College of Art, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.602324.

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Perrone, Fernanda Helen. "The V.A.D.S. and the great war /." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66086.

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Hansen, Harold Victor. "Men of war the seamen of HMS Mars and the Revolutionary era /." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04212008-161219/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Dr. Christine Skwiot, committee chair; Denise Z. Davidson, committee member. Electronic text (186 p. : col. ill.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed August 5, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-186).
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Long, Paul Leslie. "The aesthetics of class in post-war Britain." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36418/.

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Existing histories of post-war Britain offer limited perspectives on how, why and where working-class culture became the subject that Raymond Williams described as 'a key issue in our own time'. Little of the work that has attended to this issue has examined it beyond its anthropological sense as 'a whole way of life'. In contrast, a concept of the 'aesthetic' is enlisted here as an apposite way of approaching the idea of culture in its more limited sense, defuied by Williams as 'the arts and learning - the special processes of discovery and creative effort'. This thesis locates the issue of working-class culture in the context of the postwar settlement as an aspect of the mentalites of Welfare State Britain. It suggests that there was a re-imagining of the majority as part of a wider, democratic reconceptualisation of the public and cultural spheres. This idea is explored through the study of a range of contemporaneous projects designed to describe, validate, reclaim, rejuvenate and indeed generate an 'authentic' working-class culture. These projects include the wartime activities of the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA), the post-war Folk Revival, the work of Richard Hoggart, radio producer Charles Parker, Arnold Wesker's Centre 42 project and how creative practices pursued in post-war education engaged with concepts of working-class culture. The aesthetic framework is enlisted also to the framing of the discourses, assumptions and idealism that impelled these projects. What is revealed are the historically specific conceptualisations of class, culture and politics that informed and limited this work, the Utopian ambition behind it and the manner in which ordinary people were represented and encouraged to represent themselves.
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Allwright, Lucy. "The war on London : defending the city from the war in the air 1932-1943." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49641/.

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During the 1930s the massive expansion of London and fears over the uncontrolled, unplanned modernity of the city coincided with fears over the ability of the new technology of the bomber and aerial warfare to decimate cities. This thesis explores the relationship between London as a governed, practiced and represented site, and aerial bombardment. It considers the impact of the new technology of aerial bombing on city space, by looking at the policies that emerged to deal with the consequences of bombardment, specifically through analysis of Air Raid Precautions. It follows these policies on a trajectory through to the actual bombing of the city and the public commemoration of that bombing in 1943. The thesis explores the competing visions of city life opened up by the lens of aerial warfare, providing a cultural history of the defence of London. It considers how fears about how to protect the city from bombs offered the opportunity for political commentators, local authorities, architects, engineers and planners to voice their concerns about how to protect the urban population at war. Contained within these debates are particular visualisations of the population of London. The thesis thus considers social imaginations of London between 1932 and 1943. It sugests that ARP offered a means to present and articulate different ideas about how to govern and manage an urban population. It also reflects on how these ideas changed over time. Ultimately it seeks to move between the universal and the particular, exploring how and why blitzed London came to stand for the nation during the war, and in so doing provided a collective consciousness for the nation at war. At the same time by interrogating the representations that made up that collective consciousness, I move to the particular, considering how representations of London under fire were mediated by local experiences and urban practices. The thesis seeks to offer a nuanced account of London's modernity through showing the compexity of responses to the problem of managing and imagining a city under fire.
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Muir, Rory. "The British government and the Peninsula War, 1808 to June 1811 /." Title page, contents and preface only, 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm953.pdf.

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Busch, Peter. "Britain and Kennedy's war in Vietnam, 1961-1963." Online version, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.311592.

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Derksen, Hanneke. "The role of Tony Blair's belief system in Great Britain's decision to support the war in Iraq." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1317324041&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Книги з теми "War and society – great britain"

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Society, Economic History, ed. War and British society, 1688-1815. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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S, Dunn Diana E., ed. War and society in medieval and early modern Britain. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2000.

