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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "The anti-domestic violence bill"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022

Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "The anti-domestic violence bill"

Red’kina, Ekaterina A., and Mar’yana V. Arkhipova. "COGNITIVE ISSUES OF THE DOMESTIC VIOLENCE BILL." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Economics. Management. Law, no. 3 (2021): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6304-2021-3-135-154.

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In the article, the authors did not set out to analyze the need to adopt or reject the draft law “On Domestic Violence”, but focused on the substantive part, since they believed that any law should be an effective mechanism of action. The draft federal law “On Domestic Violence” was analyzed in three areas: legal terminology, the powers for the subjects of prevention of domestic violence, as well as types and forms of preventive work.

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Morgan, Derek, and Martin L. Parry. "Family Homes and Domestic Violence Bill [HL]." Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law 17, no. 4 (October 1995): 485–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09649069508410170.

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Sarkin, Jeremy, Denise Meyerson, Paul Eden, Sandra Burman, Amanda Barratt, and Ha Strydom. "The Prevention of Domestic Violence Draft Bill." South African Journal on Human Rights 9, no. 2 (January 1993): 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.1993.11827911.

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MAGOMEDOV, ABDULKADYR. "PREVENTION DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN FRANCE." Gaps in Russian Legislation 15, no. 4 (July 22, 2022): 370–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2072-3164-2022-15-4-370-378.

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The working group has been created to develop a Prevention Domestic Violence Bill in 2019. Similar legislative initiatives have previously been proposed. The article discusses foreign experience in combating domestic violence. It is shown that France has an effective system of measures against domestic violence. This experience and approaches in criminal policy can be used in Russia when adopting such a law. It is, in particular, about the recognition of domestic violence as a qualifying factor.

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Sunder Rajan, Rajeswari. "Rethinking Law and Violence: The Domestic Violence (Prevention) Bill in India, 2002." Gender History 16, no. 3 (November 2004): 769–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0953-5233.2004.00364.x.

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Eddyono, Sri Wiyanti. "Restorative Justice for Victim’s Rights on Sexual Violence." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v5i2.28011.

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Indonesia has experienced very dynamic advocacy for legal reform on the protection of victim of sexual violence. Sexual violence is as emerged issue as the accidents of sexual violence has increased including during COVID 19. There are different ‘initiatives’ to address sexual violence by various actors; first, the law enforcers through their establishment the policy on alternative mechanism outside criminal justice mechanism; seconds, Criminal Code bill lead by Indonesia government under the Ministry on Law and Human Rights; third, the establishment on the anti-sexual violence bill for victim protection initiated by parliaments supported by women’s movements. All the initiatives have claimed has restorative justice approaches which the impact of COVID 19 become one of the arguments. This paper analyzes whether and how ‘restorative justice’ suitable for victim’s rights on sexual violence. This paper argue restorative justice is one of ambitious purpose which integrating in which criminal justice mechanism through legal reform agenda is very problematic particularly where the indicator of restorative justice is unclear. This paper finds although both Criminal Code Bill, Anti-Sexual Violence Bill in some degrees have integrated restorative justice to criminal justice system, the Anti Sexual Violence Bill has more focused to the rights of the victims of sexual violence. However, before these two laws are enacted, there are policies established by law enforcers called restorative justice for sexual violence which is very dilemmatic since the indicator in restoring the rights of women’s victim of sexual violence does not clear. This policy tends to sacrifice victim for offender’s interest.

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Holcomb, Shelly. "Senate Bill 140: How Much Did It Change Texas Family Code Section 153.004?" Texas Wesleyan Law Review 9, no. 1 (October 2022): 121–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v9.i1.4.

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This Note examines Texas Senate Bill 1408 (SB 140), passed by the Seventy-Seventh Texas Legislature, which amended Texas Family Code (TFC) section 153.004 relating to the history of domestic violence. The bill had two main purposes: (1) to give direction to judges "regarding the appointment of sole custody in family violence cases," and (2) to change the way Texas courts handle visitation when a parent has a history of domestic violence.' After a long Texas summer of well-publicized domestic violence cases, this amendment appeared to be the next logical, and much-needed, step in furtherance of the public policy of this state. However, the statute, as amended, fails to provide the necessary guidance to the courts because it leaves key terms undefined, fails to demonstrate what evidence the legislature presumes should rebut the presumptions it contains, and continues to utilize a standard of review that is too broad. Part II of this Note provides a brief background of the problem of domestic violence and of how the problem should factor into child custody and visitation determinations. Part III details how the Texas courts and legislature have responded to the problem. Part IV discusses the legislative history of SB 140 and the problems the bill addressed. Part V shows the inadequacies of TFC section 153.004 as amended and recommends that the corresponding Louisiana statute be used as a model for change. Part VI concludes that under Texas public policy, such changes are required.

