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Статті в журналах з теми "The League of Polish Families"

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de Lange, Sarah L., and Simona Guerra. "The League of Polish Families between East and West, past and present." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (October 27, 2009): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.006.

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Historical legacies play an important role in the rise of radical right parties in Central and Eastern Europe. This article conducts an in-depth study of the trajectory of a particular radical right party, the League of Polish Families, in a particular Central and East European country, Poland. The central objective of the article is to highlight that, although there are important similarities between the League of Polish Families and other radical right parties in both Central and Eastern Europe and Western Europe, the League of Polish Families differs in some respects, such as the composition of electorate and ideology from these parties. The article shows that the observed differences have their roots in the Polish historical legacy, that on some accounts deviates from the historical legacies present in other Central and East European countries.
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Płoski, Marcin. "Państwo narodowe czy zjednoczona Europa w dyskursie parlamentarzystów Ligi Polskich Rodzin." Przegląd Sejmowy 26, no. 1(144) (2018): 89–111. https://ps.sejm.gov.pl/journal.nsf/PS.xsp?documentId=C490D5C5C6FBAD78C12582420042EDD6&lang=PL.

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This article is an attempt to present national and European thought in the discourse of parliamentarians of the League of Polish Families in relation to two important processes of contemporary times, namely the Poland’s transformation and its integration with European structures. The data for the research are divided into the several spheres of social reality: politics, economy, culture, technology (production) and consumption. In particular spheres antinomies could be noticed, becoming the subject of the research study, because of the political controversy. Analytical material is cognitively interesting because of the contrary views in relation to other political opponents. The League of Polish Families used, in its rhetoric, Eurosceptic views as a weapon to fi ght its political adversaries.
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Koziełło, Tomasz. "Koncepcje ustrojowe polskiego obozu narodowego w XXI wieku na przykładzie Ligi Polskich Rodzin i Ruchu Narodowego." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no. 1 (2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.1.5.

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This article analyses the political concepts of the contemporary Polish national camp, represented by the League of Polish Families (2001–2011) and the National Movement (since 2012). Both parties strived to create a national state in which the Polish nation would have a dominant position and pursue its own interests. According to the leaders of both parties, only a nation-state can pursue a policy of comprehensive internal social, economic and military development, making Poland an important player in international politics and ensuring the security and prosperity of its citizens.
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Sanecka-Tyczyńska, Joanna. "Między mocarstwowością a peryferyjnością. Międzynarodowa pozycja Polski w XXI wieku w narodowej i konserwatywnej refleksji politycznej." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 3 (2021): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.3.8.

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The research objective of this paper is to analyse trends in contemporary nationalist and conservative political thought from the system and problem-based perspectives through the lens of Poland's international status in the 21st century. The subject of the analysis is the political thought of two parties − the League of Polish Families (representing the nationalist trend) and Law and Justice (the conservative trend) in two dimensions. First − in the ideological dimension, covering political views with the greatest degree of generalisation. Second − in the programme dimension, understood as a set of specific political proposals, creating concepts and defining the conditions for their fulfilment in the future. The research objective was contingent on the following research questions: How did the League of Polish Families and the Law and Justice Party define and describe international order? What values were assigned key roles in shaping Poland's international position? What international roles were assigned to Poland?
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Koziełło, Tomasz. "The Question of Local Self-Government in The Political Concepts of the Contemporary Polish National Camp." Reality of Politics 18, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2021405.

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The aim of this article is to analyse the attitude of the contemporary Polish national camp towards local government in the political concepts of the two most influential political parties of this trend - League of Polish Families and National Movement. In the article are characterized the most important issues such as: the role of local government, the tasks of local government, the postulated reforms.
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Moroska, Aleksandra, and Krysztof Zuba. "Two Faces of Polish Populism. The Causes of the Success and Fall of Self Defence and the League of Polish Families." Totalitarianism and Democracy 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2010): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/tode.2010.7.1.123.

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Shibata, Yasuko. "Discursive Politics against Ethnic “Others”: The Racist and Xenophobic Discourse of the League of Polish Families, 2001-2007." Japanese Slavic and East European Studies 31 (2010): 35–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5823/jsees.31.0_35.

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Koziełlo, Tomasz. "Changes in political relevance of The League of Polish Families in result of parliamentary, municipal and European elections." Studia Politologiczne 52 (May 15, 2019): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2019.52.16.

