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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 27 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Tariffs, United States, 1901"

1

Sitaresmi, Anisa Galuh, Hasna Wijayanti, and Halifa Haqqi. "Subsidi Pertanian Amerika Serika Dalam Kasus Perang Dagang Amerika Serikat dan China Tahun 2018-2019." Jurnal Social Economic of Agriculture 10, no. 2 (July 21, 2022): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/j.sea.v10i2.48712.

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The beginning of the trade war between the United States and China was caused by the imposition of United States tariffs on several Chinese products. The imposition of these tariffs led to retaliatory tariffs from China against the United States. China's retaliatory tariffs have an impact on one of the United States' sectors, namely the agricultural sector. The United States agricultural sector is an important sector in the agricultural trade sector in the United States. With the retaliation of tariffs, the agricultural sector experienced a significant decline. In response to this incident, the United States government made a policy to overcome this problem by making a new policy, namely subsidies. This study aims to describe and find out how the implementation of United States agricultural subsidies in the case of the 2018-2019 trade war using qualitative methods and data sources sought using primary and secondary data. To analyze this research, the writer uses neoclassical theory and national interest to find out how the implementation and perspective of the policy are. The results of this study indicate that there are 3 programs implemented by the United States to overcome the trade war, namely MFP, FPDP, ATP. However, these programs reap many pros and cons. The subsidy policy is a policy that endangers the United States economy because it disrupts the market mechanism.
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2

LEE, YONG-SHIK. "Three Wrongs Do Not Make a Right: The Conundrum of the US Steel and Aluminum Tariffs." World Trade Review 18, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474561900020x.

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AbstractIn March 2018, the United States enacted tariff increases on a vast range of imported steel and aluminum products. The Trump administration cited national security concerns as the justification, claiming an exception under GATT Article XXI. In response to these tariffs, several WTO Members, including the European Union, Canada, Mexico, China, Russia, and Turkey, adopted their own tariffs against imports from the United States, justifying their tariffs under the WTO Agreement on Safeguards. Other Members, such as South Korea, Brazil, and Argentina opted for quota agreements on these exports with the United States in exchange for exemption from the tariffs. This article argues that none of these measures is consistent with WTO rules. The sweeping tariffs that the United States have adopted, the retaliatory measures that several Members have implemented, and the bilateral quota agreements that three Members concluded with the United States are indeed ‘three wrongs’ that do not make a right, but rather endanger the stability of the international trading system under WTO legal disciplines.
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3

Monadjemi, Mehdi, and John Lodewijks. "Globalization in Trade or Trade Restrictions? A Study of Post-War and Recent Trends." Applied Economics and Finance 7, no. 2 (February 10, 2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v7i2.4712.

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Despite all of the advantages of free trade and WTO effort to discourage trade restrictions, in July 2018, the President of the United States decided that he is going to impose tariffs on certain goods imported from China. The Chinese government retaliated by levying tariffs on goods and services imported from the United States. This trade war is opposite of the trend ininternational trade during the Post-war period. While the trade deficit figures have improved this has occurred at considerable cost. Tariffs on imported goods are a tax on domestic consumers.
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4

Song, Jingyu. "Why Tariff and Trade War?" Finance and Market 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2020): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.18686/fm.v5i4.2693.

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<p>By see the tariffs and trade wars in different time periods, each countries’ aim to start the trade war and tariff are protecting themselves. Analyzing and comparing the tariff acts in the colonial and antebellum period, the trade conflicts between the United States and Japan in the 1980s, and 2019’s China-United States trade war, we can see how tariffs work the same but also different in different time periods. </p>
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5

Niu, Junde. "US-China Trade War Effects on The Economy of The United States." BCP Business & Management 38 (March 2, 2023): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v38i.3665.

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Several significant imports, including solar panels, washing machines, steel, and aluminum, saw tariff increases in the United States at the beginning of 2018.It soon became clear that China was the target of US trade restrictions, despite the fact that these tariffs did not discriminate based on origin. The United States then increased tariffs on tens of thousands of Chinese goods in 2018 and 2019, concentrating on imports worth approximately $350 billion. China targeted US shipments worth approximately $100 billion as a response to numerous tax waves. The two sides agreed to stop increasing tariffs in January 2020; however, as of 2021, the existing tariffs were still in effect. The trade war stands out as one of the broadest and most significant shifts in US trade policy, despite the fact that the United States has historically been at the forefront of efforts to promote global tariff reductions. As the trade war progressed, economists attempted to assess its economic effects. A timeline of the major events and a summary of the reasons for the trade war from experts and analysts are included in this article. The effects of the trade war on the US economy are also discussed in this article. The conclusion suggests that the conflict has already had different effects on the US economy.
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6

Rizescu, Marilena. "U.S. TRADE STRATEGY (1890-1909): PROTECTION AT HOME VERSUS FREE TRADE ABROAD." Analele Universităţii din Craiova seria Istorie 27, no. 2 (January 23, 2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2022.2.05.