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Groot, Gerard J. De. Blighty: British society in the era of the Great War. London: Longman, 1996.

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Hughes, Ann. Politics, society, and Civil War in Warwickshire, 1620-1660. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1987.

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Thoms, David. War, industry, and society: The Midlands, 1939-45. London: Routledge, 1989.

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6

Wiffen, Neil. The fighting Essex soldier: Recruitment, war and society in the fourteenth century. Hatfield, Hertfordshire: Essex Publications, an imprint of University of Hertfordshire Press, 2017.

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Simpson, Wendy. The deluge: British society and the First World War. 2nd ed. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1991.

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The deluge: British society and the First World War. London: Macmillan Press, 1986.

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9

Henry, Lloyd. War, society and enlightenment: The works of General Lloyd. Leiden: Brill, 2005.

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Citizen, invert, queer: Lesbianism and war in early twentieth-century Britain. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010.

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Частини книг з теми "War and society – great britain"

1

Klausen, Jytte. "Great Britain: The Socialist Economy in the Free Society." In War and Welfare, 59–94. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299880_3.

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Lidwell-Durnin, John. "War, Wheat, and Crop Diseases of the Late Enlightenment: Contesting and Producing Evidence in Agriculture in Great Britain." In Evidence in Action between Science and Society, 21–41. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003188612-3.

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Paddock, Troy R. E. "Great Britain." In Contesting the Origins of the First World War, 18–39. First edition. | London ; New York : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020. | Series: Routledge Focus on the History of Conflict ; 2: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315142890-2.

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Plowright, John. "Great Britain alone." In The Causes, Course and Outcomes of World War Two, 52–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-21362-3_6.

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Cooter, Roger. "The Great War." In Surgery and Society in Peace and War, 105–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10235-5_6.

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Pugh, Martin. "The Impact of the Great War." In Britain Since 1789, 163–71. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27402-4_20.

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Klausen, Jytte. "Great Britain: Labour’s Spoils of War." In War and Welfare, 25–58. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780312299880_2.

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Rogers, Anne, and David Pilgrim. "The Great War and After." In Mental Health Policy in Britain, 55–76. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24777-6_4.

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Draper, Mario. "The Great War." In The Belgian Army and Society from Independence to the Great War, 191–235. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70386-2_7.

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Alborn, Timothy. "Great Britain Mutual Life Assurance Society." In British Shareholder Meetings in the Long Nineteenth Century, 289–304. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003177715-27.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "War and society – great britain"

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Макаров, Е. П. "Political and Religious Freedom in the American Colonies of the Great Britain in the XVIIIth Century." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.011.