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Keinz, Anika. "European Desires and National Bedrooms? Negotiating “Normalcy” in Postsocialist Poland." Central European History 44, no. 1 (March 2011): 92–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910001196.

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Only a few years ago rights of sexual minorities in Poland caused not only national controversies over what democracy means, but also gained international attention, visible in demonstrations in front of embassies in Berlin and London, wide media coverage, and protest letters to the Polish prime minister by the Helsinki Foundation of Human Rights as well as Amnesty International and the International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA). Several Polish politicians were repeatedly cautioned for their extreme conservative stance on homosexual issues and homophobic remarks as well as criticized for the prohibitions of the so-calledMarsz Równości(Equality March), the Polish version of the Christopher Street Day (usually known as Gay Pride Parade) as being against the standards of democracy and human rights. Finally, and in particular as a reaction to the various remarks of Polish politicians, a resolution against homophobia was submitted to the European Parliament in January 2006 and passed in June 2006. Despite the resolution, the then Polish minister of education, Roman Giertych (League of Polish Families, or LPR), caused another great stir at the European Union (EU) conference of ministers of education in Heidelberg, Germany, on March 1, 2007, when he stated that brochures on sexuality education published by the Council of Europe that contained information on homosexuality and homosexual relations were to be prohibited in Polish schools. In the same speech, he rebuked societies that allowed abortion on social grounds and called abortion a “legal crime” and a “new form of barbarism.”
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Zuba, Krzysztof. "From fringe to fringe: the shift from the clericalist League of Polish Families to the anticlericalist Palikot Movement 2001–2015." Religion, State and Society 45, no. 2 (March 16, 2017): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637494.2017.1290327.

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Дисертації з теми "The League of Polish Families"

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Kochan, Thomas A. "An Employment Policy Agenda for Working Families." MIT Workplace Center, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/7310.

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Kwast-Welfeld, Joanna. "Intergenerational value similarity in Polish immigrant families in Canada in comparison to intergenerational value similarity in Polish and Canadian non-immigrant families." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26682.

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This study examined intergenerational value similarity in Polish immigrant families in Canada in comparison to value similarity in non-immigrant families, that is, Polish families in Poland and Canadian families in Canada. The 460 volunteers---members of 155 families living in Poland and Canada---participated by filling out the parent's or young adult's version of the questionnaire. In order to determine an impact of immigration on the value transmission process, the four scales of the Emic Questionnaire of Cultural Values and Scripts (EQCVS) were employed to measure similarity of value priorities and value congruence between parents and their grownup children in the three cultural groups. Comparisons of the groups' mean value scores revealed a generational effect, which depending on the value type, has shown to be culture-specific. However, both the group and family level of analyses showed no effect of immigration on the parent-child value similarity. The five scales of the Personal Authority in the Family System Questionnaire - College Version (PAFS-QCV), the four scales of Objective Measure of Ego Identity Status (OEMEIS) questionnaire and some demographic data were employed to test a possible association of contextual variables with parent-child value similarity. The study identified intergenerational relational styles, value similarity within the family and young-adult's identity status as culture specific predictors of parent-child value similarity. Even though the study applied different methods and levels of data analysis, it did not detect a difference in the levels of parent-child value similarity among immigrant and non-immigrant families. The lack of statistically significant difference as well as observed trends in differences in intergenerational similarity of values among the groups tested, and possible explanations for these results are discussed.
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Ramasawmy, Lucy Jane. "Lives and plans of Polish migrant families in Edinburgh." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9850.