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American trade strategy is defined by a combination of economic interest groups and competition between political parties. In the economic acts passed by Congress the almost infinitely divisible nature of the tariff, which often allowed the charges to be tailored to particular producers, created a norm of mutual noninterference and a process of legislative award in which virtually all claimants could be satisfied. As a result, the American tariff aimed for equality and uniformity in universally applied taxes. The role of political parties fluctuates depending on the interest group. The Republicans, who had an electoral base in the Northeast and Midwest, were identified as the party of protection, and the Democrats, relying increasingly on the traditionally trade-dependent South, asserted themselves as the party of free trade. From this perspective, tariff fluctuations were explained by changes in party dominance. There were multiple rapid and dramatic changes in American trade strategy; after the Civil War and before 1887, the United States was a relatively passive and highly protectionist nation-state. The rates set were high, non-negotiable and non-discriminatory. The transition from America's passive protectionism of the mid-19th century to its active liberalism of the mid-20th represents an extreme turning point. During the period 1890-1909, there was no unidirectional position regarding American trade strategy on a regular or periodic basis. Rather, trade strategy oscillated and was inferred from debates over tariff policy, the central trade issue of the age and the main instrument through which the strategy was implemented. Trade strategy is, however, different and more general than tariff policy; two (or more) tariff acts may differ in their details, but reflect a single commercial strategy. During this period, five tariff acts were passed by Congress: McKinley Tariff (1890), Wilson-Gorman Tariff (1894), Dingley Tariff (1897) and Payne-Aldrich Tariff (1909).
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7

Lee, Yong-Shik. "The Steel and Aluminium Quota Agreements: A Question of Compatibility with WTO Disciplines and Their Impact on the World Trading System." Journal of World Trade 53, Issue 5 (October 1, 2019): 811–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2019032.

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In March 2018, the United States adopted measures to increase tariffs on a range of imported steel and aluminium products, justifying the tariffs with its national security concerns under GATT Article XXI. The United States also exempted certain exporting countries, such as South Korea, Brazil, and Argentina, from these tariffs in exchange for quota agreements limiting exports of the steel and aluminium products from these countries. These steel and aluminium quota agreements arguably violate the provisions of Article 11 of the WTO Agreement on Safeguards prohibiting such agreements (‘gray-area measures’). This article reviews the compatibility of the steel and aluminium quota agreements with the Agreement on Safeguards and examines the impact of these agreements on the world trading system.
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8

Schropp, Simon, Olim Latipov, Christian Lau, and Kornel Mahlstein. "Quantifying the Impact of the Latest US Tariff Sanctions on Russia: A Sectoral Analysis." Journal of World Trade 57, Issue 1 (February 1, 2023): 55–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2023003.

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In addition to the existing import ban on energy products (oil, gas, coal), the United States recently announced a new sanction package that imposes significantly higher import tariffs on 570 product groups from Russia. These tariff increases affect more than USD 2 billion in US imports from Russia. Using a sector-specific partial-equilibrium (PE) model, we quantify the impact of these US tariff increases. We find that the new tariffs affect 8.7% of total US imports from Russia and may decrease Russian welfare by USD 181 million per year, while imposing annual costs of USD 90 million on US consumers. Our sectoral analysis shows that the US’ choice of target sectors produces mixed results. On one hand, the sanctions cover dozens of sectors whose inclusion produce particularly large welfare losses to Russia and/or high welfare gains to the US Yet, for several target sectors higher tariffs result in zero harm to Russia, and/or greater harm to the US than to Russia. For example, higher tariffs for several selected sectors result in zero harm to Russia, and/or greater harm to the United States than to Russia. These and other insights may provide guidance for the design of future tariff sanctions by the European Union (EU) and other Allies. International trade, war in Ukraine, economic sanctions, import tariffs, economic impact, partial equilibrium, sectoral analysis, welfare analysis, pass-through, tariff revenue, Russia, United States, European Union
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9

Amiti, Mary, Stephen J. Redding, and David E. Weinstein. "The Impact of the 2018 Tariffs on Prices and Welfare." Journal of Economic Perspectives 33, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 187–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.33.4.187.