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Trostle, Lawrence C., Allan R. Barnes, and Cassie L. Atwell. "Including Domestic Violence Restraining Orders in Brady Bill Background Checks: The Alaska Experience." Criminal Justice Policy Review 11, no. 4 (December 2000): 329–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403400011004004.

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Alaska has recently implemented major changes in its ability to capture when a domestic violence restraining order has been issued and in its ability to make this information available to the authorities for the purposes of Brady Bill handgun application background checks. Curiously, as the number of cases of domestic violence has increased dramatically, the number of handgun applications has decreased sharply. The article follows these events of recent years and points out the problems faced by policy makers in trying to understand the impact of the changes on future incidents of domestic violence.

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Adomako Ampofo, Akosua. "Collective Activism: The Domestic Violence Bill becoming Law in Ghana." African and Asian Studies 7, no. 4 (2008): 395–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921008x359597.

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Abstract This article reflects on contemporary struggles for citizenship rights through an examination of civil society's advocacy for the passage of domestic violence legislation in Ghana. The National Coalition on Domestic Violence Legislation, established in 2003 specifically to push for the passage of the legislation, at various times worked closely with, and at other times independently of, or even in conflict with, the state. These processes and engagements point to the vibrancy of civil society and suggest the need for new analyses of social movements, political power and democracy that are rooted in Africa's contemporary realities.

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Lehmann, Christine. "Bill Calls for Increase in Services For Domestic-Violence Victims." Psychiatric News 36, no. 21 (November 2, 2001): 2–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/pn.36.21.0002.

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Дисертації з теми "The anti-domestic violence bill"

Heo, Min Sook. "Globally Agreed Upon, Locally Troubled: The Construction of Anti-Violence Legislation, Human Rights Discourse, and Domestic Violence in South Korea." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1204638219.

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Zhang, Lu. "Transnational feminisms in translation the making of a women's anti-domestic violence movement in China /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210773765.

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Zhang, Lu. "Transnational Feminisms in Translation: The Making of a Women’s Anti-Domestic Violence Movement in China." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1210773765.

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Johansson, Marcus, and Sebastian Lavergren. "I Sverige måste alla ta körkort för att få köra bil men vem som helst får påbörja en relation : En kvalitativ studie om polismyndighetens och kriminalvårdens syn på mäns våld mot kvinnor i nära relationer." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för socialt arbete (SA), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105559.

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Background: Men´s violence against women in relationship is a global healthproblem. 30% of all women in the world have at some point been exposed to violence in relationships. The problem tends to increase despite attempts to prevent the problem. Aim: The aim of this study is to achieve a deeper knowledge of prevention work to prevent violence against women in relationships. Methods: The study is based on six individual qualitative interviews with criminal investigative within the police and therapists in prison. Crime prevention models are used to analyze the qualitative interviews. Results: The results from this study show that poor self-esteem is a major risk factor for men´s violence against women in relationships. The criminal investigative och therapist agreed that the problem must be tackled at an early age. Conclusion: We need to start working and strengthening individs poor self-esteem at an early age through social crime prevention. When men have reached the stage where they are subject of the judiciary, the violence has often lasted a long time and the men have extensive problems.

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Yuan, Yidan, and Lin Zheng. "The First Chinese Law Against Domestic Violence, Efforts and Challanges : A qualitative analysis of the first Chinese Anti-DV law's implementation in its central cities." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för socialt arbete - Socialhögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169860.