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This thesis takes as its subject Polish families who migrated to Edinburgh after Poland’s accession to the EU in 2004. It analyses the families’ post-migration trajectories and experiences, and investigates how these are influenced by factors relating to Polish history and culture, by features particular to the post-accession migration wave and by families’ individual characteristics. Theoretical approaches are drawn from a range of academic disciplines including, reference group theory, literature relating to gender-division of paid work and child-care, and ‘mobilities’ theory, and these approaches are all employed in exploring the factors that influence family members’ integration, employment and lifestyles and their plans for the future. This qualitative study focuses on the experiences of thirty families living in and around Edinburgh in the two years from 2009 to 2011, and combines a variety of methods in data-collection and in analysis. Families were interviewed twice with a year lapse between interviews, couples were interviewed jointly and conversational interviews were supplemented with questionnaires. These design features enable analysis of change over time, provide insight into family-dynamics and generate a range of forms of data. In analysis the combination of thematic coding of interview transcripts with Qualitative Comparative Analysis, allows in-depth exploration of experiences at the individual and family level to be positioned within the context of trends and patterns observed across the whole group. The study finds that the families fall into distinct types according to particular key characteristics and migration strategies, and that the different family types are linked to different experiences of life in Scotland and plans for the future. Younger migrants who arrived independently, decided to stay and later started families are found to be embarking on new careers and making use of the greater flexibility of the employment market in the UK to enact their preferred division of work and childcare. In line with previous research findings, for families whose oldest child is preschool age, school start date in Poland is identified as critical in limiting the period in which parents feel the decision about whether to return can be made. Parents who migrated with school-age children because of financial hardship in Poland are highlighted in this study as a previously under-researched post-accession migrant group; among these families most parents within the study group are found to have been considering permanent settlement at the time of migration and to be maintaining this intention; their decision to stay is particularly influenced by concerns about the difficulties that they anticipate their children would encounter in re-entering the school system in Poland and about their own reduced ability to re-enter the labour market there after de-skilling in employment in the UK. Parents who migrated to take up professional work in the UK are identified as possessing the highest levels of ‘motility’, that is, capacity to make use of mobility generally; among the study group these parents are found to have the most varied options and future plans and to be those who indicate the greatest likelihood of leaving the UK in the short term.
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Brown, Jennifer Rose. "Feeling at home in time : Polish migrant families in Manchester." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6819/.

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This thesis investigates the workings of belonging to explore the concept’s inherently temporal nature. Through in-depth qualitative case studies of ten Polish families who have moved to Manchester since the 2004 European Union enlargement, time is revealed as a prominent theme in the search for belonging. While the field of migration studies tends to portray migrant belonging as a simple linear accumulation, my study focuses on the more nuanced and complex way in which my participants’ relationship with time as a subjective, relational and lived experience of space has impacted on their migration stories. Time-space is prominent in their tales of searching for belonging as the Polish migrant families make the decision to leave their home country, make their new homes in Britain and face the decision whether to return or remain. By exploring the way in which homely time-spaces are (re)created, negotiated, and interpreted, I highlight the significant role of a temporal framework in understanding migrant belonging.
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Willis-Walton, Susan M. "Nutrition for Some: A Comprehensive Study of Why Eligible Families Leave the WIC Program." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27659.

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A comprehensive survey of more than 1,500 former participants in the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) along with more than 300 semi-structured interviews with former WIC participants were designed and conducted in order to identify the barriers influencing eligible program participants to leave the program prematurely. Results from the two phases of data collection were used to determine why eligible families are leaving the WIC program, to better understand the program participation barriers cited by former program participants in order to facilitate the development of a typology of program â leavers,â and to identify the policy and organizational components that provide context for premature WIC program departure by participants. A narrative approach to organizational understanding and Symbolic Interactionism are utilized to provide a theoretical framework for highlighting program areas which may contribute to the participation barriers discovered in this research. Implications for public administration and policy evaluation are provided.
Ph. D.
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Makay, Zsuzsanna. "Politiques familiales, activité professionnelle et fécondité en Hongrie et en France : différences de mentalités et de comportements." Phd thesis, Université de Nanterre - Paris X, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00748516.

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Cette thèse compare deux pays dont les niveaux de fécondité sont très différents et se pose la question de savoir dans quelle mesure les dispositifs des politiques familiales, et notamment les mesures qui permettent aux femmes de concilier activité professionnelle et vie familiale expliquent cette différence. Les deux pays ont en effet en commun de consacrer proportionnellement un même pourcentage de leur PIB pour soutenir les familles. Or la conciliation entre vie familiale et vie professionnelle est différemment soutenue. Tandis qu'en France les dispositifs et les modes de gardes pour les enfants d'âge préscolaire permettent une rapide reprise de l'activité professionnelle pour les femmes après une naissance, en Hongrie c'est une longue interruption de cette activité qui est soutenue avec les allocations-interruption. Ce système, hérité des années 1960-1990 influence la durée de l'inactivité des femmes qui est en moyenne de 4,7 ans après une naissance. Les mentalités soutiennent d'ailleurs ce mode de fonctionnement puisque les normes sociales préconisent en Hongrie la garde maternelle avant l'âge de trois ans des enfants. Ces normes sont toutefois en train de changer, les femmes jeunes étant plus permissives et souhaitant travailler plus rapidement après une naissance. La quasi obligation de quitter le marché du travail après une naissance a comme résultat que le statut professionnel influence significativement la réalisation des intentions de fécondité en Hongrie tandis qu'en France, en conséquence d'une plus grande neutralité des politiques familiales, le statut professionnel joue moins sur ces intentions dont la réalisation est d'ailleurs plus fréquente.
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Mullerova, Alzbeta. "Maternal employment in the Czech transition : effects of family policy and gender norms." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100193/document.

