Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Spanish Colonial Painting"

I propose a new reading of the intersection of image and text as a site for reworkings of barbarian identity in Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra's last work, Los trabajos de Persiles y Sigismunda: Historia setentrional (1617). Through narrative manipulations of the half–barbarian character Antonio el mozo's relation to painting, Cervantes crafts complex interrelations among American pictographic language, European alphabetism, and colonial models of barbarian identity to demonstrate the adaptability and ingenuity of indigenous people. I analyze the function of ekphrastic passages that reflect American pictographic language and demonstrate the influence of Mexican painting on the literature of the Spanish golden age. Descriptions of paintings in the Persiles ultimately provide a metafictional critique of European paradigms of graphic representation and challenge the authority of European colonial rationalizations of power dynamics in the New World. (EB)

Abstract In the sixteenth century, the Spanish Crown moved to compile a comprehensive knowledge of its European and American landholdings to materialize the idea of a unified and civilized empire. Peninsular officials sent questionnaires to the Americas, including a request for “paintings” of the urban and natural landscape, without much detail on the project’s guidelines. The varied responses sent back to Spain are known as the Relaciones Geográficas de Indias. This essay investigates the cultural negotiations and potential for Indigenous representations of “depth of place” embedded in one such painting from the Peruvian highland region of Yauyos and Huarochirí. By analyzing colonial-period sources and using spatial modeling, this research underscores the different portrayals of space coexisting on the map. By comparing the painting with contemporary colonial sources, this article examines ongoing negotiations of natural and urban landscapes and an emerging view that synthesized different readings of the same landscape in a period of colonial dislocation and reinvention.

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 65, issue 4 (2017). Painting of the Cuzco school developed in the city proper and in the Cuzco region in the 17th and 18th centuries. Its influence was not limited to this area; information about the presence of paintings from Cuzco in distant regions of the Viceroyalty of Peru can be found in numerous sources. The tradition which acknowledged Cuzco painting to be a manifestation of cultural mestization is extremely strong. We can easily point at Spanish (colonial) as well as native (Indian) features in both formal and semantic aspects of representations. However, Cuzco painting is not a matter of the past; nowadays there are still studies which produce neo-Baroque pictures, stylistically imitating old paintings. I would like to present neo-Baroque canvas and subsequent stages of work on them, using field research from 2013 and photographs taken in Galería de Artesanía “Fenix” in Cuzco, run by Luis Alfredo Pacheco Venero. What is important in the summary is reflections on cusqueñismo, a phenomenon typical of the city since the 1920s and wondering whether within its scope there is a place not only for the Inca tradition but also for colonial art. Modern search for regional identity is not limited to the pre-Columbian era, but more and more often highly assesses the colonial legacy.

Art work throughout almost the entire history of the Church has been primarily didactic. Man was taught through the arts of sculpture, painting, mosaic, and stained glass, all that he should know of the creation of the world, the dogmas of religion, the virtues, the hero-saints, and during the middle ages especially, the range of the sciences, the arts and crafts. Thus, in the latter half of the eighteenth century when the Franciscans came to the remote outposts in California, they brought with them the pictures and statues by which the simple and ignorant Indian might learn, through his eyes, much of what he was to know of his new faith. “Through the medium of art the highest conceptions of theologian and scholar penetrated to some extent the minds of even the humblest of the people.”

Less than two years after the United States occupied New Mexico, Acoma Pueblo accused its neighbors in Laguna Pueblo of misappropriating a painting of Saint Joseph. The Indians of Acoma claimed that they had loaned the picture to the pueblo of Laguna for the purpose of celebrating Holy Week, but Laguna had subsequently refused to return it. The large oil painting on canvas, which portrayed the standing figure of Joseph holding the baby Jesus, was said to have been sent to New Mexico by Carlos II, king of Spain from 1665 to 1700. Both pueblos claimed rightful ownership of the picture, both said that missionaries with the early Spanish conquerors had brought them the oil painting from Spain, and both asserted that the painting was necessary for their religious worship. It was believed that the painting of Saint Joseph, or San José, as he was referred to throughout the legal documents, worked miracles for its possessor. Most important to the pueblos was the belief that the painting brought life-sustaining rain to the parched agricultural lands that provided their main source of food.