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В статье анализируется политическое и общественное развитие американских колоний Великобритании в XVIII века, обусловленное наличием видимых центробежных и центростремительных сил колониальной политико-экономической системы. Важнейший для колоний вопрос прав и свобод рассматривается в контексте социально-политической и культурной консолидации американских провинций и их постепенной радикализации до начала Американской войны за независимость. Исследование концентрируется на изучении роли и места локальных политических структур в процессе роста самосознания американского общества, а также отдельно выделяется место религиозных свобод и вопросов веры в жизни населения британской Америки. The article analyzes the political and social development of the American colonies of Great Britain in the XVIIIth century, determined by visible centrifugal and centripetal forces of the colonial political and economic system. The most important issue of rights and freedoms for the colonies is considered in the context of the socio-political and cultural consolidation of the American provinces and their gradual radicalization before the start of the American War of Independence. The study focuses on the analysis of the role and place of local political structures in the process of the growth of the self-awareness of American society, it also highlights the place of religious freedoms and issues of faith in the life of the population of British America.
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Жолудов, М. В. "The Liberal Party in the Political System of the Great Britain in the XIXth Century: Forms and Features of Development." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.020.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности развития Либеральной партии Великобритании в XIX в. В своем развитии она преодолела несколько этапов, каждый из которых обнаруживал тесную связь с общеисторическими изменениями в Великобритании. В работе утверждается, что способность правящей элиты страны вовремя перейти к политике либеральных преобразований позволила ей преодолеть серьезный социально-политический кризис и спасти Великобританию от революции. Особое внимание уделено исследованию влияния парламентской реформы 1832 г. на формирование структуры партии. Заслугой либералов было то, что они сумели адаптировать плавным, эволюционно-реформистским путем, не затрагивая самих основ общественного порядка, государственно-правовые институты Великобритании к новым историческим условиям, возникшим в результате промышленного переворота. Используя гибкие компромиссные методы управления и проведения социальной политики в отношениях как с землевладельческой аристократией, так и со средними и низшими слоями британского общества, либералы смогли поддерживать достаточно высокую стабильность общества, сглаживать социальные конфликты, столь частые в других странах Западной Европы XIX в. Автор подчеркивает, что к концу XIX в. британским либералам удалось создать массовую политическую партию современного типа. The article examines the features of the development of the Liberal Party of Great Britain in the XIXth century. In its development, the Liberal Party was going through several stages, each of which revealed a close connection with general historical changes in Great Britain. The paper argues that the ability of the country's ruling elite to switch to a policy of liberal transformations in time allowed it to overcome a serious socio-political crisis and save Great Britain from revolution. Particular attention is paid to the study of the influence of the parliamentary reform of 1832 on the formation of the party structure. The merit of the liberals was that they were able to adapt in a smooth, evolutionary-reformist way, without affecting the very foundations of public order, the state-legal institutions of Great Britain to the new historical conditions that arose as a result of the industrial revolution. Using flexible compromise methods of management and social policy in relations both with the landowning aristocracy and with the middle and lower strata of the British society, the liberals managed to maintain a fairly high stability of society, smooth out social conflicts that are so frequent in other countries of Western Europe of the XIXth century. The author emphasizes that by the end of the XIXth century, the British liberals managed to create a mass political party of the modern type.
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Christie, Robyn. "The Great Debate: Campaigns and Conflicts in London in the 1980s." In The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5016p9v9h.

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In 1984 HM King Charles III, then HRH The Prince of Wales, gave the infamous speech to the RIBA in which he was critical of a proposed new extension to the National Gallery in Trafalgar Square. The fervour unleashed in the press signified a unique moment when architecture, conservation, planning and development became a much – and still – talked about part of the public discourse in Britain. Conservation theory had dictated since its early guidelines of practice that new additions to historic works should be clearly distinguished from their original host or the existing environment. Historicism, imitating the existing architecture within an urban setting was taboo, a notion that went back to Ruskin and the anti-scrape lobby of Morris. Unravelling the events of the 1980s, however, reveals that the desire to copy past forms as a means of retaining the past maintained an ongoing and strong legacy. It had become a method of seeking refuge from the failures of modernism and the divergence between traditional and modern forms, language and techniques. Openly acknowledged that modernism was anti- historic and anti-urban, classicism and medieval towns and forms offered the example of outdoor rooms and a predominance of solids over voids. For the then Prince and his many followers, including vast members of the public, the use of a traditional architectural style as infill in a classically inspired building setting was “good” design practice. At this point, ironically, the retreat to historicism also comprised not only mimicking traditional details but also their playful reinterpretation through an esoteric postmodernism. But the topic of new into old had become confused: the critical issue was one of urban design and not the language of infill architecture. Three case studies within the historic core of the City of London, the basis of criticism in Charles’ speeches of 1984 and 1987, will be explored through the popular press in order to understand their lessons and relevance to the complexity of current contemporary conflicts in historic urban areas.
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Rutsinskaya, Irina, and Galina Smirnova. "VISUALIZATION OF EVERYDAY SOCIAL AND CULTURAL PRACTICES: VICTORIAN PAINTING AS A MIRROR OF THE ENGLISH TEA PARTY TRADITION." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/37.