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En république tchèque, les politiques de conciliation travail/famille ont été profondément remodelées à l’occasion de la transition systémique vers l’économie de marché : l’objectif de cette thèse est de décrire les récentes évolutions de politique familiale et d’estimer leurs effets sur l’emploi des mères. Malgré l’accession du pays à l’UE en 2004 et une disponibilité croissante de données, la littérature économique sur le régime d’Etat social, les politiques sociales et familiales et leur effet sur le marché du travail reste très rare. Je montre que l’orientation des politiques familiales après 1989 a induit un fort recul de garde publique d’enfants et creusé un très fort écart d’emploi entre les femmes avec et sans enfants en âge préscolaire. J’analyse les effets de deux réformes de congé parental : la réforme de 1955 qui a prolongé le paiement de l’allocation parental à 4 ans par enfant sans prolonger la durée de la protection d’emploi (3 ans), puis la réforme de 2008 qui a au contraire encouragé un retour en emploi plus rapide qu’auparavant. J’utilise l’Enquête Emploi et j’applique la méthode des Différences-de-différences pour estimer l’impact sur l’emploi des mères à court et moyen terme. Enfin, j’examine les déterminants culturels de long terme des préférences des ménages tchèques en termes de conciliation travail/famille, et je mets en évidence une évolution des valeurs de genre vers un modèle conservateur de la division des tâches. Cette évolution, qui court sur les années 2000, s’oppose à la tendance Européenne générale et est susceptible d’influencer l’orientation des politiques familiales ainsi que leurs effets sur les ménages
Czech work-life conciliation policies and practices have gone through dramatic changes since the 1989 transition from centrally planned to market economy. The objective of this thesis is to describe the recent evolutions of family policies, and to assess their effects on maternal employment. Surprisingly, despite the country’s EU accession in 2004 and an increasing data availability, the economic literature on the Czech welfare state regime, its social and family policy and its effects on labour market outcomes is extremely scarce. I show that post-transitional policies differed from the former interventionist and paternalist orientation, and resulted in a sharp decrease in public childcare supply and the widest parenthood-related employment gaps among OECD countries (41 pp in 2011). I focus on two reforms of the parental leave system: the 1995 Parental Benefit reform which extended the payment of universal parental benefit to 4 years instead of 3 without an equivalent extension of the job protected parental leave; then the 2008 Multi-Speed Parental Benefit reform, which encouraged yet again a faster return to employment. I use the Labour Force Survey and rely on a difference-in-differences strategy to assess the net effect of these reforms on mother’s labour market participation, in both short and medium run. Last but not least, I investigate long-run cultural determinants of the observed work-life conciliation preferences and show that a significant evolution towards conservative gender roles has been taking place in the post-transitional decades. This opposes the general European trend, and is likely to influence family policy orientations as well as the reforms’ outcomes
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Aliyeva, Vusala. "Impact de la politique familiale de l'Union Européenne pour les pays membres : France, Royaume-Uni, Allemagne." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010014.

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La politique de l'Union européenne a suscité des débats académiques sur son impact potentiel et l'effet qu'elle exercerait sur les processus politiques au niveau national. les récentes réformes des politiques familiales allemandes et anglaises peuvent être attribuées à l'influence de l'Union européenne au travers de la participation dans les processus d'apprentissage initiés par cet organisme. Cette étude examine les éventuels glissements dans les objectifs des politiques familiales vers la politique de l'Union européenne
The policy of the European Union has packed academic debate on its potential impact on the political process at national level. Recent reforms of german and english family policies can be attributed to the European Union influence through its participation in the learning process initiated by this organisation. This examines the potential shifts in the objectives of national families to European Union objectives
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Almqvist, Anna-Lena. "The care of children : A cross-national comparison of parents’ expectations and experiences." Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Department of Sociology, Umeå University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-471.