Painting materials used in Spanish American Colonial art comprised pigments and binders from European origin as well as those that were already known in pre-Hispanic times. In recent years, we have identified for the first time the mineral atacamite, a basic copper chloride (Cu2Cl(OH)3), in Andean Colonial art pieces (Viceroyalty of Peru, 16th–18th centuries). This work proposes a methodology based on a multitechnical approach to identify and establish the origin (natural or synthetic) of the atacamite pigment in Andean cultural heritage objects. Optical microscopy (OM), scanning electron microscopy with energy-dispersive spectroscopy (SEM-EDS), portable X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy (pXRF), attenuated total reflection infrared spectroscopy (FTIR-ATR), micro-Raman spectroscopy, and wide-angle X-ray scattering (WAXS) were applied to analyse green pigments from the altarpiece of the Church of Ancoraimes, atacamite mineral samples from Chile, and atacamite obtained as a secondary product from traditional recipes used to produce verdigris, a copper acetate. Viride salsum by Teófilo Presbítero (SXII) and the Spanish translation by Andrés de Laguna (1566) of “De Materia Médica” from Dioscorides are both texts that include recipes involving the use of metallic copper as a starting material. These studies will contribute to the history of Spanish American Colonial art and to the knowledge on technological capacities and skills in the Andean region during this period.

Measuring Ingredients: Food and Domesticity in Mexican Casta Paintings Mexican casta paintings flourished as a popular art form in the eighteenth century. No one is sure of the exact origin of this type of painting, which depicted racial mixtures accompanied by local foods; most likely it was an export item for wealthy Spaniards who were returning home and wanted a souvenir of colorful and exotic Mexico. Casta paintings were generally created in sets of sixteen canvases, and depicted all manner of racial hybridization among Whites, Blacks and Amerindians. The common trope was to portray a father, a mother, and an offspring, beginning with the Spanish male with Indian and Black consorts, and ending with an Indian couple, groupings which reflected social hierarchies of the colonial world. Most were painted by anonymous artists, though the canvases analyzed in this study are by known painters. Because of the emphasis on domestic relations, couples were often portrayed in kitchens or markets, which gives us valuable information on this aspect of daily life. The foods associated with the different castes also reflected socio-economic hierarchies, as well as reinforced the idea of America as land of bounty. Colonial artists generally imitated European models, but with the casta paintings Mexican artists were instead urged to paint what distinguished their country from Spain, hereby contributing to a growing sense of independence from the metropolis.

The author of the paper investigates the work of Cristóbal de Villalpando (c.1649-1714). His paintings are analyzed in historical, cultural and social context. The author pays attention to the links and relationships between the art world of Europe and the Viceroyalty of New Spain. A significant part of his paintings belongs to the religious genre. Villalpando had been strongly influenced by works of Spanish and Flemish artists. Villalpando’s paintings demonstrate his penchant for narrative, monumentality and incorporation of many figures and details in his compositions. At the same time Villalpando acts as a distinctive painter, originally interpreting biblical scenes and signing himself as “inventor”. The relevance of the article is due to the lack of knowledge of the Baroque colonial artists’ heritage.

The paper offers a revision of the current knowledge concerning elderly Maya women, based on Maya and Spanish colonial sources, as well as iconographic artefacts such as vessels, figurines and mural painting. The main objective is to determine whether information derived from the above sources is congruent and whether it coincides with the current notions about these women. Moreover, special attention is paid to certain roles played by the elderly Maya women, which distinguish them from other female members of the community and, at the same time, bring them almost on a par with men.