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We examine conventional approaches to evaluating the economic impact of protectionist trade policies. We illustrate these conventional approaches by applying them to the tariffs introduced by the Trump administration during 2018. In the wake of this increase in trade protection, the United States experienced substantial increases in the prices of intermediates and final goods, dramatic changes to its supply-chain network, reductions in availability of imported varieties, and the complete pass-through of the tariffs into domestic prices of imported goods. Therefore, the full incidence of the tariffs has fallen on domestic consumers and importers so far, and our estimates imply a reduction in aggregate US real income of $1.4 billion per month by the end of 2018. We see similar patterns for foreign countries that have retaliated with their own tariffs against the United States, which suggests that the trade war has also reduced the real income of these other countries.
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10

Luan, Bowen. "Macroeconomic Effect of The U.S. Tariff on Steel and Aluminum." BCP Business & Management 23 (August 4, 2022): 890–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v23i.1469.

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In the context of deglobalization, the United States proposed a trade policy of imposing tariffs on steel and aluminum in March 2018. This paper first discusses the possible motivations behind the tariff levitation by the United States. It also analyzes the impact of US tariffs on its trading partners and itself under the unilateral tariff model and the bilateral tariff model. The conclusion of the analysis is that the impact of this US trade policy on the economy of steel and aluminum importing countries, especially in the long run, is not as pessimistic as imagined. And considering the impact of the tariffs, as well as the EU and China’s trade countermeasures on the U.S. economy, the U.S. should perhaps reassess what this policy has brought to the U.S.
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Дисертації з теми "Tariffs, United States, 1901"

1

Baldwin, Timothy D'arcy. "Communicating with university students in an emergency. A survey of what they know and how to reach them." Thesis, School of Information and Library Science, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1901/539.

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The recent emergencies on college campuses including the Virginia Tech massacre of April, 2007, the Northern Illinois University shootings and the Union University tornado highlight the importance of disaster preparedness within the university community. This study is a survey exploring the daily rhythms of student life, the communication channels open to students and students composition and characteristics. This survey finds that students have frequent access to communication technologies which can be utilized as warning channels. The study also concludes that many students do not actively seek out information relative to emergency preparedness and the gaps in the populations knowledge require increased disaster education by the university.
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2

Jones, Leigh A. "Selective United States Federal Information on Historically Black Colleges and Universities: An Annotated Bibliography." Thesis, School of Information and Library Science, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1901/279.

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The purpose of this bibliography is to serve researchers who are interested in finding information on Historically Black Colleges and Universities that is published by the United States federal government. The information that can be found by the use of this bibliography is intended to be broad in nature. Some of the information that is provided places a focus on the history of those institutions and the current needs of those schools. Other citations provided lead to information concerning the research that is taking place at those colleges and universities. Finally, information on federally funded programs that are geared towards increasing minority involvement in certain fields, professions and research are also included. The bibliography is selective in nature.
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3

Loree, S. "Is Citation Analysis Worth It: A Comparison of the Usefulness of Local Citation Analysis, Interlibrary Loan Records and Usage Statistics for Collection Development Purposes in a Special Library." Thesis, School of Information and Library Science, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1901/369.

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This study evaluates local citation analysis in comparison to interlibrary loan records and usage statistics as indicators for collection evaluation and development purposes in a special library setting as evidenced through a case study at the Environmental Protection Agency’s Main Library in Research Triangle Park, North Carolina. More specifically, it examines how data gathered from these three tools compare as predictors for future trends in use of journals and as tools for developing parameters and guidelines for anticipatory collection development decisions in a scientific research library. Ultimately, citation analysis is the most successful in predicting the following year’s usage.
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4

Gauto, Raul. "The impact of tariffs and transport costs on Latin America's wood exports to the United States." Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51891.