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Garrett, Dave L. "The Power of One: Bonnie Singleton and American Prisoners of War in Vietnam." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279240/.

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Bonnie Singleton, wife of United States Air Force helicopter rescue pilot Jerry Singleton, saw her world turned upside down when her husband was shot down while making a rescue in North Vietnam in 1965. At first, the United States government advised her to say very little publicly concerning her husband, and she complied. After the capture of the American spy ship, the U.S.S. Pueblo by North Korea, and the apparent success in freeing the naval prisoners when Mrs. Rose Bucher, the ship captain's wife, spoke out, Mrs. Singleton changed her opinion and embarked upon a campaign to raise public awareness about American prisoners of war held by the Communist forces in Southeast Asia. Mrs. Singleton, along with other Dallas-area family members, formed local grass-roots organizations to notify people around the world about the plight of American POWs. They enlisted the aid of influential congressmen, such as Olin "Tiger" Teague of College Station, Texas; President Richard M. Nixon and his administration; millionaire Dallas businessman Ross Perot; WFAA television in Dallas; and other news media outlets worldwide. In time, Bonnie Singleton, other family members, and the focus groups they helped start encouraged North Vietnam to release the names of prisoners, allow mail and packages to be sent to the POWs, and afford better treatment for prisoners of war.
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Книги з теми "The League of Polish Families"

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Discrimination for the sake of the nation: The discourse of the League of Polish Families against "others" 2001-2007. Frankfurt am Main: PL Academic Research, 2013.

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Płoski, Marcin. Liga Polskich Rodzin jako aktor społeczny. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Instytutu Socjologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2016. https://www.repozytorium.uni.wroc.pl/dlibra/publication/80114.

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This book is a monograph, on the political party, that shows the birth, rise and fall of the League of Polish Families. In the chapter I the division was made into individual and collective actors. Chapter II is an attempt to describe the birth and functioning of LPF in the context of a broader national movement. Chapter III focuses on the fields of activities of the national party. Chapter IV is an attempt to recreate the role of LPF on the political scene. Chapter V is an attempt to play the role of LPF on the European political scene. Chapter VI is the description of a research taken on the party groups, surveyed with the usage of a questionnaire technique. Chapter VII is an empirical reflection of the views of LPF deputies and senators about political transformation and Polish integration with European structures. The tool for this method was mainly based on an open interview. Chapter VIII is an attempt to present the Polish society in the perspective of political transformation, and the reflection on the degree of civility and democracy and finaly presents the fall of LPF. \n\nNiniejsza książka ma charakter monografii poświęconej partii politycznej, która ukazuje narodziny, rozkwit i upadek Ligi Polskich Rodzin. W rozdziale I dokonany został podział na aktorów zbiorowych i indywidualnych. Rozdział II jest próbą opisu narodzin i funkcjonowania LPR w ramach szerszego ruchu narodowego. Rozdział III koncentruje się na polach aktywności partii narodowej. Rozdział IV jest próbą odtworzenia roli LPR-u na scenie politycznej. Rozdział V jest próbą odtworzenia roli LPR na europejskiej scenie politycznej. Rozdział VI stanowi badawczy portret kół partyjnych, przeprowadzony za pomocą metody ankietowej z zastosowaniem kwestionariusza ankiety. Rozdział VII jest empirycznym odzwierciedleniem poglądów posłów i senatorów LPR na temat transformacji ustrojowej i integracji Polski ze strukturami europejskimi. Narzędziem tej metody był wywiad swobodny otwarty. Rozdział VIII jest próbą przedstawienia społeczeństwa polskiego w perspektywie transformacji ustrojowej, refleksji nad stopniem obywatelskości i demokracji oraz upadkiem LPR.
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Families in Polish. London: Raintree, 2013.

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Families in Polish: Rodziny. London: Raintree, 2014.

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Nunn, Daniel. Families in Polish: Rodzin. Chicago, Ill: Capstone Heinemann Library, 2013.

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6

Heldring, Thatcher. The league. New York: Delacorte Press, 2013.

