Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Vichy's government"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся зі списками актуальних статей, книг, дисертацій, тез та інших наукових джерел на тему "Vichy's government".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Статті в журналах з теми "Vichy's government":
1
DENTON, CHAD. "‘Récupérez!’ The German Origins of French Wartime Salvage Drives, 1939–1945." Contemporary European History 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2013): 399–430. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000210.
Анотація:
AbstractThis article examines the origins, implementation and results of salvage drives carried out in wartime France from 1939 to 1945. In post-war accounts – including memoirs and local histories of the occupation – these salvage drives were understood simply as wartime frugality, a logical response to wide-spread shortages. Yet a careful study of the records of both the French Ministry of Armaments and Vichy's Service de la Récupération et de l'Utilisation des Déchets et Vieilles Matières combined with municipal and departmental sources reveals that these salvage drives were heavily influenced by Nazi German practices. From 1939 to 1940, even though French propaganda had previously ridiculed Nazi German salvage drives as proof of economic weakness, officials at the Ministry of Armaments emulated Nazi Germany by carrying out salvage drives of scrap iron and paper. After the fall of France, this emulation became collaboration. Vichy's salvage efforts were a conjoint Franco-German initiative, organised at the very highest levels of the occupation administration. Drawing on the experience of Nazi German salvage experts, Vichy officials carried out the salvage drives according to German models. Nevertheless, they carefully hid the German origins of the campaign from the chain of departmental prefects, mayors, Chambers of Commerce and youth leaders who organised the local drives and solicited participation by evoking French patriotic sentiment. After the liberation of France in 1944, the French Provisional Government renamed but otherwise maintained the Vichy-created salvage organisations and continued to oversee the collection of scrap iron, paper, rags, glass and bones until 1946. At that point, the government largely relinquished control of the salvage industry.
2
Thomas, Martin. "Imperial backwater or strategic outpost? The British takeover of Vicky Madagascar, 1942." Historical Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1996): 1049–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00024754.
Анотація:
ABSTRACTBetween June 1940 and September 1942 the French colony of Madagascar was a part of the Vichy French empire and a life-line for supplies to French Indo-China. Governor Paul Annet's island administration assumed a critical importance to Britain and South Africa after the fall of Singapore in February 1942. Conscious of the precedent of Vichy's two-fold capitulation to Japanese demands upon Indo-China in August 1940 and July 1941, both the British and the American governments feared that Annet might follow suit, conceding to Japan the use of Madagascar's principal ports and air bases. This threat led to the invasion of Madagascar by British empire forces. The attack began in May 1942 and was completed by October. Much to General Charles de Gaulle's lasting annoyance, the Free French movement played no part in these operations, although the British installed a Free French administration at Tananarive in December. This article examines the Madagascar invasion in the light of this exclusion of the Free French. It measures the strategic importance of the island against the political damage caused to Anglo-Free French relations by the British rebuttal of de Gaulle. It is argued that the British government utilized the Madagascar takeover as a means to keep the French national committee in check, disregarding Free French proposals as a result. Albeit temporary, this generated political confusion within Madagascar itself.
3
Karpenko, Konstantin V. "Two Sovereignties for One State: C. de Gaulle and P. Pétain." History of state and law 3 (March 7, 2024): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2024-3-18-22.
Анотація:
In 1940-1944, the Vichy government existed in France simultaneously with the government of C. de Gaulle. Contemporaries and successors expressed doubts concerning the legitimacy and legality of both governments. However, this historical and legal dispute was finally resolved with the help of justice.
4
Kates, Stephanie. "Vichy France’s Collaboration with Nazi Germany." Arbutus Review 8, no. 1 (October 30, 2017): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/tar81201716806.
Анотація:
During the Second World War in France, a fascist government known as the Vichy Government replaced the Third French Republic. In 1995, the French government publicly admitted that shortly after signing an armistice with Nazi Germany in 1940, the Vichy regime was responsible for implementing racist policies and contributing to the deaths of tens of thousands of people. The purpose of this paper is to begin exploring the extent to which the Vichy Government participated and collaborated in the killings, internment, and discrimination of many thousands of people during the Second World War. The following article focuses on three major aspects of the Vichy Government’s collaboration: anti-Semitic legislation, the internment camps in France, and the roundup at the Vélodrome D’Hiver. The case study of the Vélodrome D'Hiver alongside the other aspects of collaboration are illustrative examples that offer new insights suggesting that Vichy France's government operated as an emphatic collaborator with Nazi Germany rather than simply submitting to or passively assisting this adminstration. The article's thesis advances the notion that this emphatic collaboration was implemented mostly without direction or instruction from the authorities of the Nazi occupying forces.
