Готові списки джерел за темами / United Roumanian Jews of America

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "United Roumanian Jews of America"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "United Roumanian Jews of America"

1

Faradhillah, Nadia. "Jewish Immigrant Foodways: Hyphenating America." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 4, no. 1 (July 19, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v4i1.47868.

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The article’s propose is understanding the position of Kosher Laws in Jewish foodways as religious and cultural signifier for Jews’ identity. Beside, this article also aims to explain the way the Jewish immigrants assimilate with American culture through their foodways. This topic is chosen because Jewish immigrants have unique position in American society in accordance to their food way. In the New Land that guarantees them freedom they struggle to keep their identity and assimilate as religious and cultural group through Jewish foodways.Qualitative method will be used in this library research on Jewish foodways archives and writings. This article will be started by introduction portraying Jews migration to the United States and their foodways that they brought along the migration.The findings of this research show that Jewish foodways divided the Jews for the difference of opinion between the Jews towards their Kosher Laws. The non-religious Jews adapt easily to the American foodways. The religious Jews found it difficult to assimilate to the American foodways, albeit they found a way to assimilate, yet still keep their obedience.Keywords: Kosher Law, Jewish American, Theory of Practice, Post-Nationalism, Foodways
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2

Hieke, Anton. "Aus Nordcarolina: The Jewish American South in German Jewish Periodicals of the Nineteenth Century." European Journal of Jewish Studies 5, no. 2 (2011): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247111x607195.

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Abstract For many German Jewish papers of the nineteenth century, the United States of America was held up as an ideal. This holds true especially for the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, then Germany’s most influential Jewish publication. In America, Jews had already achieved what their co-religionists in Germany strove for until complete legal emancipation with the formation of the German Empire in 1871: the transition from ‘Jews in Germany’ via ‘German Jews’ to ‘Germans of the Jewish faith.’ Thus, the experiences of Jews from Germany in America represented the post-emancipation hopes for those who had remained behind.2 When examined for the representation of Jewry living in the American Southern states,3 it becomes apparent that German Jewish papers in their coverage of America largely refrained from a regionalization. Most articles and accounts concerning Jewish life in the South do not show any significant distinctiveness in the perception of the region and its Jews. The incidents presented or the comments sent to the papers might in fact have occurred in respectively dealt with any region of the United States at the time, barring anything that remotely dealt with slavery or secession prior to 1865. When the Jewish South was explicitly dealt with in the papers, however, it either functioned as an ‘über-America’ of the negative stereotypes in respect to low Jewish piety, or took the place of an alternative America of injustice and slavery—the ‘anti-America.’ Jewish Southerners who actively supported the region during the Civil War, or who had internalized the South’s moral values as supporters of the Confederacy and/or slavery were condemned in the strongest words for endangering the existence of ‘America the Ideal.’ As the concept of the United States and its Jewish life is represented in a largely unrealistic manner that almost exclusively focused on the positive aspects of Jewish life in America, the concept of the Jewish South was equally far from being accurate.
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3

Diner, Hasia. "The Encounter between Jews and America in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 11, no. 1 (January 2012): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781411000442.

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The period after 1870 through the middle of the 1920s, the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, coincided with the mass migration of Jews to the United States. Nearly three million Jews, primarily from eastern Europe, overwhelmed the numerically small Jewish community already resident in America. Of the Jews who left Europe in those years, approximately 85 percent opted for the United States, a society that took some of its basic characteristics from the particular developments of this transitional historical period. This essay focuses on five aspects of Gilded Age and Progressive Era America and their impact on the Jews. These features of American society both stimulated the mass migration and made possible a relatively harmonious, although complicated, integration. Those forces included the broader contours of immigration, the nation's obsession with race, its vast industrial and economic expansion, its valorization of religion, and its two-party system in which neither the Democrats or the Republicans had any stake in demonizing the growing number of Jewish voters.
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4

R.Kh., Murtazaeva. "BUKHARAN JEWS FROM UZBEKISTAN IN AMERICA, AS A SPECIAL ETHNIC GROUP." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 02, no. 03 (June 1, 2022): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-02-03-07.

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This article is devoted to the study of Bukhara Jews from Uzbekistan in the United States. The study reveals the reasons for their entry into America, their unique lifestyle, and the process of forming them as a separate ethnic group.
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5

Hieke, Anton. "Farbrekhers in America: The Americanization of Jewish Blue-Collar Crime, 1900-1931." aspeers: emerging voices in american studies 3 (2010): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.54465/aspeers.03-10.