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7

Like Father, Like Son: Baseball's Major League Families. New York: Scholastic, 1993.

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8

Kojder, Apolonja Maria. Marynia, don't cry: Memoirs of two Polish-Canadian families. [Toronto]: Multicultural History Society of Ontario, 1995.

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9

Pears on a willow tree. New York: Bard, 1998.

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10

The cabin by the creek. Plymouth, Vt: Five Corners Publications, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "The League of Polish Families"

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Maldonado, Laurie C., and Rense Nieuwenhuis. "Dual-Earner Family Policies at Work for Single-Parent Families." In The Palgrave Handbook of Family Policy, 303–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54618-2_13.

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AbstractThis chapter sets out to examine how family policies differently affect the poverty rate of single-parent families versus couples with children and also probes whether or not there is a premium—or penalty—for single parents. This is based on a literature review and analysis of a number of comparative family policy data infrastructures. Although single parents were found to benefit from child income support, parental leave, and ECEC, important differences were found. The evidence is strong that child income support as family benefits do in fact lower poverty for all families and especially for single-parent families. On the other hand, ECEC costs in many countries represent a larger share of their household budget compared to dual-earner couples. In countries with low replacement rates during parental leave, the income position of single parents on leave is substantially worse than among dual-earner parents in which one parent is on leave.
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Paszenda, Joanna. "Chapter 8. Motivation behind the extended senses of the Polish ditransitive construction." In Constructing Families of Constructions, 241–75. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hcp.58.09pas.

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Bueno, Xiana, and Eunsil Oh. "How Do Men Talk about Taking Parental Leave? Evidence from South Korea, Spain, and the U.S." In Engaged Fatherhood for Men, Families and Gender Equality, 165–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75645-1_9.

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AbstractThis study explores how men in South Korea, Spain, and the U.S. use parental leave and shows how distinct labor-market structures, divisions of unpaid and paid labor, and parental leave policies shape individuals’ intentions and decisions to utilize leave policies. Using in-depth interviews of 80 men, we show two important findings: One, in Spain and the U. S., the systematized monetary support strongly encourages fathers to use parental leave whereas in South Korea, a generous policy becomes of little use because work culture heavily discourages men from taking leave. Two, gender norms shape the desirability of using parental leave regardless of the availability of the policy. An emerging group of men in Spain and the U.S. actively reconstruct what an engaged father should do whereas Korean men took it for granted that fathers should not take leave, instead should work even harder to be a responsible father. In the end, this study shows how the monetary structure and schema of what an engaged father should do shape how men approach and use parental leave in three different contexts.
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Koslowski, Alison, and Margaret O’Brien. "Fathers and Family Leave Policies: What Public Policy Can Do to Support Families." In Engaged Fatherhood for Men, Families and Gender Equality, 141–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-75645-1_7.

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AbstractThere are various types of family leave available to fathers across and within countries. The specific design features of family leave policies are associated with how well used they are by fathers, and the key features associated with higher take up by fathers are presented here. There is an emerging literature on the various impacts of fathers on leave in relation to factors such as family health and well-being and gender equality in the labour market. In particular, fathers and family leave are important for a good quality of infant life. Finally, the chapter considers ways in which employers can support fathers in the workplace to take leave, in light of the range of associated benefits.
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Lauritzen, Steffen L. "General Repetitive Structures of Polish Spaces. Projective Statistical Fields." In Extremal Families and Systems of Sufficient Statistics, 187–259. New York, NY: Springer New York, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4612-1023-8_4.

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Sokolowska, Beata. "‘Not Fit for Migration with Teenage Children’: Polish Transnational Immigrant Families in Ireland." In Making Multicultural Families in Europe, 215–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59755-3_13.

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Adema, Willem, Chris Clarke, and Olivier Thévenon. "Family Policies and Family Outcomes in OECD Countries." In The Palgrave Handbook of Family Policy, 193–217. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54618-2_9.