5
박형섭. "Eugène Ionesco and The Vichy Government." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 20, no. 3 (August 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2018.20.3.1.
6
CAMPBELL, CAROLINE. "Gender and Politics in Interwar and Vichy France." Contemporary European History 27, no. 3 (May 9, 2017): 482–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000108.
Анотація:
One of the defining paradoxes of interwar France was the coexistence of a deep-rooted belief in national decadence with the development of a wide range of innovative organisations, cumulatively mobilising millions of people, as a means of fighting this supposed decline. While women played a key role in perpetuating the belief that the Republic was deteriorating, created numerous politically-oriented groups and entered into the government as ministers for the first time, these facts have barely entered into scholarly analysis of the state of France's political culture. Beginning in the 1960s a narrative of stagnation tended to dominate scholars’ interpretations of the interwar years. Reflective of the times, gender was absent from such analyses, as scholars defined ‘politics’ in certain ways and assumed that political actors were men. The influential political scientist Stanley Hoffman, for example, insisted that this was a period of stalemate, essentially the consequence of a failure to modernise during the Third Republic (1870–1940). Hoffman argued that peasants, small business and the bourgeoisie coalesced to advocate for protectionist measures and resist social and economic reforms. This conservative agenda was facilitated by governments that sought to limit economic change, which contributed to ministerial instability: during the interwar period, the French government changed forty-seven times, compared to thirty in Poland and Romania, nine in Great Britain and an average of one per year in Weimar Germany, Belgium and Sweden. For Anglophone and Francophone proponents of the idea of a systemic crisis, the Third Republic appears fundamentally flawed, crippled by an intrinsic defect rather than a democratic government that opened spaces for dynamic groups and movements to effect real change.
7
Wexler, Leila Sadat. "Reflections on the Trial of Vichy Collaborator Paul Touvier for Crimes against Humanity in France." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00686.x.
Анотація:
On 20 April 1994, in Versailles France, Paul Touvier was convicted of complicity to commit crimes against humanity for his role in the killing of seven Jews during World War II. At the time of the crime Touvier was an oficer of the Milice, a special military force established to combat the Resistance and other enemies of the Vichy government. When Touvier's trial was finally held in spring 1994, it was the subject of enormous media attention in France and became the vehicle for a debate on the legitimacy and activities of the Vichy Regime, becoming popularly identified as a trial of the Vichy government. This essay, after tracing the historical and legal background of Touvier's prosecution, concludes that Touvier's conviction some 50 years after his crime, was legally and morally justified. Touvier's evasion of the law was remedied; his victims and their descendants were honored; the Nuremberg principles were resurrected and applied. The author is skeptical, however, about using his trial to reexamine the Vichy period and suggests that its attempted transformation by the media into an event that would produce an authoritative resolution of the various public discourses concerning Vichy France was and could only have been a disappointment.
8
Medvedev, Aleksei Dmitrievich. "Punishment of the collaborationists in Vichy and other French regions (1944 – 1945)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.4.35401.
Анотація:
The goal of this article lies in examination of the process of preventing collaborationism in the former capital of the French state, as well as in determination of whether the process of suppressing cooperation with the German occupier has any peculiarities associated with the special position of Vichy in relation to other departments. The author examines such aspects of the topic as spontaneous and organized violence in Vichy and other French regions during the postwar period (1944 – 1945). Special attention is given to reprisal against the collaborationists in Vichy and the formation of representation on the unity of France during the occupation imbued by the Gaullist state. The main conclusions of this research consists in the two interpretations of the purges that took place in the postwar years in France. The situation in the agglomeration has several similarities with the situation in multiple departments: shaving of women; government branches responsible for repressions; urgent purges. However, the fact that namely Vichy was the seat of the French government has its own peculiarities: weak first phase of the extrajudicial purge due to the presence of law enforcement forces during the occupation and opposition, and on the other hand, the cruelty of spontaneous violence in June of 1945, numerous arrests in the first two weeks after the liberation, excessive city residents representation in the Court and Civil Chamber, as well as severity of the sentences.