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"Throughout the second half of the seventeen and the eighteenth centuries, tea remained an expensive exotic drink for Britain that “preserved” its overseas nature. It was only in the Victorian era (1837-1903) that tea became the English national drink. The process attracts the attention of academics from various humanities. Despite an impressive amount of research in the UK, in Russia for a long time (in the Soviet years) the English tradition of tea drinking was considered a philistine curiosity unworthy of academic analysis. Accordingly, the English tea party in Russia has become a leader in the number of stereotypes. The issue became important for academics only at the turn of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Currently, we can observe significant growth of interest in this area in Russia and an expansion of research into tea drinking with regard to the history of society, philosophy and culture. Despite this fact, there are still serious lacunas in the research of English tea parties in the Victorian era. One of them is related to the analysis of visualization of this practice in Victorian painting. It is a proven fact that tea parties are one of the most popular topics in English arts of the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. No other art school in the world referred to the topic so frequently: painting formed the visual image of the English tea party, consolidated, propagandized and spread ideas of the national tea tradition. However, this aspect has been reflected neither in British nor Russian studies. Being descriptive and analytical, the present research refers to the principles of historicism, academic reliability and objectivity, helping to determine the principal trends and social and cultural features and models in Britain during the period. The present research is based on the analysis of more than one hundred genre paintings by British artists of the period. The paintings reflect the process of creating a special “truly English” material and visual context of tea drinking, which displaced all “oriental allusions” from this ceremony, to create a specific entourage and etiquette of tea consumption, and set nationally determined patterns of behavior at the tea table. The analysis shows the presence of English traditions of tea drinking visualization. The canvases of British artists, unlike the Russian ones, never reflect social problems: tea parties take place against the background of either well-furnished interiors or beautiful landscapes, being a visual embodiment of Great Britain as a “paradise of the prosperous bourgeoisie”, manifesting the bourgeois virtues. Special attention is paid to the role of the women in this ritual, the theme of the relationship between mothers and children. A unique English painting theme, which has not been manifested in any other art school in the world, is a children’s tea party. Victorian paintings reflect the processes of democratization of society: representatives of the lower classes appear on canvases. Paintings do not only reflect the norms and ideals that existed in the society, but also provide the set patterns for it."
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Lytkin, Vladimir. "Cultural And Theatrical Trends Of Post-War Great Britain And The Ussr." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.271.

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Mikaelyan, Maria. "POST-WAR HOUSING IN GREAT BRITAIN: HISTORICAL PREMISES, GOVERNMENTAL POLICIES AND CULTURAL TENDENCIES." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/hb51/s17.026.

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Cuciureanu, Ana-Maria. "Traditional nutrition. Case study — Th e Romanian community in Greece." In Simpozion internațional de etnologie: Tradiții și procese etnice, Ediția III. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975841733.08.

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The act of “eating” is part of the ritual and ceremonial acts that have a great capacity for social transformation with a well-marked symbolic eff ectiveness. Th e history of nutrition cannot be seen as detached from the history of humanity, as they are identifi ed in the stages of their evolution. Factors that play an important role in this regard, infl uencing and sizing specifi c meanings and connotations, are the natural environment, climatic conditions, the socio-economic structure of communities, spiritual beliefs. Migration has been an acute phenomenon of the Romanian society in the last 30 years. If in the second half of the last century, during the communist period, the phenomenon of migration focused on moving the population from rural to urban areas, the liberalization of borders, entering EU structures, NATO, etc., facilitated and even encouraged, in a way or another, the migration of Romanians. Th e Romanian communities have grown signifi cantly, reaching a signifi cant place in the population of migrating countries, and even a representative minority in certain European states (Italy, Spain, Great Britain, etc.). Statistically speaking, Greece does not have a concrete record of the Romanian community, the last census dating from 2007 and the one from the end of 2021 not being centralized yet. In Greece, based on the information provided by the Romanian associations, there are a number of approximately 80,000 — 100,000 Romanians from several areas of Romania, mainly from Moldova, Bucovina and Maramureș, most of them living in Athens and a smaller part on the islands. Th is paper presents a case study, conducted within the Romanian community in Greece, having as main element traditional food. Starting from the idea that this community is part of the mobility diaspora, not being clearly defi ned for a period of time, we will notice, however, that the traditional food is an extremely important element in preserving the national identity. Th e Romanian communities, be they historical or mobility, follow an authentic Romanian social pattern, with few foreign influences, determined by several factors.
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Wang, Zhimin, and Furong Li. "Critical peak pricing tariff design for mass consumers in Great Britain." In 2011 IEEE Power & Energy Society General Meeting. IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pes.2011.6039603.