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The objective of this study is to examine the implementation of the first Chinese anti-domestic violence law at street-level in three cities located in central China. This study aims to document these street-level workers’ experiences with domestic violence, particularly the efforts they have made against domestic violence, as well as the challenges they face in their daily work. Sixteen qualitative interviews were conducted with nineteen street-level bureaucrats who work in judicial functionary (civil court), law enforcement (police), All-China Women’s Federation and residents’ committees (mass organizations). The results are analyzed with the theory of bottom-up implementation (Lipsky, 2010; Matland, 1995) and street-level bureaucracy (Erasmus, 2015). The study found that most Chinese street-level bureaucrats commonly believe that the first Chinese Anti-DV is characterized by ambiguity of goal and ambiguity of mean. Such vagueness causes frustrations, confusions and conflicts among these workers. Additionally, based on their experiences these street-level bureaucrats reflect that they do have some degree of discretion, but they are constantly under the pressure and limitation of time, resource and heavy workload. All these factors tend to indicate that the implementation of the first Anti-DV law in China still has a very long way to go. However, the result also show that the Chinese street-level bureaucrats are working diligently to ensure the successful implementation of China’s first anti-domestic law, while actively coping with the challenges mentioned previously and developing their own ways to cease the violence.
MFS

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Du, Jie. "The politics of engendering the policy process : case studies of two campaigns in China - the anti domestic violence campaign and equal retirement age campaign." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/546/.

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The aim of my thesis is to investigate the politics of the civil society organizations in policy advocacy for gender equality in China. It adopts an agency-oriented approach to illustrate how women civil society organizations of various kinds actively negotiated gender interests in policy change within limited space and access. Through two advocacy activities, I seek to understand why the desired outcomes were different in these two cases by identifying the variables that either hindered or enhanced the realization of their goals. I focus on two policy issues, namely the equal retirement age in the development of the Civil Servant Law (2005) and domestic violence in the revision of the Marriage Law (2001) and the Women’s Law (2005). These two cases are of interest because the actors of the CSOs involved in advocating policy change met with different success in their efforts. In the case of domestic violence issues, the women’s organizations were able to bring about a change. In the case of the retirement age issue, however, the women’s federation was unable to bring about any desired change. The assumed variables include legitimacy, leadership, organizational forms, organizational learning and sources of funds. These conditioning factors are drawn from previous scholarship in civil society, public policy and social movements. I integrate these factors into a pentagon shaped framework that serves as a road map to guide my discussion throughout the thesis. The theoretical purpose of this study is to enrich understanding of the conditioning factors that are responsible for the results of CSO advocacy in China. On the other hand, it also contains a practical purpose, namely to provide implications for civil society actors seeking to influence policy process in China.

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Nurjanah, Nunik. "Gender, Progressive Islam, and Islamism in Indonesia: Analysing the Political Attitudes of PKB and PKS." Master's thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10428.

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This thesis investigates the attitudes of two of Indonesia’s main Islamic parties, National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), towards gender and women’s issues. There has been an assumption that PKB is more liberal than PKS due to the progressive religious backgrounds of many of its parliamentarians and leaders. While PKB has strong roots in the reform-minded Cultural Islam movement, which tended to support gender equality, PKS has its origins in the Tarbiyah movement, which was heavily influenced by the thinking of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhoodand was socially conservative and Islamist. This study examines whether the contrasting backgrounds of these parties produces markedly different policies and actions on gender and women’s issues. It analyses the two parties’ attitudes during deliberations in parliament on two controversial items of draft legislation: the Anti- Domestic Violence and the Anti-Pornography bill. This thesis argues that despite their differing doctrinal and intellectual origins, PKB and PKS had similar views on these bills. I contend that the interaction with non-Islamists and activists from women’s NGOs enabled PKS to moderate its attitude on gender and women’s issues. PKB supported the Anti-Pornography bill though in some ways, the party failed to serve as a champion of gender equality in parliament, belying its reputation for pro-women’s activism.

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Davies, Cara Elizabeth Jr. "Bill C-510 and the Dilemma of Difference: Assessing the Role of Anti-violence Legislation in the Woman-protective Anti-abortion Movement." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/30114.

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Recently, some in the anti-abortion movement have begun to assert that abortion harms women and access to abortion should be restricted or prohibited to protect women’s rights. This paper suggests that woman-protective anti-abortion (“WPA”) arguments could become more recognizable in Canada if other kinds of woman-protective legislation are adopted. In particular, this paper focuses on private member’s Bill C-510, an Act to Prevent Coercion of Pregnant Women to Abort (Roxanne’s Law). This paper suggests that Bill C-510 is problematic because its differential treatment of women reinforces historical stereotypes of motherhood and female vulnerability, the same stereotypes upon which the WPA relies. By reinforcing these same stereotypes, Bill C- 510 creates a climate in which WPA restrictions on access to abortion appear more reasonable. The paper concludes by suggesting that the existing aggravated circumstances sentencing sections in the Criminal Code already provide judges with discretionary powers to deal with offences like coerced abortion.