9
Atkin, Nicholas. "The challenge to laïcité: church, state and schools in Vichy France, 1940–1944." Historical Journal 35, no. 1 (March 1992): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025644.
Анотація:
AbstractThis article examines the role which education played in church/state relations during the Occupation. It begins with an evaluation of catholic reactions to the defeat and explains why so many church leaders were quick to blame military collapse on the laïcité of the republican educational system. It then investigates the policies which the church wanted to see pursued in regard to schools and assesses how these were received by the Vichy government. Analysis of these issues reveals that Vichy was not as pro-clerical as is sometimes believed. Although initially sympathetic to church requests, by 1942 the regime had become reluctant to introduce any measure that might provoke religious division. At the same time, the article illustrates that French Catholicism was not a monolithic bloc. Arguments over education served only to intensify divisions already present within the church and soon led to catholic disenchantment with the Vichy regime.
10
Thomas, M. C. "The Vichy Government and French Colonial Prisoners of War, 1940-1944." French Historical Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 657–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-25-4-657.
Дисертації з теми "Vichy's government":
1
Freysselinard, Éric. "Louis Marin (1871-1960), itinéraire, place et rôle d'un dirigeant des droites françaises du premier vingtième siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL040.pdf.
Анотація:
Louis Marin, passionnément lorrain, ethnologue, défenseur des minorités nationales, déploya une importante carrière universitaire jusqu'à son élection à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques en 1944. Député de Nancy pendant 46 ans, président du conseil général de Meurthe-et-Moselle pendant 22 ans, huit fois ministre, il fut président, à partir de 1925, de la Fédération républicaine, à droite de l'échiquier politique. Hostile à l'Allemagne, adversaire des gauches et des loges maçonniques, catholique, libéral et réformateur, proche de François de Wendel, il réussit à transformer son parti en machine de guerre pour faire tomber le Cartel des gauches. Son intransigeance vis-à-vis de l'Allemagne l'isola cependant peu à peu de la classe politique, amenant de nombreux soutiens à l'abandonner comme Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis ou Jean Ybarnégaray. En 1940, pendant que ses cadres comme Xavier Vallat ou Philippe Henriot rejoignaient l'État français, il se retrouva presque seul, parmi les parlementaires de droite, à résister à l'occupant allemand. Sa constance idéologique et le rejet des personnalités montantes (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle) l'amenèrent, quelques années après la guerre, à se replier sur sa vie privée avec sa femme Fernande qui consacra ses vingt dernières années à sauvegarder sa mémoire. Cette thèse dépeint d'abord un homme pétri de contradictions et de fêlures, qui, fils d'un père enfant naturel, avait perdu sa mère à cause des Allemands, et se maria sur le tard avec la femme de sa vie sans avoir d'enfants. Elle analyse aussi la difficulté de la droite à construire son unité aussi bien pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des questions d'ego. Marin sauva peut-être l'honneur de la droite en 1940, mais échoua à en devenir un vrai leaderLouis Marin, proud of his Lorraine origins, was an ethnologist and an advocate for minority groups. He had a successful academic career before his election at the Moral and Political Sciences Academy in 1944. He was a member of Parliament representing Nancy for 46 years, President of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle for 22 years, appointed Minister eight times, and he became President of the Republican Federation right-wing party in 1925. Marin was an enemy of Germany, opponent of the left-wing parties and masonic leagues, Catholic, a conservative in favour of reforms, and friend of François de Wendel. He managed to transform his party into an effective weapon against the “Cartel of the Left”. His intransigence against Germany led him to be isolated and lose support from other politicians, including Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis and Jean Ybarnégaray. In 1940, as his comrades such as Xavier Vallat and Philippe Henriot joined the Vichy government, he was one of the only right-wing members of Parliament to resist the German occupation. His ideological steadfastness and opposition to new political figures (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle), led him to withdraw from public life several years after the war and focus on his private life with his wife Fernande, who would dedicate her last twenty years to honoring his memory. This thesis depicts a man steeped in contradictions and flaws; having a bastard father, losing his mother because of the Germans and marrying his wife late in life without ever having children. It also analyses the difficulties of the right-wing parties to create unity, as a result of ideological issues as well as those of ego. Marin indeed saved the honour of the French right-wing in 1940, but failed to become a true leader
2
Tournier, Frederique. "Les avatars de la memoire de Vichy." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322082.