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The mass immigration of Eastern European Jews between 1880 and 1924—some two and a half million came to the United States—caused a thorough change in the nature of New York Jewry. Following wealthier German uptown Jews, it was now marked by poor Polish or Russian Jews living on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. The Jewish quarters functioned as the hinges between Eastern Europe and the US for many immigrants. Crime was a shade of it. Jews only constituted a small minority of American society; their Americanized criminal structures, however, became one of the most influential factors of modernization of crime from the fringes to the center of American society. Through the development of the Jewish underworld, the exclusion of and the cooperation with criminals of a different ethnic background, as well as the professionalization and the struggle for respectability, the phenomenon of Jewish blue-collar crime itself experienced an Americanization. Additionally, this process of Americanization was key not only to the rise but also to the downfall of Jewish American blue-collar crime in New York.
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6

Mart, Michelle. "The “Christianization” of Israel and Jews in 1950s America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 109–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.109.

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AbstractIn the 1950s, the United States experienced a domestic religious revival that offered postwar Americans a framework to interpret the world and its unsettling international political problems. Moreover, the religious message of the cold war that saw the God-fearing West against atheistic communists encouraged an unprecedented ecumenism in American history. Jews, formerly objects of indifference if not disdain and hatred in the United States, were swept up in the ecumenical tide of “Judeo-Christian” values and identity and, essentially, “Christianized” in popular and political culture. Not surprisingly, these cultural trends affected images of the recently formed State of Israel. In the popular and political imagination, Israel was formed by the “Chosen People” and populated by prophets, warriors, and simple folk like those in Bible stories. The popular celebration of Israel also romanticized its people at the expense of their Arab (mainly Muslim) neighbors. Battling foes outside of the Judeo-Christian family, Israelis seemed just like Americans. Americans treated the political problems of the Middle East differently than those in other parts of the world because of the religious significance of the “Holy Land.” A man such as Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who combined views of hard-nosed “realpolitik” with religious piety, acknowledged the special status of the Middle East by virtue of the religions based there. Judaism, part of the “Judeo-Christian civilization,” benefitted from this religious consciousness, while Islam remained a religion and a culture apart. This article examines how the American image of Jews, Israelis, and Middle Eastern politics was re-framed in the early 1950s to reflect popular ideas of religious identity. These images were found in fiction, the press, and the speeches and writings of social critics and policymakers. The article explores the role of the 1950s religious revival in the identification of Americans with Jews and Israelis and discusses the rise of the popular understanding that “Judeo-Christian” values shaped American culture and politics.
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7

Michels, Tony. "The Russian Revolution in New York, 1917–19." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (October 2017): 959–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417724213.

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The events of 1917 exerted strong influences on immigrant Jews in the United States of America, who, over the previous three decades, had cultivated ties with various Russian-Jewish and Russian political parties. With the lives of friends, relatives, and comrades hanging in the balance, immigrant Jews felt a deep investment in a successful outcome of the Russian Revolution. This article seeks to uncover the broad climate of opinion – the mix of perceptions, emotions, and ideas – toward Bolshevism as it coalesced among immigrant Jews in New York City and found extreme political manifestation in the Communist movement.
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8

Ülgen, Övgü. "Language, Religion and Difference: North African and Turkish Jewish Identity Formation Vis-À-Vis Ashkenazim in Canada." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 34 (December 20, 2022): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40295.

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This article examines Sephardic identity formation in the North American context through Sephardic Jews’ encounter with their co-religionists, Ashkenazi Jews. It explores the shifting cultural, linguistic and traditional boundaries between Ashkenazi Jews and North African and Turkish Jews in Montreal and Toronto to understand the North American dynamics of this inter-ethnic encounter. Given that they are a minority in relation to Yiddish and English-speaking Ashkenazim who started to settle in Canada in the 19th century, how then did the relationship between Sephardim and Ashkenazim develop and what specific role did language play in shaping this inter-ethnic encounter in North America? After a historical overview of encounters between these two groups in North America, drawing on twenty life-story interviews with Moroccan, Tunisian, and Turkish Jews, this article presents an empirical portrait of these relationships in contemporary Canada from a relational sociology perspective. Providing an historical contextualization from a selective literature on the Jewish migration from Ottoman lands, the Middle East and North Africa to North America helps formulate the question of how this encounter relates to the current context in Canada. By paying specific attention to both the continuities and the ruptures in the relations between Sephardic and Ashkenazic groups in North America since the 1910s, this article argues that the encounter between these two groups in Montreal and Toronto shows how the linguistic pluralism in Quebec, which is different from the United States and Toronto, illuminates a unique context. As such, the collective experiences of North African and Turkish Jews I interviewed in this study reveals Canadian pluralism through the interplay between language, ethnicity, and religion.
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9