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Chakravorty, Diptargha, Balarko Chaudhuri, and Shu Yuen Ron Hui. "Rapid frequency response from smart loads in great britain power system." In 2017 IEEE Power & Energy Society General Meeting (PESGM). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pesgm.2017.8273799.

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"Modelling Spatial Patterns in Local Retail Property Markets in Great Britain." In 6th European Real Estate Society Conference: ERES Conference 1999. ERES, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres1999_162.

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Звіти організацій з теми "War and society – great britain"

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Meyer, Bruce, and James Sullivan. Winning the War: Poverty from the Great Society to the Great Recession. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18718.

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Johns, Orley H., and Jr. Great Britain in World War I, The Battle of Cambrai and Amiens. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada363935.

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Drury, J., S. Arias, T. Au-Yeung, D. Barr, L. Bell, T. Butler, H. Carter, et al. Public behaviour in response to perceived hostile threats: an evidence base and guide for practitioners and policymakers. University of Sussex, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/vjvt7448.

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Background: Public behaviour and the new hostile threats • Civil contingencies planning and preparedness for hostile threats requires accurate and up to date knowledge about how the public might behave in relation to such incidents. Inaccurate understandings of public behaviour can lead to dangerous and counterproductive practices and policies. • There is consistent evidence across both hostile threats and other kinds of emergencies and disasters that significant numbers of those affected give each other support, cooperate, and otherwise interact socially within the incident itself. • In emergency incidents, competition among those affected occurs in only limited situations, and loss of behavioural control is rare. • Spontaneous cooperation among the public in emergency incidents, based on either social capital or emergent social identity, is a crucial part of civil contingencies planning. • There has been relatively little research on public behaviour in response to the new hostile threats of the past ten years, however. • The programme of work summarized in this briefing document came about in response to a wave of false alarm flight incidents in the 2010s, linked to the new hostile threats (i.e., marauding terrorist attacks). • By using a combination of archive data for incidents in Great Britain 2010-2019, interviews, video data analysis, and controlled experiments using virtual reality technology, we were able to examine experiences, measure behaviour, and test hypotheses about underlying psychological mechanisms in both false alarms and public interventions against a hostile threat. Re-visiting the relationship between false alarms and crowd disasters • The Bethnal Green tube disaster of 1943, in which 173 people died, has historically been used to suggest that (mis)perceived hostile threats can lead to uncontrolled ‘stampedes’. • Re-analysis of witness statements suggests that public fears of Germany bombs were realistic rather than unreasonable, and that flight behaviour was socially structured rather than uncontrolled. • Evidence for a causal link between the flight of the crowd and the fatal crowd collapse is weak at best. • Altogether, the analysis suggests the importance of examining people’s beliefs about context to understand when they might interpret ambiguous signals as a hostile threat, and that. Tthe concepts of norms and relationships offer better ways to explain such incidents than ‘mass panic’. Why false alarms occur • The wider context of terrorist threat provides a framing for the public’s perception of signals as evidence of hostile threats. In particular, the magnitude of recent psychologically relevant terrorist attacks predicts likelihood of false alarm flight incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in those towns and cities that have seen genuine terrorist incidents. • False alarms in Great Britain are more