3
Silva, Glaydson Jose da. "Antiguidade, arqueologia e a França de Vichy : usos do passado." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279943.
Анотація:
Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu FunariTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T02:46:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_GlaydsonJoseda_D.pdf: 1833896 bytes, checksum: 0dc2ffab6a911066f09ab355ccba7cc9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar os usos do mundo antigo, pela História e pela Arqueologia, como forma de estabelecer compreensões do mundo contemporâneo. Propõe uma reflexão acerca do papel do passado nos jogos de estratégia e afirmações identitárias, à medida que percebe os estudos sobre a Antigüidade muito próximos das representações coletivas na contemporaneidade. Parte da premissa de que o saber sobre o passado, sua e escrita e suas leituras, são poderes e geram poderes. Do ponto de vista temático, trata da apropriação do passado gaulês, romano e galo-romano na França durante o Regime de Vichy (1940-1944). Mas trata, também, da inserção do objeto num contexto mais amplo, europeu, na medida em que analisa as instrumentalizações da Antigüidade pelo Nazismo e pelo Fascismo. Aproxima-se do objeto com uma análise das figurações da Gália e dos gauleses na historiografia francesa, principalmente a partir do século XIX. Trata do estatuto dos historiadores ao se relacionarem com os poderes do Estado, especificamente, no caso, de Jérôme Carcopino, notável romanista que foi ministro da educação sob Vichy. Por perceber na sociedade francesa atual uma presença muito marcante da Antigüidade, como forma de legitimação de direitos, advindos da origem, analisa-se, também, as formas de apropriação do mundo antigo pelas extremas direitas, representadas no trabalho pelo Front National e pelo grupo Terre et Peuple
Abstract: The purpose of this research work is to analyze the uses of the ancient world by the fields of History and Archaeology as a way to establish understandings of the present world. As ancient studies are very close to present time collective representations, this study proposes a reflection on the role of past in strategy and identity affirmation games. It has as a premise the notion that knowledge of the past, its writing and its interpretations, are powers and create powers. In terms of subject, this study focuses on the appropriation of the Gaul, Roman and Gaul-Roman past during the Vichy Regime (1940-1944). It also analyzes the subject within a greater European frame, for it focuses on the 'instrumentalizations¿ of Antiquity by the Nazi and Fascist regimes. It analyzes, especially from the 19th century on, the characterizations of Gaul and Gaul people in French historiography. It focuses on historians¿ status while they related to State powers, as in the case of Jérôme Carcopino, remarkable scholar in Roman studies, who was Minister of Education under the Vichy regime. As Antiquity is present everywhere in modern French society, this research work also analyzes the different forms of appropriation of the ancient world by extreme Right parties, represented in the text by the Front National party and the Terre et Peuple grou
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História
4
Paris, Nicolas. "L’impact du dirigisme économique de Vichy sur le droit administratif." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020UBFCF006.