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Shen, Po-jung, and 沈伯融. "The Legal Norms of Anti Domestic Violence ─ Focus on the Domestic Violence Prevention Act." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/24863592189138981135.

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碩士
東吳大學
法律學系
98
A family, a basic unit of a society, is a personal haven, a shelter for the soul, and an environment that a person needs to rely on throughout his life. Therefore, a family has a close relationship with a person’s growth process. Any violence occurring in a family will not only cause serious social problems but also bring a certain level of psychological impact on every family member. Domestic violence has become a worldwide issue that has received increasing attention. In recent years, countries around the world have continued to promote the women's human rights movement. The Domestic Violence Prevention Act has been set up to prevent the occurrence of domestic violence. The ideas of “laws are unnecessary in the home” and “domestic violence is a family matter” no longer meet the requirements of the times, and cannot solve substantial problems. For these reasons, the “Domestic Violence Prevention Act” was approved by the Legislative Yuan on May 28, 1998 and promulgated pursuant to a Presidential Order on June 24, 1998. In addition, in line with practical operations, the Domestic Violence Prevention Act has been amended four times since its establishment to make the overall content of the Act more comprehensive. The enforcement of the Domestic Violence Prevention Act not only demonstrates the principles of domestic violence prevention and victim rights protection but also signifies that the nation intends to pay attention to the domestic violence issue. Although enforcement of the Act has been initiated, effectiveness depends on cooperation and fulfillment of duties of related units such as judicial, police, medical, social work, and education. This thesis aims to make a comparison between related laws prior to enforcement of the Domestic Violence Prevention Act and the said Act. Furthermore, the current enforcement status of the Domestic Violence Prevention Act and application of the Act are also reviewed in this thesis. This thesis consists of six chapters. The contents of each chapter are summarized as follows: Chapter 1: Explanation of motives, purposes, and methods for the thesis. Chapter 2: Study of the meaning of domestic violence and explanation of reasons for domestic violence based on the theories of psychology, sociology, and criminology. Chapter 3: Study of criminal responsibility of domestic violence through criminal law and deficiencies of related laws prior to enforcement of the Domestic Violence Prevention Act. Chapter 4: Explanation of related norms in the current Domestic Violence Prevention Act, including protection orders, judicial procedures, and the Regulation of Domestic Violence Offender Treatment Program; analysis of domestic violence status through statistical data of the Judicial Yuan, Ministry of Justice, and Ministry of the Interior. Chapter 5: Typical individual domestic violence cases that occurred prior to and after enforcement of the Domestic Violence Prevention Act are selected to review application of the related laws using “Analysis of case study and adjudication”. Chapter 6: Enumeration of current practical operation deficiencies and suggestions for related law amendment for reference.

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Tai, Shih-Mei, and 戴世玫. "The Image of Taiwanese Domestic Violence and Anti-Violence Strategies: from the Perspective of “A Web in the Partriarchal Clan System”." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/9ej6eg.