В статье рассматривается феномен кусканской школы живописи (одного из наиболее самобытных явлений культурной жизни не только стран Андского региона, но и всей Латинской Америки в колониальный период) как отражение мировоззрения индейцев колониального периода. Важность этих визуальных источников обусловлена тем, что они создавались самими индейцами, хотя и под контролем испанского клира с целью христианизации местного населения. Несмотря на значимость тематики и немалое количество посвященных ей исследований, многие аспекты проблемы еще не нашли исчерпывающего истолкования. Во многом это касается как раз идеологических и мировоззренческих аспектов. В связи с этим перед автором стояла задача рассмотреть полотна не с сугубо искусствоведческих, а с семиотических позиций: какие аспекты мировоззрения стоят за тем или иным символом и мотивом. Для решения этой задачи автор анализирует ряд живописных полотен школы Куско (наиболее перспективных с точки зрения целей исследования) с целью выявить содержащиеся в них мировоззренческие элементы, которые нашли отражение в образах, мотивах, цветопередаче. Проведение такого анализа невозможно без привлечения сравнительных данных из других источников по особенностям индейского мировоззрения, прежде всего письменных. Единовременность создания обеих групп источников позволяет проводить релевантные параллели относительно одних и тех же объектов исследования. В первую очередь для удобства и наглядности анализа автор проводит типологизацию мировоззренческих элементов по принципу происхождения. Традиционно их можно поделить на индейские, испано-христианские и смешанные. Автор также дает краткий обзор основных художественных традиций, оказавших влияние на становление школы (испанское барокко, индейские верования и элементы искусства и пр.). Анализ художественных и стилистических особенностей произведений с точки зрения их идеологического содержания позволяет сделать следующие выводы. Во-первых, многие символы и мотивы школы Куско прямо восходят к индейским верованиям доиспанской эпохи. Во-вторых, многие эти символы и мотивы не являются эксплицитными, а считываются без особых затруднений. В-третьих, испано-христианские элементы носят во многом внешний, декларативный характер с рядом уступок по отношению к языческим мотивам. Все это говорит о том, что мировоззрение индейцев колониального периода было сложным и многогранным по своему составу. При этом важно отметить, что ни одна из мировоззренческих систем не предстает в своем исходном виде, что было вызвано драматическим процессом столкновения двух этих систем и созданием на их базе новой. Тем не менее, исходя из анализа полотен школы Куско, есть основания считать, что в этой мозаичной системе индейского мировоззрения доиспанские элементы могут считаться преобладающими. Все это свидетельствует о подлинном синтезе мировоззрений и о метисном характере самой школы Куско как культурного и социального явления. The article considers the phenomenon of the Cuzco School of painting (one of the most original phenomena of cultural life not only in the Andean region, but also in Latin America in general during the colonial period) as a reflection of the worldview of the Indians of the colonial period. Indians themselves created paintings, although under the control of the Spanish clergy, in order to Christianize the local population, which makes these visual sources important. Despite the significance of the topic and the number of studies devoted to it, many aspects of the problem have not yet been fully interpreted. In many ways, this applies to ideological and worldview aspects. In this regard, the author analyses Cuzco paintings in semiotic, rather than purely artistic, terms: what aspects of the worldview are behind a particular symbol and motif. To solve this problem, the author analyzes a number of paintings of the Cuzco School (the most promising for the research) in order to identify the worldview elements – reflected in the images, motifs, and colors – the paintings contain. It is impossible to conduct such an analysis without using comparative data from other sources on the peculiarities of the Indian worldview, especially written ones. The simultaneous creation of both groups of sources allows drawing relevant parallels with respect to the same research objects. For the convenience and clarity of the analysis, the author typologizes worldview elements based on the principle of origin. Traditionally, they can be divided into Indian, Spanish-Christian, and mixed. The author also gives a brief overview of the main artistic traditions that influenced the formation of the school (Spanish Baroque, Indian beliefs and elements of art, etc.). The analysis of the artistic and stylistic features of the works from the point of view of their ideological content allows drawing the following conclusions. Firstly, many of the symbols and motifs of the Cuzco School go directly back to pre-Hispanic Indian beliefs. Secondly, many of these symbols and motifs are not explicit yet can be read without much effort. Thirdly, the Spanish-Christian elements are largely external, declarative in nature, with a number of concessions to pagan motives. All this suggests that the worldview of the Indians of the colonial period was complex and multi-faceted in its composition. At the same time, it is important to note that none of the worldview systems appears in its original form because of the dramatic process of the collision of these two systems and the creation of a new one on their basis. Nevertheless, based on the analysis of the paintings of the Cuzco School, there is reason to believe that in this mosaic system of the Indian worldview, pre-Hispanic elements can be considered pre-existing. All this testifies to a genuine synthesis of worldviews and to the mestizo character of the Cusco School as a cultural and social phenomenon.

Art historian and curator E. Carmen Ramos focuses on the pioneering but problematic work of the nineteenth-century Spanish painter and caricaturist, Víctor Patricio de Landaluze, who spent much of his adult life in colonial Cuba. Despite his opposition to Cuba’s independence from Spain, Landaluze was one of the leading practitioners of costumbrismo (genre painting, or the literary and artistic representation of local customs) on the island, portraying human “types” such as Creole landowners, slaves, former slaves, mulatas, and guajiros (peasants). By the end of the nineteenth century, Landaluze had documented many aspects of Afro-Cuban daily life—including religion, music, and dance—all while, according to Ramos’s analysis, perpetuating the racial stereotypes of African savagery that was common in other former slave societies such as Brazil, the United States, and Puerto Rico. A close look at one of Landaluze’s most famous paintings, Corte de caña (Cutting Sugar Cane, 1874), reveals the racial anxieties among the peninsular Spanish, as well as some members of the Creole elite, provoked by the slaves’ emancipation and the war of national liberation in Cuba.

This chapter is an examination of the genre of “true portraits,” purported products of divine intervention. Their creators, who were usually Indigenous, were alienated from their creations because they were considered mere conduits of the divine. Emily C. Floyd analyzes the case of the “true portrait” reproduced in Juan María de Guevara y Cantos’s 1644 devotional text, Corona de la divinissima María. Based on an analysis of archival and textual sources in Guevara y Cantos’s book, Floyd reveals that the author of the original painting was the Indigenous artist Mateo Mexía. She, then, reconstructs the creator’s sources. Floyd’s study of the production of this portrait and of the narrative that surrounded it challenges the assumption that most Spanish colonial art consisted of copies of European works. Instead, she suggests that Indigenous creators produced original and enduring works of art.