Анотація:
Pour faire face aux circonstances de la Seconde guerre mondiale et satisfaire la nouvelle idéologie au pouvoir, le régime de Vichy (1940-1944) met en place une politique de direction de l’économie qui désempare le juriste. Dans le silence du législateur et afin de déterminer le droit applicable et la juridiction compétente, les auteurs, publicistes et privatistes, se divisent tout comme les juges, administratifs et judiciaires, sur les catégories juridiques dans lesquelles classer les réalités du dirigisme. Les conditions sont propices à une révolution paradigmatique du droit administratif car aucun des concepts de cette matière ne semble capable de résister au choc des événements. Pourtant, les questions de qualification sont résolues dans la continuité. L’hypothèse de l’apparition d’un troisième droit (économique ou professionnel), dont auraient relevé les organismes et les activités de direction, est rejetée. Au nom de la bonne administration de la justice et de la nécessité de préserver un équilibre entre les intérêts publics et privés, le Conseil d’Etat, suivi par la Cour de cassation, confirme la valeur des notions traditionnelles et n’accepte que certaines évolutions de définitions. Le dirigisme de Vichy révèle ainsi la force de résistance des concepts traditionnels du droit administratif, dont le contenu, jamais définitivement fixé, s’avère capable de s’adapter aux évolutions de la vie sociale. Mais le phénomène met surtout en lumière l’importance de l’autorité du passé : les juristes, conservateurs par nature, refusent de rompre avec la tradition. Ils préfèrent maintenir des classifications imparfaites, mais dont ils connaissent les effets, plutôt que de les remplacer par de nouvelles, d’apparence meilleures, mais dont ils peuvent douter de la véritable efficacitéTo cope with the circumstances of the Second World War and to satisfy the new ideology in power, the Vichy government (1940-1944) implements a policy directing the economy which confuses the jurist. Facing the silence of the legislator and in order to determine the applicable law and the competent jurisdiction, the authors, both publicists and privatists, divide themselves as well as the judges, whether administrative or judicial, on the legal categories in which the realities of state-controlled economy should be classified. The conditions are favorable for a paradigmatic revolution in administrative law because no concept in this field seems able to withstand the shock of the events. However, the issues of qualifying the new economic realities are addressed in continuity. The hypothesis of a third (economic or professional) law appearing, with authority over management bodies and activities, is rejected. To support a sound administration of justice and to foster the necessary balance between public and private interests, the Conseil d’Etat, followed by the Cour de Cassation, confirms the value of traditional concepts and accepts only certain developments in definying them. Vichy’s State-directed economy thus reveals how strongly the traditional concepts of administrative law may resist and how its content, which is never definitively fixed, appears able to adjust to changes in social life. But above all, the phenomenon highlights the importance of past authority : jurists, conservative by nature, refuse to break with tradition. They prefer to maintain imperfect classifications, but of which they know the effects, rather than replacing them with new ones, which seem better, but whose real effectiveness they can doubt
5
Gomet, Doriane. "Sports et pratiques corporelles chez les déportes, prisonniers de guerre et requis français en Allemagne durant la seconde guerre mondiale (1940-1945)." Phd thesis, Université Claude Bernard - Lyon I, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00872295.
Анотація:
Ce travail permet de découvrir, à travers le prisme des pratiques corporelles, les conditions de vie des Français, prisonniers de guerre, déportés, requis pour le travail, déplacés de force dans le IIIe Reich entre 1940 et 1945. Croisant des archives institutionnelles, françaises et allemandes avec des témoignages, l'étude révèle que la forme et la fonction des activités physiques vécues sur le sol allemand dépendent à la fois des mécanismes sociaux et d'enjeux politiques puissants. Ainsi, les traitements réservés aux Français jugés capables d'intégrer la Grande Europe répondent à une sorte d'embrigadement savamment orchestré répondant au nom de Betreuung. Dans ce cadre, les prisonniers de guerre comme les travailleurs requis disposent d'une certaine latitude pour organiser leur vie quotidienne. Les compétitions, les spectacles ou les séances d'éducation physique qu'ils mettent sur pied s'inspirent de leurs pratiques antérieures tout en s'adaptant au contexte dans lequel ils vivent. Ils sont aidés dans leurs projets par les services délocalisés de Vichy, Mission Scapini pour les prisonniers, Délégation Bruneton pour les requis, qui entendent, par ce biais préserver un certain contrôle sur eux en vue de les faire adhérer à la Révolution nationale. Il en est tout autre pour ceux que les nazis jugent comme des " ennemis ". Ces derniers sont confrontés à des pratiques physiques participant à leur élimination à plus ou moins longue échéance. Si ces dernières préservent l'apparence de jeux ou d'entraînement sportif, elles constituent au mieux des punitions, au pire des tortures, qui couplées aux coups et aux privations multiples aboutissent à la destruction méthodique des corps.
6
Hickey, Sean. "The Vichy regime and its National Revolution in the political writings of Robert Brasillach, Marcel Déat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61117.
Анотація:
This thesis examines the campaign waged against Vichy's National Revolution by Robert Brasillach, Marcel Deat, Jacques Doriot, and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle. It explores the particular issues of contention separating Vichy and the Paris ultras as well as shedding light on the final evolution of a representative segment of the fascist phenomenon in France.