Parham, Angel Adams. "A racial re-framing of Modernity and the Jews." Journal of Classical Sociology 20, no. 2 (November 27, 2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468795x19886701.

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Goldberg presents a nicely argued examination that demonstrates how sociology’s foundational thinkers used the experience of Jews to make sense of the transition from traditional to modern societies. While major European theorists were either negative or ambivalent about the Jewish community, US scholars were more likely to see Jews as pointing the way toward a more modern, diverse America. The US story, however, is more complex, and Goldberg’s analysis would benefit from a deeper, more careful discussion of race and racialization. Jews’ eventual incorporation in the United States required a careful process of de-racialization that culminated in their revaluation as white. But this process was never complete. The periodic resurfacing of race-inflected, anti-Jewish acts testifies to this. If Jews, who have been admitted to whiteness, are still subject to periodic racialization and stigmatization, this strongly suggests that their experience in the United States may represent the limits of full incorporation. If so, there is little hope for other racial outsiders to ever be fully accepted into the US mainstream.
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10

Cohen, Yinon, and Andrea Tyree. "Palestinian and Jewish Israeli-born Immigrants in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (June 1994): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800201.

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This article considers both Arab and Jewish emigration from Israel to the United States, relying on the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the 1980 U.S. census. Using the ancestry and language questions to identify Jews and Arabs, we found that over 30 percent of Israeli-bom Americans are Palestinian-Arab natives of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip. While the Jews are of higher educational levels, hold better jobs and enjoy higher incomes than their Arab counterparts, both groups have relatively high socioeconomic characteristics. Both have high rates of self-employment, particularly the Palestinian-Arabs, who appear to serve as middlemen minority in the grocery store business in the cities where they reside. The fact that nearly a third of Israeli-born immigrants are Arabs accounts for the occupational diversity previously observed of Israelis in America but does not account for their income diversity as much as does differences between early and recent immigrants.
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Дисертації з теми "United Roumanian Jews of America"

1

Terry, Karen. "Inside out American Jews and the Jewish America at the National Museum of American Jewish History /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/3721.

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2

Kress, Margaret Rose. "A reanalysis of Boas's Hebrew immigrant data comparisons of foreign-born and US-born children living in early 20th century America /." CONNECT TO THIS TITLE ONLINE, 2007. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-05232007-200834/.

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3

Tozman, Naomi. "Kinder zhurnal : a microcosm of the Yiddishist philosophy and secular education movement in America." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69640.

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Using Kinder zhurnal, an American Yiddish children's literary magazine, as the focus for this thesis, the intimate relationships between the Yiddish cultural movement which began in East Europe and the Yiddish secular school movement in America are explored. As a product of and for the Sholom Aleichem Folk Institute, a now defunct educational organization, Kinder zhurnal demonstrated the key philosophical tenets of the Yiddishist education movement as it evolved.
In an analysis of the Yiddishist philosophy of education parallels are drawn between modern Yiddish secular education and that of John Dewey in their humanistic emphasis and underlying pragmatism. Utilizing the parameters of the Yiddishist/Deweyian theory, an assessment to determine the practical viability of the Yiddishist concepts is made. Kinder zhurnal, as representative of Yiddishist philosophy and educational methodology, provides the microcosmic source for much of this discussion. Its close affiliation with the unique educational philosophy of the Sholom Aleichem Folk Institute provides the opportunity to examine the educational implications of teaching Yiddish as part of Jewish education.
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4

Golovčenková, Valerie. "Teorie diaspory: židovská diaspora v USA a její vliv na americkou zahraniční politiku ve vztahu k Izraeli - případová studie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85181.