likely to occur in the types of location where terrorist attacks happen, such as shopping areass, transport hubs, and other crowded places. • The urgent or flight behaviour of other people (including the emergency services) influences public perceptions that there is a hostile threat, particularly in situations of greater ambiguity, and particularly when these other people are ingroup. • High profile tweets suggesting a hostile threat, including from the police, have been associated with the size and scale of false alarm responses. • In most cases, it is a combination of factors – context, others’ behaviour, communications – that leads people to flee. A false alarm tends not to be sudden or impulsive, and often follows an initial phase of discounting threat – as with many genuine emergencies. 2.4 How the public behave in false alarm flight incidents • Even in those false alarm incidents where there is urgent flight, there are also other behaviours than running, including ignoring the ‘threat’, and walking away. • Injuries occur but recorded injuries are relatively uncommon. • Hiding is a common behaviour. In our evidence, this was facilitated by orders from police and offers from people staff in shops and other premises. • Supportive behaviours are common, including informational and emotional support. • Members of the public often cooperate with the emergency services and comply with their orders but also question instructions when the rationale is unclear. • Pushing, trampling and other competitive behaviour can occur,s but only in restricted situations and briefly. • At the Oxford Street Black Friday 2017 false alarm, rather than an overall sense of unity across the crowd, camaraderie existed only in pockets. This was likely due to the lack of a sense of common fate or reference point across the incident; the fragmented experience would have hindered the development of a shared social identity across the crowd. • Large and high profile false alarm incidents may be associated with significant levels of distress and even humiliation among those members of the public affected, both at the time and in the aftermath, as the rest of society reflects and comments on the incident. Public behaviour in response to visible marauding attackers • Spontaneous, coordinated public responses to marauding bladed attacks have been observed on a number of occasions. • Close examination of marauding bladed attacks suggests that members of the public engage in a wide variety of behaviours, not just flight. • Members of the public responding to marauding bladed attacks adopt a variety of complementary roles. These, that may include defending, communicating, first aid, recruiting others, marshalling, negotiating, risk assessment, and evidence gathering. Recommendations for practitioners and policymakers • Embed the psychology of public behaviour in emergencies in your training and guidance. • Continue to inform the public and promote public awareness where there is an increased threat. • Build long-term relations with the public to achieve trust and influence in emergency preparedness. • Use a unifying language and supportive forms of communication to enhance unity both within the crowd and between the crowd and the authorities. • Authorities and responders should take a reflexive approach to their responses to possible hostile threats, by reflecting upon how their actions might be perceived by the public and impact (positively and negatively) upon public behaviour. • To give emotional support, prioritize informative and actionable risk and crisis communication over emotional reassurances. • Provide first aid kits in transport infrastructures to enable some members of the public more effectively to act as zero responders.
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.

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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of ​​unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.
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Szałańska, Justyna, Justyna Gać, Ewa Jastrzębska, Paweł Kubicki, Paulina Legutko-Kobus, Marta Pachocka, Joanna Zuzanna Popławska, and Dominik Wach. Country report: Poland. Welcoming spaces in relation to social wellbeing, economic viability and political stability in shrinking regions. Welcoming Spaces Consortium, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/welcoming_spaces_2022.