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博士
國立暨南國際大學
社會政策與社會工作學系
102
Domestic violence against women is a phenomenon present in all countries worldwide. In 1998, Taiwan passed the Family Violence Prevention Act, becoming the first country in Asia to legislate against domestic violence. After service models from Europe and the United States were introduced into Taiwan, relevant measures for preventing domestic violence have been developed. Under circumstances when eastern society is influenced by western cultures, the Power and Control Wheel developed in the United State is often used in social work to explain the dynamics by which women are subjected to domestic violence. However, alternative (non-Western) discussions on Taiwanese domestic violence have been scant. This study conducted a literature review and adopted the concept of A Web in the Patriarchal Clan System, proposed by Japanese-American scholar Mieko Yoshihama, which takes into consideration an Asian sociocultural context, as a foundation to study domestic violence against women. This study examined Taiwanese domestic violence and relevant antiviolence strategies. The objectives of this study were: (a) to explore the phenomenon and implications of the influence that patriarchal and clan systems have on female victims of domestic violence based on social workers’ experiences of serving these victims; (b) produce an image of Taiwanese domestic violence based on Taiwan’s social context and the experience of local female victims; (c) identify strategies that should be enhanced for serving female victims by examining Taiwan’s social context and the experience of local female victims of domestic violence; and (d) propose suggestions for establishing comprehensive policies and antiviolence strategies in Taiwan’s future domestic violence prevention system for serving female victims of domestic violence. A qualitative approach was employed in conjunction with grounded theory to revise the perspective of A Web in the Patriarchal Clan System and discuss domestic violence in Taiwan. The researcher conducted an interview with the creator of the Web in the Patriarchal Clan System perspective, Mieko Yoshihama, at the University of Michigan. Snowball sampling was used to recruit female victims of domestic violence, as well as social workers who have directly or indirectly served the victims, in the Taipei Metro Area. A total of 24 participants were recruited to attend five focus group sessions. The participants stated that although the experiences of female victims were similar to that proposed by the Web in the Patriarchal Clan System, certain differences did exist. Data analysis results indicated that domestic violence against women in Taiwan is no longer a matter that is solely between the victim and the offender. It is characterized by the following traits: (a) Domestic violence is an ever-changing array of violence that is centered on the public’s justifying of violence, where children are not only involved but are being used and forced to take sides. (b) The offender often uses various compound tactics, which create a different form of domestic violence than that experienced by Japanese women, such as credit deprivation, harassment, and public pressure. (c) In addition to domestic violence, female victims are also subjected to the influence of sociocultural contexts, including their origins and the husbands’ families, as well as stress caused by patriarchy, public opinion, and even traditional religion beliefs and customs. (d) Traditional patriarchal concepts are disseminated through public opinion in communities and the media, which further reinforces a culture that rationalizes violence. (e) Because of victimization and stress, female victims of domestic violence in Taiwan are frequently tormented by the values of autonomy and tolerance. This, in combination with traditional gender roles and the responsibility of being the family caregiver, results in the tendency among female victims of domestic abuse in Taiwan to prioritize keeping the integrity of their husbands’ families. Based on the “array of violence” developed in this study, the researchers provide recommendations pertaining to policy system and operational dimensions for formulating domestic violence prevention measures in Taiwan. In addition, relevant individuals should place greater emphasis on the strategies of domestic violence prevention, such as investing in preventative service in communities, ensuring accessibility to medical and health services, offering community-involved rescue mechanisms, training relevant professionals, and developing long-term living and employment support for victims of domestic abuse. By enhancing these strategies, the connection between the offender’s abusive actions and environmental factors can be severed, public opinion can be transformed into positive support, and the patriarchal influence on women in households and workplace can be mitigated. Furthermore, support provided by woman’s family should be enhanced, and the husband’s family’s indifference toward violent behavior should be deterred, thereby crippling the core justifying of violence and liberating female victims from domestic violence.

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Книги з теми "The anti-domestic violence bill"

Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill [HL]. London: Stationery Office, 2003.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence Crime and Victims Bill [HL]. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill[HL]. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill [HL]. London: Stationery office, 2004.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill [HL]. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill [HL]. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Parliament, Great Britain. Domestic violence, crime and victims Bill: Explanatory notes. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Lords. Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill [HL]: Explanatory notes. London: Stationery Office, 2003.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Standing Committee E. Minutes of Proceedings on the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Bill [Lords]. London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Standing Committee E. Domestic Violence, Crime And Victims Bill [Lords]: Sixth sitting, Tuesday 29 June 2004 (afternoon). London: Stationery Office, 2004.

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Частини книг з теми "The anti-domestic violence bill"

Guney, Gizem, David Davies, and Po-Han Lee. "Introduction." In Towards Gender Equality in Law, 1–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98072-6_1.

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AbstractThis book is the product of an international and interdisciplinary conference that was held at the University of Sussex, UK, in 2018. The primary aim of the conference was to have a closer look at the reasons and impacts of numerous problematic legislation and policies that have been adopted across the world over the last decade and which had a destabilising effect on gender equality and justice. There have been some notable examples in this regard: Poland has reintroduced restriction on women’s right to abortion in 2020 (Calkin & Kaminska, 2020); the debate over the so-called foetal “heartbeat” bills in Taiwan (Liu, 2020) and the ephemeral unconstitutional anti-abortion state laws have been heated in the US and internationally since 2019 (Bakst, 2019; Evans & Narasimhan, 2020); Russia has partially decriminalised domestic violence in 2016, despite the outcry from activists and victims (Semukhina, 2020). As a pandemic swept Europe (Kuhar & Paternotte, 2017), the mobilisation of “anti-gender”, anti-feminist and misogynist discourse in the political and policy domains has its global resonance in, for instance, Brazil (Hunter & Power, 2019), India (Rothermel, 2020) and South Korea (Kim, 2021). In this light, it would not be an exaggeration to contend that the last decade marks a global crisis of gender equality.