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In its theoretical part this master thesis identifies the main criteria determinating a diasporic ethnic group, based on publications from the scholarly journal Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies. Further on the master thesis deals with the history of the Jewish diaspora, firstly with the worldwide Jewish diaspora and subsequently with the Jewish diaspora in the United States . The further part of the master thesis concerns a more specific determination of the Jewish diaspora in the United States -- the history, structure and influence of the Jewish lobby in the United States. The last part supports with illustrative examples the influence of the Jewish lobby on the United States foreign policy on the US economic and military aid to Israel in particular.
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5

Taylor, John Matthew. "Outside Looking In: Stand-Up Comedy, Rebellion, and Jewish Identity in Early Post-World War II America." Thesis, Connect to resource online, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2104.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2010.
Title from screen (viewed on February 26, 2010). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jason M. Kelly, Annie Gilbert Coleman, Monroe H. Little. Includes vitae. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-125).
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6

Fernheimer, Janice Wendi. "The rhetoric of Black Jewish identity construction in America and Israel, 1964-1972." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2452.

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Книги з теми "United Roumanian Jews of America"

1

The Jews in America. Minneapolis: Lerner Publications Co., 1991.

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2

1955-, Cohen David, ed. The Jews in America. San Francisco: Collins Publishers, 1989.

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3

Diner, Hasia R. Jews in America. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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4

Orthodox Jews in America. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2009.

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5

1931-, Feingold Henry L., and American Jewish Historical Society, eds. The Jewish people in America. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992.

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6

1925-, Rischin Moses, and Multicultural History Society of Ontario., eds. The Jews of North America. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987.

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7

Rubin, Susan Goldman. L'chayim!: To Jewish life in America! New York: Harry N. Abrams, 2004.

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8

Jewish merchants in colonial America: Their achievements and their contributions to the development of America. West Orange NJ: Behrman House, 1986.

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9

Unfinished people: Eastern European Jews encounter America. New York: W.W. Norton, 1996.

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10

Karp, Abraham J. A history of the Jews in America. Northvale, N.J: J. Aronson, 1997.

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Частини книг з теми "United Roumanian Jews of America"

1

Kirschen, Bryan. "Diglossic Distribution among Judeo-Spanish-Speaking Sephardim in the United States." In Sephardi and Mizrahi Jews in America, 25–52. Purdue University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv15wxq31.7.

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2

Cohen, Naomi W. "Introduction." In Jews in Christian America, 3–10. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195065374.003.0001.

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Abstract Neither ghettoized nor recognized officially as a discrete corporate group, Jews in the United States had no reason to fight for emancipation. Unlike the Jewish experience in other Western lands, their absorption as individual citizens into the body politic was a nonissue. But citizenship stopped short of full equality. In a society whose culture was steeped in Christianity, and where the idea and practices of a Christian state still resonated, Jews were the quintessential outsiders. Even the path to legal equality, a less ambi tious goal than social integration, was cluttered with obstacles of a religious nature. The guarantees of federal and state constitutions notwithstanding, Jews encountered laws and public usages that reflected the domination of Christianity, specifically Protestantism.
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3

"4. A Century Of Jewish Life In America: 1820–1924." In The Jews of the United States, 1654 to 2000, 112–54. University of California Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520939929-007.

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4

Dinnerstein, Leonard. "Developing Patterns(1790s-1865)." In Antisemitism in America, 13–34. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195037807.003.0002.

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Abstract The creation of the United States did not significantly alter either American Christian perceptions of Jews or Jewish attitudes toward themselves and Gentiles. The small number of American Jews in the United States remained in the few urban centers where they had been in previous decades, and folk wisdom, literary sources, and varieties of Christian teachings rather than personal interactions continued to shape Americans’ judgments of them. At odd times and places, and in a variety of circumstances and settings, antisemitic outbursts came to the fore; their roots, however, had already been firmly planted. Most citizens of the new nation had never seen a Jew but many of those who had warmly embraced the individual. Thus, paradoxically, one pattern that developed in America held the “mythical Jew” in contempt while praising and respecting the Jew who was known.
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5

"3. The Great Wave: Eastern European Jewish Immigration to the United States, 1880–1924." In The Columbia History of Jews and Judaism in America, 70–92. Columbia University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/raph13222-003.

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6

Dinnerstein, Leonard. "Erecting Barriers and Narrowing Opportunities (1919-1933)." In Antisemitism in America, 78–104. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195037807.003.0005.