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Latin American exports of solid wood products to the United States have not been as significant as would be expected, considering the great resource base existent in that region. Several tariff and non-tariff barriers have inhibited Latin American exports to North America. Two of the most important barriers are tariffs and transportation costs. This study uses the effective protective rate approach and empirically estimates the level of effective protection afforded American producers of five solid wood products from Latin American imports by tariffs and transportation costs, and compares the relative importance of the two barriers, It also observes the behaviour of the protective structure relative to the degree of manufacturing of the solid wood products under study. The estimates indicate that effective rates of protection are considerable larger than corresponding nominal rates. In addition, effective protection provided by transportation costs are between 2.5 and 10 times more important than the effective protection provided by tariffs. Finally, the estimates show that effective tariff protection for solid wood products does not escalate with degree of manufacturing, in contraposicion to studies carried out by economists over a wider spectrum of industries. On the other hand, the effective protection provided by transportation cost declines with degree of manufacturing, favoring the exports of manufactured solid wood products as opposed to exports of raw material or semi—processed intermediate inputs.
Master of Science
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5

Mathes, Benjamin J. "TESTING THE IMPACTS OF FEED-IN TARIFFS AND DEREGULATION ON RENEWABLE ENERGY GENERATION IN THE UNITED STATES." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461341013.

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6

Root, Jonathan B. "A people’s religion: the populist impulse in early Kansas Pentecostalism, 1901-1904." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/1371.

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Master of Arts
Department of History
Robert D. Linder
This thesis examines early Pentecostalism in light of the Populist Movement. There are two main arguments in this study. First, I maintain that early Kansas Pentecostalism, as seen in the teachings of Charles Fox Parham, was heavily influenced by Populist ideas and language. Parham displayed Populist tendencies in his attacks on the Protestant Establishment, which he believed had neglected to care for the spiritual and physical needs of “the people.” This failure on the part of the churches led Parham to believe that a major reform of the church was needed. Parham went beyond simply criticizing the establishment. He also developed a popular theology that empowered individuals, many of whom were poor and working-class, and created a strong sense of collective aspiration. The second argument of this study is that Populism fostered a sociopolitical environment in which Pentecostalism could thrive. Parham’s confrontations with the Protestant Establishment and his concern with the needs of “the people” was attractive to many individuals who tended to support movements that sought to disrupt the status quo. One event that can shed light on early Kansas Pentecostalism’s relationship with Populism was a revival in Galena, Kansas, a lead and zinc mining town in the southeast corner of the state, that took place from October 1903 to January 1904. By examining some of the connections between the Populist movement and early Kansas Pentecostalism, this study provides some insight into the development of one of the most popular expressions of Christianity in the world.
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7

Zwarich, Jennifer. "Federal Films| Bureaucratic Activism and the U.S. Government Motion Picture Initiative, 1901-1941." Thesis, New York University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3635322.

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This dissertation describes the emergence and expansion of U.S. government motion picture work over the first four decades of the twentieth century. It situates the early history of federal filmmaking within the long progressive drive to reshape representative government into a more active proponent of the welfare of its citizenry and argues that despite reigning critiques to the contrary, institutional sponsorship actually gave social meaning and efficacy to this mode of social documentary. Indeed, I argue that U.S. government film production can be understood as a kind of social activism that was simultaneously propelled and limited by the contours of the federal bureaucracy. Envisioning government film work as “bureaucratic activism”—with all the power as well as the inefficiencies, entrenched rigidities, red tape, politics and establishment loyalties implied by the term “bureaucratic”—is useful here. It helps capture the contradictory nature of a pragmatic enterprise that actively and optimistically sought social change from within the confines of the status quo.

Federal films are examined in this history as spaces of complex negotiation— as points of contact between the structure(s) of the American democratic state and the imaginings of progressive bureaucrats about both their relationship to that state and its relationship to its citizens. Relying largely on original research in little-mined federal collections, I argue that the interpretations of social problems and solutions attempted in and by these film texts represent more than attempts to bolster institutional authority and reinforce the status quo (though, of course, they were such attempts). These aims were mediated by a will—evident both within the film texts and in the extemporaneous correspondence of their administrators and producers—to explain or justify such authority claims by literally and figuratively visualizing them as not arbitrary but rather in the interest of nurturing or protecting the common good. Federal films, seen in this way, don’t automatically obviate social change but instead represent attempts to relate social change to the ideal of democratic government. Viewed in the context of the specific change initiatives they were produced to aid, federal films were reflections of and on democratic governance itself.

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8

Thompson, John Mortimer. "The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.