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Yan, Yinxiao, and Xuyang Liu. "Design of an Anti-domestic Violence Product Based on Emotion Regulation." In Lecture Notes in Computer Science, 359–69. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23538-3_28.

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Chiu, Man-Chung. "Simularizing Vijñāna and Desire, Reproducing yi and Justice: Osmotic Production of Justice in the Condition of Hong Kong’s Anti Domestic Violence Law." In Transforming the Hong Kong Legal Machine, 93–111. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1272-6_5.

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Afrouz, Rojan, and Beth R. Crisp. "Anti-oppressive Practice in Social Work with Women Wearing Hijab." In Exploring Islamic Social Work, 203–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95880-0_12.

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AbstractReligious beliefs are central to the identity of many people, often signalled by their physical appearance, for example, clothing, hair or jewellery. If prevented from such a form of self-expression, some take action against what they consider a contravention of their human rights. The predominance of this discourse can obscure the possibility that there are others who are forced to signal a religious viewpoint which they may not subscribe to. This chapter explores the wearing of hijab by Afghan women who have lived in Australia less than 10 years. While some choose to wear hijab, there were others who spoke of being forced to wear hijab as a form of domestic violence. Furthermore, whereas for some, not wearing hijab represents a freedom to dress in accordance with their understandings of Australia as a secular society, a few felt that wearing clothes which marked them as Islamic increased the likelihood of attracting xenophobia and discrimination. Hence, for many women, decisions around hijab represented compromise between the demands of their family, the Afghan community and the wider Australian society, rather than a free choice. Consequently, if social workers assume women’s religious beliefs and identity are congruent with their appearance they may inadvertently be contributing to women’s oppression. As such, this chapter explores notions of anti-oppressive practice when working with Muslim women living in non-Muslim majority countries, particularly in respect of dress codes which are associated with Islam.

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Tillous, Marion, Thierry Delpeuch, and François Bonnet. "Frontline Response to High Impact Domestic Violence in France." In Improving Frontline Responses to Domestic Violence in Europe. University of Maribor, University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-543-6.10.

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Since the 2000s, several laws have been enacted by the French parliament to make domestic violence a crime taken more seriously. Among the most important developments, a 2010 bill introduced the protection order in French law; the inter-ministerial mission for the protection of women against violence and the fight against human trafficking (MIPROF) was created in 2013, and a set of conferences between public stakeholders and NGOs took place in 2019 (the "Grenelle des violences conjugales"). In France, policies to combat domestic violence at the local level essentially rely on the setting and diffusion of two types of organisational arrangements. The first type of arrangement is a specialised domestic violence unit that is set up within a larger organisation with a more general mission, such as law enforcement agencies, hospitals, or social services. The second type of arrangement is an inter-organisational structure intended to provide a framework for partnership cooperation against domestic violence, such as social workers embedded in police stations to provide expert assistance to victims when they report domestic violence.

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Boniface, AE. "The impact of Covid-19 on domestic violence in South Africa." In The Impact of Covid-19 on the Future of Law, 119–39. UJ Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/9781776405657-06.

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COVID-19 and the resulting lockdown has had a negative impact on domestic violence in South Africa. It is known that pandemics increase violence against women. Some of the impacts that domestic violence has on family law is that a surge of domestic violence can lead to an increase in divorces; an increase in application for care and protection orders for children as well as removals of children from the home environment when it is in their best interests. This chapter explores this impact by examining the definitions of domestic violence and gender-based violence and the statistics available regarding domestic violence in South Africa. After that the provisions of the Domestic Violence Amendment Bill and other measures taken by the South African government to assist victims of domestic violence are discussed. The chapter also briefly examines the role that patriarchy plays in driving domestic violence in South Africa. From this study, it emerges that violence against women in South Africa is linked to various factors including patriarchy, economic dependency and expected roles of women. Here it is seen that women need to be empowered and we need to actively change society’s beliefs surrounding the role of women. Additionally, there is an intersection between violence against women and violence against children. The conclusion is reached that the COVID-19 pandemic and the resulting lockdown has exacerbated pre-existing problems in South African society that cause domestic violence and that legislation alone is not sufficient to solve the problem of domestic violence in South Africa. We also cannot rely on statistics alone and need to look at the lived experiences of women in South Africa.