7
Durand, Sébastien. "Les entreprises de la Gironde occupée (1940-1944) : restrictions, intégrations, adaptations." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BOR30049.
Анотація:
Tandis que la Drôle de Guerre est l’occasion d’une première confrontation avec la réglementation et la réquisition, la signature de l’armistice marque pour les entreprises de la Gironde occupée le début d’un dialogue complexe et fécond avec le gouvernement de Vichy et les autorités allemandes. Celles-ci font face à une polycratie franco-allemande, imposant des nouveaux cadres, administratifs et territoriaux, à leur activité. L’entreprise devient un enjeu réel de pouvoir. Apparaissent à la fois des réels points de convergence (aryanisation des « entreprises juives », rémunérations du travail) et d’importantes surfaces de tension (contrôle du port, concentration de la production, départ d’ouvriers pour l’Allemagne). Par ailleurs, le régime de Vichy ne lésine pas sur les moyens, en vue de faire de l’entreprise une vitrine idéologique (Révolution nationale) : cérémonies collectives, structures d’entraide, corporatismes, associations politiques, mouvements collaborationnistes. Armé d’un redoutable arsenal législatif et répressif, il parvient – avec le soutien des Allemands – à en faire un lieu d’exclusion, d’où sont violemment extraits les éléments jugés indésirables, que ce soit pour leurs activités politiques (les communistes) ou pour leur appartenance religieuse abusivement qualifiée de « raciale » (les juifs). À l’inverse, la stratégie consistant à faire de chaque établissement un lieu d’intégration à ses idéaux, ne rencontre qu’un succès mitigé. L’attachement des acteurs de l’entreprise à la personne même du maréchal Pétain, réel au début de la période, s’estompe sous l’effet des épreuves et des sujétions dont sont victimes les Girondins. De ce point de vue, la politique sociale de l’État français (Charte du travail et comités sociaux) ne lui permet pas – sauf exception – de « ramener » patrons et ouvriers dans le giron vichyste. Dans un contexte de graves pénuries (matières premières, main-d’œuvre, moyens de transport), les entreprises girondines cherchent bien des alternatives à ce qu’on appelle communément la « collaboration économique » : utilisation de produits de remplacement, reconversion des activités, réadaptation de l’appareil productif, essor des pratiques illicites (marché noir). Mais rares sont les patrons à ne pas devoir se poser la question de l’opportunité de proposer une offre de services à l’occupant. Cette offre est largement répandue, mais variable selon les métiers, les branches et les temps de l’Occupation. Les occupants tirent ainsi profit des atouts du tissu économique local, puisqu’ils parviennent à intégrer à leur économie de guerre les industries anciennement mobilisées pour la Défense nationale et plus encore les richesses tirées du sol girondin : le bois, la résine, le vinWhile the Phoney War occasioned a first confrontation with regulations and requisition, the signing of the Armistice marked the start of a complex period for the enterprises in occupied Gironde, in that it prompted a fruitful dialogue with the Vichy government and the German authorities. These enterprises faced a French German polycracy, which imposed new administrative and territorial executives on their activities. Enterprise became a real power issue. There were points of convergence (the aryanisation of “Jewish enterprises”, the remuneration of work) as there were of conflict (the control of the port, the concentration of production, the workers' departure for Germany). Moreover, the Vichy regime did all it could to make enterprise an ideological showcase (“Révolution Nationale”): ceremonies, support groups, corporatism, political associations, collaborationist movements. Armed with a formidable legislative and repressive arsenal, it managed – with the support of the Germans – to create a place of exclusion, from which were violently removed, any elements that were judged undesirable either for their political activities (communists) or for their religious affiliation, abusively qualified as “racial” (Jews). On the contrary, the strategy which consisted in making each establishment a place of integration of its ideals, was not met with much success. The attachment that the actors of the enterprises had for Maréchal Pétain himself, which was very real in the beginning, soon faded with the trials and constraints that the people of Gironde had to suffer. From this point of view, the social policy of the French State (“Charte du Travail”) did not allow it – with some exceptions – to “bring” employers and workers back to the Vichy realm. In a context of severe shortage (primary goods, labour and means of transport), enterprises in Gironde looked for alternatives to what we commonly call the “economic collaboration”: use of products of replacement, reconversion of activities, readjustment of the productive machine, development of illicit practices (black market). Few entrepreneurs, however, missed the business opportunity that lay in offering their services to the occupying forces. These services were widespread, but varied according to jobs, fields of activity and times of the Occupation. In this way, the occupying forces benefited, from the strengths of the local economic fabric, since they managed to integrate into their war economy not only the industries that had earlier been mobilized for the “Défense Nationale” but also the natural resources of the land: wood, resin, wine
Книги з теми "Vichy's government":
1
Golsan, Richard Joseph. Vichy's afterlife: History and counterhistory in postwar France. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000.