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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
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Larsen, Dana B. "IN SEARCH OF THE THIRD FORCE: THE AMERICAN LOBBY FOR NGO DINH DIEM (VIETNAM)." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292095.

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Fain, Mary K. "Bookmobile Staff Perceptions on Bookmobile Service." Thesis, School of Information and Library Science, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1901/456.

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This study describes a questionnaire survey of bookmobile staff across the United States via the Association of Bookmobile and Outreach Services (ABOS). The survey was conducted to determine if and in what ways do bookmobile librarians and staff perceive bookmobiles as important and relevant to contemporary bookmobile users and how do they perceive the bookmobile’s role in fulfilling patron’s informational, recreational, and educational needs? Their thoughts and opinions help to explain why bookmobiles exist and their role in the modern world.Forty-eight bookmobile staff persons from 22 states responded. From the survey, it is clear that they believe strongly in what they do. 75% expected to continue to increase their services in the next 5 years due to increasing needs of seniors, preschoolers, school children, and communities. A growing need was seen for more bookmobiles, more specialized bookmobiles for specific populations, more technology and more staff to serve more people.
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Книги з теми "Tariffs, United States, 1901"

1

GOVERNMENT, US. International taxation: United States tax treaties. Colorado Springs, Colo: Shepard's/McGraw-Hill, 1993.

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GOVERNMENT, US. The Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement : tariff schedule of the United States. Ottawa: External Affairs Canada, 1987.

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3

Miller, E. Willard. United States trade-tariffs: A bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1991.

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4

Minority victory: Gilded age politics and the front porch campaign of 1888. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008.

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5

1959-, Northrup Cynthia Clark, and Turney, Elaine C. Prange, 1957-, eds. Encyclopedia of tariffs and trade in U.S. history. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2003.

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6

US GOVERNMENT. United States Constitution and the Alabama Constitution of 1901. [St. Paul, Minn.]: West Group, 2001.

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7

Josephson, Matthew. The robber barons: The great American capitalists, 1861-1901. Norwalk, Conn: Easton Press, 1987.

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8

United States. Navy Dept. Annual reports of the Secretary of the Navy, 1821-1901. Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1988.

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9

United States. Environmental Protection Agency. 1901, Environmental Protection Agency acquisition regulation (EPAAR). [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Administration and Resources Management, Office of Acquisition Management, 2000.

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United States. Environmental Protection Agency. 1901, Environmental Protection Agency acquisition regulation (EPAAR). [Washington, D.C.]: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Office of Administration and Resources Management, Office of Acquisition Management, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "Tariffs, United States, 1901"

1

Taylor, Mark Zachary. "William McKinley and the Developmental State, 1897–1901." In Presidential Leadership in Feeble Times, 320—C12P99. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197750742.003.0015.

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Abstract William McKinley was one of the most economically successful presidents of any era. Elected amid the Great Depression of 1893–1897, he ushered in a period of fantastic growth and recovery. His solution was to embrace what political economists today call the “developmental state”: export-led industrialization shielded behind a protectionist wall and supported by strategic government intervention in finance and exchange rates. He got to work soon after election day rather than await inauguration. And within a year he had actively coordinated with Republicans in Congress to increase tariffs so as to repair federal revenues. McKinley then deftly maneuvered the United States onto the gold standard, thereby fixing the dollar’s value and reassuring investors in American assets. Meanwhile, his administration held back on antitrust enforcement. This enabled a massive wave of industrial combinations that brought incredible economies of scale and scope, as well as widespread technological change. The dislocations for labor were significant, but nationwide unemployment fell, wages gradually rose, and inequality dropped to its lowest levels in fifteen years. All the while, McKinley led a campaign of education and consensus-building. He thereby renewed trust in the country’s major political-economic institutions, including the presidency. McKinley’s muscular foreign policy further enhanced America’s economic position. It increased confidence in the United States, both at home and abroad, as a rising military power, well capable of defending its economic interests.
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2

Lewinski, Silke von. "Copyright and Neighbouring Rights Under the Nafta and other Regional Agreements." In International Copyright Law and Policy, 321–48. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199207206.003.0018.