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Abstract The aftermath of the first World War left Americans disillusioned with internationalism, fearful of Bolshevik subversion, and frightened that foreigners would corrupt the nation’s values and traditions. A majority seemed tired of almost two decades of domestic reform and longed for what the 1920 Republican presidential nominee, Warren G. Harding, termed “normalcy.” And to most people “normalcy” meant remaking the United States into what it symbolized in the minds of old stock Americans. The Secretary of the Chamber of Commerce of one community in Florida captured an extreme expression of this feeling in 1924 when he advocated expelling all Jews and foreigners from St. Petersburg to make the community “a 100% American Gentile City.” More specifically, “Gentile” meant “Protestant.” In rural and urban areas alike Catholics and Jews were regarded as outcasts intent on under¬ mining American values rather than as groups longing to accept them.
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Dinnerstein, Leonard. "The Emergence of an Antisemitic Society(1865-1900)." In Antisemitism in America, 35–57. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195037807.003.0003.

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Abstract From the end of the Civil War until the beginning of the twentieth century, the United States witnessed the emergence of a full-fledged antisemitic society. Like the hysteria exhibited during the war, the institutionalized bigotry that developed afterwards reflected the biases of practically every stratum in society. As immigration figures soared, and as a significant Jewish presence emerged in the United States, people in every walk of life, from respectable working, middle, and upper classes to agrarian protesters, Protestant and Catholic spokesmen, and members of the lunatic fringe increasingly focused on the allegedly deleterious characteristics of Jews that they believed impinged on American lives. Having been thoroughly indoctrinated as children, and having absorbed conventional attitudes simply by living in the United States, Christians believed in the superiority of their faith and few Gen¬ tiles questioned the fact that the United States was, and of right ought to be, a Christian nation.
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8

Temkin, Sefton D. "Minhag America." In Creating American Reform Judaism, 149–56. Liverpool University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774457.003.0025.

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This chapter examines Isaac Mayer Wise’s Minhag America prayer-book. This book was used by many congregations in the United States until, nearly forty years after it first appeared, Wise withdrew it in favour of the Union Prayer Book. Minhag America can be described as the most important among Wise’s many books. History and theology interested a limited few; the market for Jewish literature was thin; but a prayer-book was a minimum necessity. Aided by Wise’s promotion, Minhag America attained a certain vogue and therefore came into the hands of a larger number of people. It was a practical embodiment of his quest for unity among the Jews of America. Though described as a collective enterprise (‘By the committee of the Cleveland Conference’), it was regarded as Wise’s very own child. He advanced its claims without inhibition, and attempts to supersede it aroused his protective instincts.
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Moore, Deborah Dash. "Jewish Migration in Postwar America: The Case of Miami and Los Angeles." In A New Jewry?, 102–17. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195074499.003.0006.

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Abstract The Second World War and its aftermath ushered in a period of enormous changes for American Jews. The destruction of European Jewry shattered the familiar con tours of the Jewish world and transformed American Jews into the largest, wealthiest, most stable and secure Jewish community in the diaspora. American Jews’ extensive participation in the war effort at home and abroad lifted them out of their urban neighborhoods into the mainstream of American life. In the postwar decades, internal migration carried Jews to new and distant parts of the United States. Occurring within the radically new parameters of the postwar world-the extermination of European Jewry, the establishment of the state of Israel and the United States’ achievement of unrivaled prominence on the world political scene Jewish migration nonetheless represented a response to domestic pressures.
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Dinnerstein, Leonard. "The Depression Era (1933-1939)." In Antisemitism in America, 105–27. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195037807.003.0006.

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Abstract Initially, antisemitic displays in the United States did not increase with the onset of the Great Depression. But after 1933, when a Nazi-led government came to power in Germany and Franklin D. Roosevelt inaugurated a New Deal at home, the deepening economic crisis contributed to an explosion of unprecedented antisemitic fervor. Fueled also by the rise of Protestant and Catholic demagogues, deeply entrenched Protestant fundamentalism, and the widespread expression of antisemitic attitudes by respectable social and religious leaders, they illustrated how centuries of denigrating Jews culminated in the most savage accusations, and in some urban areas-especially New York and Boston-violent physical attacks. In the 1930s American antisemitism was “more virulent and more vicious than at any time before or since” as rabid antisemites, almost without exception, envisioned an international Jewish conspiracy aimed at controlling the government of the United States. They believed that unless maximum vigilance was exercised, Christian America would be lost.
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