2
Cointet, Jean-Paul. Histoire de Vichy. [Paris]: Plon, 1996.
3
Dreyfus, François G. Histoire de Vichy. Paris: Perrin, 1990.
4
Chalas, Yves. Vichy et l'imaginaire totalitaire. [Arles]: Actes Sud, 1985.
5
Tasca, Angelo. Vichy, 1940-1944. Milano: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, 1986.
6
Alméras, Philippe. Vichy, Londres, Paris. Paris: Dualpha, 2002.
7
Noguères, Louis. Vichy, juillet 40. [Paris]: Fayard, 2000.
8
Auphan. Histoire élémentaire de Vichy. Paris: Nouvelles éditions latines, 1993.
9
Cointet, Michèle. Vichy capitale: 1940-1944. Paris: Perrin, 1993.
10
Souleau, Philippe, and Jean-Pierre Koscielniak. Vichy en Aquitaine. Paris: Atelier, 2011.
Частини книг з теми "Vichy's government":
1
Sowerwine, Charles. "The Vichy Government, 1940–42." In France since 1870, 175–90. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-40611-8_14.
2
Hotori, Eiji, Mikael Wendschlag, and Thibaud Giddey. "France: Credit Control and Formalization of Banking Supervision." In Formalization of Banking Supervision, 113–24. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-6783-1_8.
Анотація:
AbstractThe banking supervision in France was formalized with the Banking Acts of 1941 and of 1945. In 1941, the Banking Control Commission as the supervisory agency was created, and rigid financial regulation such as a minimum capital requirement and a separation of banking types was introduced. In connection to the 1941 Act, the four largest commercial banks in France were also nationalized. However, with the German occupation and the wartime situation, the formalization of banking supervision was only completed with the Banking Act of 1945. The essential contents of the 1941 Act were upheld, but the supervisory agency was given a lot of measures to enforce bank regulation. Especially, authorization of rigid penalties enhanced effectiveness of supervisory activities. The main drivers of the formalization of banking supervision in France were the policy measures undertaken during the Vichy regime and the Liberation Government's measures. In the post-Second World War era, the banking supervisory system was used mainly to enforce credit control policy actions, in a period of economic recovery and reconstruction. The banking act of January 1984 decompartmentalized the banking system and changed the institutions of supervision.
3
Grenard, Fabrice. "‘The Black Market Is a Crime Against Community’: The Failure of the Vichy Government to Bring About an Egalitarian System of Distribution and the Growth of the Black Market in France During the German Occupation (1940–1944)." In Coping with Hunger and Shortage under German Occupation in World War II, 83–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77467-1_5.
4
"Shannon L. Fogg, Stealing Home: Looting, Restitution, and Reconstructing Jewish Lives in France, 1942–1947. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 197 pp." In Textual Transmission in Contemporary Jewish Cultures, edited by Avriel Bar-Levav, 290–92. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516485.003.0029.
Анотація:
Several years ago, Shannon Fogg published an important book, The Politics of Everyday Life in Vichy France, in which she analyzed the effects of material distress on the range of attitudes toward the Vichy government and its treatment of strangers, showing that pragmatism generally prevailed over ideology. In this new book, Fogg maintains her focus on the problematics of everyday life but moves her spotlight to the victims of this same Vichy government, the Jews, and widens her chronological scope to include the immediate aftermath of the Second World War. ...
5
Luft, Aliza. "Normalizing Violence." In Politics, Violence, Memory, 196–210. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501766749.003.0011.