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Abstract One of the avenues taken by the USA since the mid-1980s to include intellectual property in international trade law, besides the GATT/TRIPS approach and unilateral trade measures, has been the conclusion of bilateral and regional trade agreements on the basis of its Trade Act 1988. The Canada–United States Free Trade Agreement of 1988 was the second bilateral agreement in a series of many to follow. Only some months after the USA and Mexico had decided to pursue a free trade agreement (FTA), Canada showed interest in participating in negotiations with a view towards a trilateral agreement. Within fourteen months between 1991 and 1992, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was successfully negotiated among the three countries; it entered into force on 1 January 1994. It was based on the Canada–US FTA but went beyond it in many areas, in particular in intellectual property where the bilateral agreement had only included a provision on cable retransmission. NAFTA was concluded not least to build a counterpart to the perceived emergence of trade blocs in Europe and Asia. It created a free trade area of around 370 million inhabitants and aimed at enhanced trade liberalization and better access to the respective markets. Major parts of the NAFTA deal with the reduction or abolition of tariffs and other trade barriers.
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3

"China, 1901–41." In The Small Wars of the United States, 1899–2009, 105–21. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203854341-10.

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4

"Tariffs, customs and rules of origin." In An Introduction to the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement, 24–44. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781839105326.00008.

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5

"Boxer Uprising, 1898–1901." In The Small Wars of the United States, 1899–2009, 92–104. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203854341-9.

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6

"The United States Volunteer Force of 1899–1901." In The US Volunteers in the Southern Philippines, 26–43. University Press of Kansas, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18msqk9.8.

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7

"Iran, Global Oil, and the United States, 1901–1947." In Petroleum and Progress in Iran, 21–52. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781009206327.003.

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8

Hehman, Michelle C. "The Rise of a Profession: “An Art and a Science” 1873–1901." In History of Professional Nursing in the United States. New York, NY: Springer Publishing Company, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/9780826133137.0003.

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9

Schumpeter, Joseph A., and Richard Swedberg. "The Influence of Protective Tariffs on The Industrial Development of The United States." In Essays, edited by Richard V. Clemence, 169–74. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351311489-14.

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10

Kissin, S. F. "Colonial Wars of the United States 1898-1901: Cuba and the Philippines." In War and the Marxists, 117–19. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429267178-13.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Tariffs, United States, 1901"

1

Makled, A. H., and E. J. Grotke. "Plasma Arc Gasification for Solid Waste Disposal: Update on St. Lucie County, Florida Project." In 16th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec16-1901.

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Plasma arc gasification is an emerging technology for generation of renewable energy and other by-products from a variety of waste. This bold technology is under development in a number of locations around the world, although it is too early to fully know if the technology is technically feasible and economically viable on a truly heterogeneous municipal waste stream like that found in the U.S. Plasma arc technology in the United States in other applications dates back approximately 40 years when it was utilized by NASA to test heat shield materials for spacecraft. In 1989, plasma arc technology was used in an iron melting furnace in Defiance, Ohio (USA). Plasma arc gasification has been used in municipal solid waste destruction since 1999 in Japan for destruction of solid waste and automobile shredder residue. Plasma arc gasification heats waste materials to temperatures in excess of 10,000 degrees Fahrenheit (°F) to break the molecular bonds and gasify the materials. This liberates the energy potential of the waste materials and melts the residue to an inert, glass-like slag, which may be used as an aggregate in construction and manufacturing operations. If this market can be developed, it will significantly reduce the need for landfill disposal in the future. St. Lucie County, Florida (USA), is in the process of negotiating with a developer for the construction of a plasma arc gasification facility that will process 1,000 tons per day of municipal solid waste. The facility may be the first large scale solid waste plasma arc processing facility in the United States. Camp Dresser & McKee is assisting St. Lucie County to negotiate the agreements for this project. The project is expected to be privately financed, so the County will not be putting any money at risk. In this paper, we will describe the plasma arc technology, present its historical applications, and discuss the St. Lucie project from initial conception to its current status.
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2

Uygur, Ercan. "Uncertainties, Protectionism and Slowdown in Global Trade." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02195.