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This report aims to present findings of the research conducted in Poland within the Work Package 1 of the Welcoming Spaces project, namely “Welcoming spaces” in relation to economic viability, social wellbeing and political stability in shrinking regions. The main aim of the mentioned research was to examine how welcoming initiatives are organised and implemented in the selected shrinking localities in Poland. In particular, the creation of welcoming initiatives concerning social wellbeing, economic viability and political stability was assessed. To accomplish this objective, five localities were selected purposefully, namely Łomża (city with powiat status) and Zambrów (urban commune) in Podlaskie Voivodeship and Łuków (town), Wohyń (rural commune) and Zalesie (rural commune) in Lubelskie Voivodeship. Within these localities, 23 welcoming initiatives were identified, out of which 12 were chosen for in-depth research. The field research was conducted in all five localities between March and December 2021. During this period, the SGH Warsaw School of Economics team conducted 43 interviews with institutional stakeholders (representatives of local governments, schools, non-governmental organisations – NGOs, religious organisations and private companies) and individuals (both migrant newcomers and native residents). In addition, local government representatives were surveyed to compare their policies, measures and stances toward migrant inhabitants and local development. The research was also complemented with the literature review, policy documents analysis, and local media outlets discourse analysis. Until February 2022 and the outbreak of war in Ukraine, welcoming spaces in Poland were scarce and spatially limited to the big cities like Warsaw, Cracow, Wrocław, Gdańsk, Lublin or Białystok, governed by liberal mayors and city councils open to accept migrants and treat them as a valuable human asset of the city community. However, in smaller cities, towns and rural areas, especially in shrinking regions, welcoming spaces have been highly conditioned by welcoming initiatives carried out mainly by civil society organisations (CSOs). It is very likely that the war in Ukraine will completely change the situation we write about in this country report. However, this crisis and its consequences were not the subjects of our desk research and fieldwork in Poland, which ended in December 2021. As of late July 2022, the number of border crossings from Ukraine to Poland is almost 5 million and the number of forced migrants registered for temporary protection or similar national protection scheme concern 1.3 million people (UNHCR 2022). However, the number of those who have decided to stay in Poland is estimated at around 1.5 million (Duszczyk and Kaczmarczyk 2022). Such a large influx of forced migrants from Ukraine within five months already affects the demographic situation in the country and access to public services, mainly in large and medium-size cities1 . Depending on the development of events in Ukraine and the number of migrants who will decide to stay in Poland in the following months, the functioning of the domestic labour market, education, health service, and social assistance may significantly change. The following months may also bring new changes in the law relating to foreigners, aimed at their easier integration in the country. Access to housing in cities is already a considerable challenge, which may result in measures to encourage foreigners to settle in smaller towns and rural areas. Given these dynamic changes in the migration situation of the country, as well as in the area of admission and integration activities, Poland seems to be slowly becoming one great welcoming space. It is worth mentioning that the main institutional actors in this area have been NGOs and local governments since the beginning of the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine. An important supporting and coordinating role has also been played by international organisations such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which launched its inter-agency Regional Refugee Response Plan (RRRP) in early spring to address the most urgent needs of the population of forced migrants and their host countries in this part of Europe (UNHCR 2022a; UNHCR 2022b; UNHCR 2022c). Based on the number of newly emerged welcoming initiatives and the pace of this emergence, they will soon become an everyday reality for every municipality in Poland. Therefore, it is difficult to find more up-todate circumstances for the “Welcoming Spaces” project objective, which is “to rethink ways forward in creating inclusive space in such a way that it will contribute firstly to the successful integration of migrants in demographically and economically shrinking areas and simultaneously to the revitalization of these places”. Furthermore, the initiatives we selected as case studies for our research should be widely promoted and treated as a model of migrants’ inclusion into the new communities. On the other hand, we need to emphasize here that the empirical material was collected between March and December 2021, before the outbreak of war in Ukraine. As such, it does not reflect the new reality in Poland
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Theory of change: Bet You Can Help. Addiction Recovery Agency, Beacon Counselling Trust, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33684/2021.004.

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Анотація:
Gambling-related harms are a significant public health issue in Great Britain. These harms are often underrecognized and most people who experience harms go without support. Under the leadership of Addiction recovery Agency (Ara) and Beacon Counselling Trust (BCT), the Bet You Can Help (BYCH) programme is filling the need for place-based education and training to identify and address gambling related harms. The BYCH programme is a community first aid model for safer gambling that promotes the early identification of people who are at risk of gambling related harms. Offered as a Level 2 Qualification through the Royal Society of Public Health, this programme aims to reduce harms and prevent lives being lost from gambling related harms in Great Britain. This theory of change considers the inputs, activities, outputs, and outcomes necessary to achieve these goals. It can be used by organizations, groups, and individuals in any sector impacted by gambling related harms in Great Britain.
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