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AbstractFamilies in OECD member countries have changed dramatically in recent decades. Across almost all OECD countries, couples are marrying and starting a family later than ever before. Fertility rates are low. Divorce and re-partnering have become much more common, giving rise to a diversity of new family forms. The (male) single-earner family model, previously dominant, is now largely a thing of the past. This chapter examines how families and family policies have changed in OECD countries in recent decades. It starts with an overview of changes in families, in partnering behaviours, in family living arrangements, and in family work arrangements. The chapter then turns to the evolution of family policy and the policy response to changing families, such as increases in public Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) support and the provision of fathers-only paid parental leave. It concludes by highlighting important key challenges ahead, including how policy must adapt to growing inequalities between families.
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Potkański-Pałka, Monika. "Intergenerational Value Transmission in Polish Immigrant Families in Austria and Germany." In Migration und Integration – wissenschaftliche Perspektiven aus Österreich, 211–32. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737008280.211.

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Böger, Tobias, Keonhi Son, and Simone Tonelli. "Origins of Family Policy: Prerequisites or Diffusion." In Networks and Geographies of Global Social Policy Diffusion, 169–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83403-6_7.

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AbstractVarious instruments to protect families with children from the consequences of industrialization have been introduced in modernizing nation-states at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century. The global adoption of family policies, such as maternity leave, family allowances, and childcare facilities, followed a wide array of patterns. After being introduced by pioneering countries, some programs spread rapidly throughout Europe, some reached the peripheries of colonial empires and others were only introduced by the newly established nation-states populating world society after decolonization. We provide the first analysis of the disparate origins and spread of family policies, identifying the networks that facilitate their diffusion.
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Osewska, Elżbieta. "Value education in the Polish family." In Strengthening families, 303–16. The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/9788374385640.18.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "The League of Polish Families"

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Roffler, M., and V. Krafft. "PARE0007 Family day by the swiss league against rheumatism: a networking event for children affected by jia and their families." In Annual European Congress of Rheumatology, EULAR 2018, Amsterdam, 13–16 June 2018. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd and European League Against Rheumatism, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2018-eular.6323.

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Kolomiiciuk, Oleksandr. "A break of tradition: the case of deported ukrainians from Western Boykivshchyna in 1947." In Ethnology Symposium "Ethnic traditions and processes", Edition II. Institute of Cultural Heritage, Republic of Moldova, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/9789975333788.29.

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In this article, based on the materials of the author’s search ethnographic expeditions аnd published works, by the example of ritual culture the result of breaking tradition of Ukrainians from Western Boykivshchyna, who were displaced within the framework of ’Operation Vistula’ have been analysed. It was the forced resettlement of approximately 150,000 Ukrainians and mixed Polish-Ukrainian families from the territory of Rzeszów, Lublin and Krakow provinces (Voivodeships) to the western and northern territories of Poland (1947–1950). After the deportation of the Ukrainians, the processes of accelerated breaking of both their the way of life and the unique world of traditional culture with its archaic customs and rites have begun. This was actively facilitated by local government policies aimed at inciting inter-ethnic tensions, creating difficult relations with representatives of various regional groups of the Polish ethnic community, as well as censure and ridicule of the traditional elements of the folk culture of re-settlers by their neighbors. Nevertheless, with the help of tradition (in ritual form or in form of their memories), re-settlers from Western Boykivshchyna continue to keep memory of their own (non) traumatic past, and, based on it, construct their own identity in the perspective of modernity.
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Rudnicka-Bogusz, Marta. "Standardization and innovation in military housing, leisure homes and public buildings in the interwar period Poland." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002340.