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The United States announced plans to impose tariffs and quotas on her imports of certain commodities, notably iron, steel and aluminum, and on imports from certain countries, including those from China, in early 2018. These and counter announcements has been considered as the start of global trade wars. Even before that, there has been a significant slowdown in the growth of world trade in recent years. In the three decades before 2011, annual world trade recorded a growth of about 6%. This was twice as high as world GDP growth, implying an income (GDP) elasticity of trade at around 2. Between 2011 – 2016, the income elasticity of trade has fallen to below 1, on average. While the recent poor performance of global trade has been attributed to these structural and cyclical factors, this paper argues that the rise in both price uncertainty, demand uncertainty and policy uncertainty have and will have a significant effect on trade growth. Price uncertainty is reflected in fluctuations in real exchange rates, commodity prices and manufacturing prices. Demand uncertainty, on the other hand, is reflected by growth variability in time and among countries. Policy uncertainty can be traced in protectionist measures.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Tariffs, United States, 1901"

1

Fink, S., K. Porter, and J. Rogers. Relevance of Generation Interconnection Procedures to Feed-in Tariffs in the United States. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), October 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/991974.

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2

Fink, Sari, Kevin Porter, and Jennifer Rogers. The Relevance of Generation Interconnection Procedures to Feed-in Tariffs in the United States. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), October 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1219198.

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3

Autor, David, Anne Beck, David Dorn, and Gordon Hanson. Help for the Heartland? The Employment and Electoral Effects of the Trump Tariffs in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w32082.

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4

Volpe Martincus, Christian, and Sandra Milena Gómez. Trade Policy and Export Diversification: What Should Colombia Expect from the FTA with the United States. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011059.

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According to the economic theory and recent empirical evidence, improved market access through trade arrangements is likely to favor export diversification. In this paper, we assess whether this has been the case of Colombian exports to the United States and whether an FTA with the United States would help Colombia to diversify their exports. We find that lower tariffs have indeed favored exports of new products from Colombia. Predictions suggest that the FTA is likely to induce further diversification, but up to a certain point.
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5

Couture, T., and K. Cory. State Clean Energy Policies Analysis (SCEPA) Project: An Analysis of Renewable Energy Feed-in Tariffs in the United States (Revised). Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), June 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/953830.

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6

Hathaway, Dale E. The Impacts of U.S. Agricultural and Trade Policy on Trade Liberalization and Integation via a U.S.-Central American Free Trade Agreement. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011098.

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This study looks at several major legislative actions in 2002 that will substantially affect trade negotiations with the United States, and examines the US import protection for agricultural products that will be critical in trade negotiations with Central American countries. The two important legislative actions were the passage of the 2002 Farm Bill and the passage of Trade Promotion Authority, which provides for "fast track" treatment of trade agreements. The 2002 farm bill was widely denounced as a major reversal of US farm policy, away from the earlier move toward reduced levels of support and toward decoupled supports for key commodities. In fact, however, the 2002 farm bill contained the same support mechanisms that were in the highly touted 1996 farm bill. The 2002 farm bill also reauthorizes the various export programs that the US government uses to support the increased exports of US farm products. The Trade Promotion Authority contains several new restrictions on US negotiators. It lays out a list of sensitive agricultural products and requires special procedures before any negotiations to liberalize access can occur. In addition to the list of sensitive products the US has some significant tariffs on a number of products that the Central American countries export to the US. Elimination of these tariffs can provide significant gains in market access for some products. In summary, the successful negotiation and approval of a US-CAFTA will require major political will on both sides to overcome the major hurdles that exist.
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7

Meardon, Stephen. A Tale of Two Tariff Commissions and One Dubious ¿Globalization Backlash? Inter-American Development Bank, January 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010964.

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During much of the previous era of globalization, from the 1860s until the First World War, U.S. tariffs were surprisingly high. Present-day economic historians have suggested that U.S. protection as the result of a backlash against globalization that was the beginning of its decline. They have also argued that the backlash holds a lesson for the present: specifically, that we must attend to the distributive inequities that globalization engenders, or else globalization will again plant the seeds of its own destruction. I show that U.S. tariffs were not the product of backlash. A history of economic ideas in the nineteenth century United States, centered on two tariff commissions in 1866-1870 and 1882, reveals that the ideas debated in intellectual and policy circles alike bore no trace of globalization backlash. The important feature of U.S. intellectual and tariff policy history is not globalization backlash, but rather the absence from most historical accounts of certain thinkers and ideas that were crucial to the debate. Accordingly, the lesson that history holds for the present is not that we must attend to globalization's inequities. (That lesson is likely to stand or fall apart from history.) Instead it is that we need to attend to the /idea/ of backlash, which has a foothold in history that is deeper than the evidence. The lesson implies that to understand the present and future of globalization, what are required are histories of ideas.
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8

Walmsley, Terrie, and Thomas Hertel. China's Accession to the WTO: Timing is Everything. GTAP Working Paper, October 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp13.