Анотація:
This chapter addresses why French bishops supported the Vichy regime's persecution of Jews in 1940 but two years later mobilized on behalf of Jews. Drawing on Bourdieusian theories of legitimacy and political and symbolic capital, it identifies four mechanisms: public endorsements, cooperation, the expression of shared values, and the use of common rhetoric. These mechanisms led to a “synchronization” of religious and political fields in France and a concomitant decline in the Catholic leadership's alignment with the rabbinate, particularly when compared with the support the former provided to the latter from 1933 to 1940. The chapter argues that French Catholic bishops' alliance with Prime Minister Phillipe Pétain and the Vichy government played a central role in the government's attempts to legitimize its National Revolution philosophy. This included an effort to redefine who belonged to the nation and who did not, targeting, first and foremost, Jews.
6
Gordon, Bertram M. "The French as Tourists in Their Occupied Country." In War Tourism, 64–98. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501715877.003.0003.
Анотація:
Despite the severe limitations of the Occupation, many in France continued to take vacations and tour. The Vichy government encouraged touring in rural France to discover the French “soul.” Chosen as provisional capital, Vichy itself was a spa resort with large hotels. A weekly magazine, Paris Programmes, covered theaters, cinemas, restaurants, concerts, museums, and other tourist sites. Pilgrimages to religious shrines and to sites related to Napoleon also characterized the Occupation years. Many in France retained pleasant memories of these experiences, encouraging them to tour in larger numbers after the war. Inspired by corporatist economic ideology, Vichy established regional committees for tourism and associated local organizations that in the words of one observer "transformed" its tourism infrastructure.
7
Bazyler, Michael J., Kathryn Lee Boyd, Kristen L. Nelson, and Rajika L. Shah. "France." In Searching for Justice After the Holocaust, 137–50. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923068.003.0017.
Анотація:
Germany invaded France in 1940. A month later the countries entered into an agreement, by which 80 percent of France was occupied by Nazi Germany. Competing property expropriation laws were enacted in both Occupied and Unoccupied (Vichy) France. More than 20 percent of France’s Jewish population was killed during World War II. Restitution and reparations measures—particularly with respect to private and heirless property—took place in two phases. The first occurred in the immediate postwar years and ended around 1954, and the second commenced in the late 1990s and early 2000s and is ongoing. In the late 1990s, a government commission (Matteoli Commission) was established to examine the conditions under which property was confiscated by the occupying or Vichy regimes. A compensation commission (Drai Commission) was subsequently established to provide payment to those not previously compensated for damages resulting from legislation passed either by the occupying or Vichy regimes. France endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
8
"Special Section (Section spéciale, 1976): Vichy and the French Government Puppets." In Costa-Gavras. Bloomsbury Academic, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501390913.ch-008.
9
Vaillant, Derek W. "Voices of the Occupation." In Across the Waves. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041419.003.0004.
Анотація:
During the German occupation of France (1940-44), in addition to the broadcasts of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), shortwave broadcasters in the United States, such as NBC, and later, the U.S. government’s Voice of America (VOA) and Office of War Information (OWI) supplied broadcast news, entertainment, and moral support to French listeners living under the Vichy regime. This chapter explores U.S. and Allied international broadcasting to France between 1937, when daily transatlantic French-language programs began in earnest from America, through D-Day, to the liberation of Paris coordinated in part via radio broadcasting. The chapter analyzes the programs and strategies of broadcasters, Nazi and Vichy propagandists, and clandestine listeners during the Occupation.
10
Fuller, Robert L. "France and the United States, Allies in War." In The Struggle for Cooperation, 8–27. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176628.003.0002.
Анотація:
General de Gaulle transformed the Free French from a minor committee in London into France’s provisional government in the face of enormous obstacles. These included President Roosevelt, who planned to impose an Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories (AMGOT) in France, replacing the German occupation and the Vichy regime with an Anglo-American occupation. This never happened because it was vigorously opposed not only by de Gaulle but also by the Allied military chief who would have been responsible for it, General Dwight D. Eisenhower. Eisenhower had faced this same dilemma in French North Africa in 1942 and had managed to avoid assuming responsibility for governing French domains. He replicated this modus vivendi in France in 1944.