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Wolak, Jennifer. "Support for Compromise in Principle and in Practice." In Compromise in an Age of Party Polarization, 176–203. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197510490.003.0009.

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This chapter reports a set of experiments that consider people’s appraisals of specific policy compromises in Congress, focusing on whether people like compromises less once they understand what types of policy concessions they entail. Drawing on recent congressional compromises on domestic violence legislation, education reform, and health-care policy, the experiments test whether people evaluate Congress and its policy outcomes differently when bills are represented as compromises where both sides made concessions in order to achieve policy gains. The results show that people are disappointed when they learn that a bill failed to pass due to members of Congress refusing to compromise. Members of Congress do not seem to be penalized for their support of compromise legislation. Policy compromises serve to boost the perceived legitimacy of the decision-making process, particularly among those who are ideologically opposed to the outcome.

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Murphy, Mary-Elizabeth B. "The Eyes of the World Are upon Us." In Jim Crow Capital, 46–72. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646725.003.0003.

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This chapter analyses how black women living in Washington, D.C. in the 1920s and early 1930s worked hard to pass a federal anti-lynching law. Over a period of fifteen years, women employed a range of protest tactics, including petitions, pickets, prayer meetings, congressional testimony, and a Silent Parade. The U.S. House of Representatives passed the Dyer Anti-Lynching Bill in 1922, but it died in the Senate. Four years later, two women testified in the Senate about the urgency of passing anti-lynching legislation, which reflected the growing visibility of black women in politics. But when activists protested the erasure of lynching at the National Crime Conference in 1934, they recognized that police brutality in the nation’s capital needed to be a political priority. Many of the veterans of anti-lynching activism turned toward eradicating interracial police violence in Washington, D.C. in the 1930s.

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Chiara, Francesco Di. "Domestic Films Made for Export: Modes of Production of the 1960S Italian Horror Film." In Italian Horror Cinema, 30–44. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748693528.003.0003.

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Along with the Italian Western, but with an arguably more lasting effect, Italian horror cinema of the 1960s has contributed significantly to the branding of European genre cinema for an international audience. As with Italian cinema a decade earlier, the success of Italian horror film was due at the same time to its compatibility with other, foreign genre products – they could fit in a double bill with an American International Pictures release, for instance – and their perceived ‘otherness’ in respect of the Hollywood standards. In fact, because of their graphic violence, eroticism and visual flair, these films soon gained a cult following outside of Italy, and especially throughout the 1970s with the increasing international success of Italian giallo and with the emergence of horror cult directors like Dario Argento and Lucio Fulci.

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Keating, Christine (Cricket), and Cynthia Burack. "11. Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, and Human Rights." In Human Rights: Politics and Practice. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708766.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the issue of the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer people (LGBTI). In recent years, LGBTI groups have used the language and frameworks of human rights to organize against state, civil society, religious, and interpersonal violence and discrimination. The broadening of the human rights framework to address issues of sexual orientation and gender identity (SOGI) has been an important development in both the human rights and the LGBTI movements. The chapter begins with a discussion of SOGI rights as human rights, focusing on questions such as the central human rights issues for LGBTI people; how these groups have organized to address these challenges through a human rights framework; and the challenges faced by LGBTI human rights advocates and what successes they have had. It also considers critiques of SOGI human rights activism and concludes with a case study of Uganda's Anti-Homosexuality Bill.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "The anti-domestic violence bill"

Ma, Hui, and Yanqiu Zhang. "The Exploration on Relief Mechanism of Anti-domestic Violence Law of People's Republic of China." In 2017 International Conference on Education, Culture and Social Development (ICECSD 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icecsd-17.2017.57.

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Shi, Yi. "Heard But Marginalized: A Case Study of Chinese NGOs in the Anti-domestic Violence Legislation." In 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.253.

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Feng, Siyu. "The Influence of Patriarchal Clan System on the Legal Status of Chinese Women in Marriage and Family??q??qSuggestions on Promoting the Implementation of Anti Domestic Violence Law." In 4th International Symposium on Social Science (ISSS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/isss-18.2018.144.

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