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Since China’s application in 1987 to resume its status in the Generalized Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO) there has been a great deal of debate over the timing of China’s accession. Although most of the issues relating to the timing of China’s trade liberalization have been resolved, the abolition of restrictions on Chinese textiles and clothing may still be subject to delay if the United States and Europe choose to implement the safeguards contained in the their bilateral accession agreements with China as well as in the original Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC). In this paper, the effects of alternative target dates for the elimination of restrictions on textiles quotas are examined. Since this issue revolves fundamentally around the question of timing, it is most appropriately addressed in a dynamic model. In this study we use the Dynamic GTAP model. This is applied to a 19-region by 22-commodity aggregation of the GTAP database, supplemented with foreign income data. The paper finds that timing is indeed an important determinant of the profile of structural adjustment required in China and the rest of the world. In light of their interest in delayed implementation the ATC, it is interesting to note that our results suggest slower elimination of these quotas is detrimental to national welfare in North America and Europe.
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9

Estevadeordal, Antoni. Negotiating Preferential Market Access: The Case of NAFTA. Inter-American Development Bank, June 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011086.

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There is a growing interest related to the theoretical analysis of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs). Nevertheless, there has been as yet very little empirical research on the topic, in particular, on the negotiating dynamics of these types of agreements. This paper attempts to make a contribution in this direction examining the relationship between the two most important market access instruments in the case of NAFTA negotiations: the preferential tariff phase-outs and the accompanying rules of origin (RoO). The traditional literature has viewed market access negotiations solely in terms of tariff (and non-tariff) negotiations. From an analytical point of view, the role of RoO, that is the rules that are designed to determine the origin of products in international trade, has usually been restricted to a "secondary" or "supportive" function. As such, RoO were seen to assist in the application or implementation of other "primary" instruments. In the case of preferential RoO, they help to determine when a particular good will be granted preferential tariff treatment. Using a newly constructed data set this paper estimates a simultaneous equation model where the endogenous variables are the preferential tariff phase-outs between Mexico and the United States and the RoO under the NAFTA agreement. The empirical findings of this paper support the view that in accordance with recent literature, the NAFTA RoO were used as an independent commercial policy instrument with a "primary" market access function as it is the case with the traditional preferential tariffs.
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10

Chepeliev, Maksym, Wally Tyner, and Dominique van der Mensbrugghe. How Differing Trade Policies May Impact U.S. Agriculture: The Potential Economic Impacts of TPP, USMCA, and NAFTA. GTAP Working Paper, November 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp84.

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In the last two years, the United States has reversed the post-World War II trend toward the lowering of trade barriers and a commitment towards multilateral free trade. Citing a need to “level the playing field” and hold trading partners accountable to their commitments, the current Administration has moved towards a more protectionist and perhaps mercantilist position vis-à-vis trade policy. One of the Administration’s first actions in this regard was the decision to leave the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, followed thereafter by raising tariffs on steel and aluminum imports. The Administration’s actions on trade are likely to have significant implications for U.S. farmers as these actions target three of the largest markets for U.S. agricultural exports – Canada, China and Mexico – accounting for some 44%, and representing an average of $63 billion, of U.S. agricultural exports 2013 to 2015. <em>Commissioned by the <a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/">Farm Foundation</a></em> <strong><a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/forums/2019-farm-foundation-forums/u-s-and-canadian-perspectives-on-trans-pacific-trade/">Farm Foundation Forum</a></strong> (March 4, 2019) <ul> <li><a href="https://soundcloud.com/user-254829763/us-canadian-perspectives-on-trans-pacific-trade">Forum audio</a></li> <li><a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/trade/">Food and Agricultural Trade Resource Center</a></li> </ul> <strong><a href="https://www.farmfoundation.org/forums/2018-farm-foundation-forums/oct-31-2018-farm-foundation-forum/">Farm Foundation Forum</a></strong> (October 31, 2018) <ul> <li><a href="https://brianallmerradionetwork.wordpress.com/2018/10/31/10-31-18-a-closer-look-at-the-purdue-universitys-global-trade-analysis-project-regarding-usmca-with-purdue-ag-economist-dominique-y-van-der-mensbrugghe-ph-d/">van der Mensbrugghe Interview</a></li> </ul>
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