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When after WWI Poland regained its independence, in the need to repair war damage the young state saw an opportunity to modernize and visually unify the country after a century of tripartite partitions. The difficult housing conditions severely affected the officers and non-commissioned officers (NCO’s), as the garrisons were established anew and the personnel did not have lodgings from the pre-war times and did not have the funds to purchase them. In 1925, an act was passed establishing the Military Housing Fund with a budget of 140 million polish zotych. In the years 1927-1934, the Fund built 542 houses. One of the mottos of the organization was: to provide sunlight, water supply, sewage systems and bathrooms in all apartments. This guiding principle about hygienic living and the strict economic requirements naturally put military construction on the path of modernism. Modernism was also deprived of any historic connotations and internationally popular, making it the ultimate tool of Europeanization - reducing the difference between Poland and Western Europe.Due to the rank of the institution and the propagandist significance of its investments, the Ministry of Military Affairs often had prestigious locations at its disposal. Many of the designs for these plots were selected through open competitions, leading to the selection of top-class solutions, thanks to the participation of the most important polish modernist architects of the interwar period: R. Gutt, J. Szanajca and B. Lachert. The campaign of housing construction was concentrated mainly in Warsaw, where the percentage of officers and NCO’s in the garrison was high - due to the tasks performed in the Ministry. Guided by the principle of economics of house construction and space ergonomics in the arrangement of apartments, in Warsaw the Fund built mainly multi-family buildings bearing fruit in the form of solutions that have ever since been cited as the canon of Polish modernism. Adhering to these standards typical layouts were worked out for swift and healthy construction and repeated throughout the country. This way, the best cosmopolitan patterns in the second half of the 1930s, when the construction was booming, were also transferred to smaller garrisons, contributing to the modernization of the deep provinces.Apart from the lack of housing, the military and their families suffered from pulmonary diseases and rickets resulting from poor living conditions. In order to remedy these problems, the Fund also dealt with the construction of sanatoriums, hospitals, physical education centers, as well as holiday homes for military personnel.The emerging democratic structures of the reviving state also wanted to be perceived as forward thinking, ordering designs from the Fund. Modernism was well suited for the design of the remaining garrison and state buildings, as they also needed to be functional, affordable to build, easy in maintenance and ergonomic. The influential period journal “Architecture and Construction” mentions such investments as airports, ministry offices, barracks, commanders' villas, etc. all adding up to an image of army as a forward thinking engine of progress.
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Schneider-Skalska, Grażyna, and Paweł Tor. "Residential areas in the structure of the city: case studies from west europe and Krakow." In Virtual City and Territory. Barcelona: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8079.

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Once they adopted the sedentary lifestyle, humans set to building settlements which were to protect groups of families and give them the sense of belonging to a material and social community. The settlement unit which could be called a housing complex goes back thousands of years BC. The scale of problems related to housing environment grew considerably with the emergence and development of cities, yet truly distinctive quantitative and qualitative changes occurred in the early 20th century. Implementation of the programmatic assumptions of the Athens Charter resulted in the emergence of spatial and functional structures based on hierarchic dependence of components. The initial projects reflected the pursuit of a human-scale environment and the structural division into neighbourhood units. Undoubtedly, the second part of the 20th century brought about a change in the trends of development in cities. Large housing estates were abandoned in favour of a much greater diversity of housing complex forms – the revived form of city street, urban block or the classic form of a residential complex with clearly delineated structure, services and – most frequently –some recreational areas. The 21st century draws from well-known patterns, complementing them with new elements and solutions imposed by the requirements of the principles of sustainable development. Due to the limited availability of land in highly urbanized central city parts, contemporary housing development occupies more peripheral areas, often at the border between urban and rural neighbourhoods. The development process involves numerous participants, often with opposing interests – public authorities, whose concern should be sustainable growth of the whole city, and developer firms and investors, whose motivation is to maximize profit. This situation has led in most Polish cities to the emergence of disconnected fenced-away residential ghettos with no spatial order. Meanwhile, housing development in Western Europe continues to be built as planned urban complexes drawing from the experience of the past and satisfying the needs of the contemporary city dwellers. The article presents several urban complexes with dominant housing development (Orestad in Copenhagen, Monte Laa and Nordbahnhof-Area in Vienna, Ijburg in Amsterdam and Riem in Munich) built relatively recently.It discusses their functional, spatial and social characteristics, which make them examples of good practice in contemporary urban planning. They demonstrate clearly that only comprehensive planning in a broader scale guarantees creation of high-quality urban spaces, where the welfare of resident communities is a priority.
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Звіти організацій з теми "The League of Polish Families"

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Tadros, Mariz. Violence and Discrimination against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.003.

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The theme of this special collection of papers, the lived experiences of women who belong to religious minorities, has been a blind spot both in international development policy engagement and in much of the international scholarship on women, security and peace. Women who belong to religious minorities, who are socioeconomically excluded and are vulnerable to multiple sources of gender-based violence in Pakistan seem to have fallen through the cracks of the ‘leave no one behind’ agenda. The aim of this volume is to shed light on the day-to-day experiences of women and their families who belong to the Ahmadiyya, Christian, Hindu and Hazara Shia religious minorities in Pakistan. Each of the papers in this collection exposes the complexity of the intersections of gender, class and religious marginality in shaping the realities for women from these religious minorities.
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.

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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.
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