Готові списки джерел за темами / Soviet Armenia

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Soviet Armenia"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 7 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Soviet Armenia":

1

HARUTYUNIAN, SHAHEN. "IDEOLOGICAL TENDENCIES OF DISSENT IN SOVIET ARMENIA IN THE 1960S AND 1980S." Scientific bulletin 1, no. 46 (April 26, 2024): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/scientific.v1i46.135.

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There were three primary ideological paths followed by the dissident movements in Soviet Armenia that originated in the USSR in the 1960s of the 20th century. In Soviet Armenia, dissent was primarily organized around national issues such as the mention of the Armenian Genocide, the demands for the reunification of Karabakh and Nakhichevan to the motherland, preservation of the Armenian language, restoration of Armenia's independence, and defense of human rights. Objectives and plans of covert groups established in Soviet Armenia bore the ideological imprint of these movements. The fight to restore Armenia's independence was of utmost significance in Soviet Armenia. The purpose of this article is to present the ideological directions of Armenian dissent and their manifestations. In order to realize the goal, the task was set to research and discuss the dissident organizations founded in Soviet Armenia and the individual approaches that integrated all the ideological directions of the Armenian dissident in their programs and activities. Historical and comparative methods were used. Content analysis of state and personal archival materials, interviews, and memoirs was carried out. It has been established that the dissident manifestations in Soviet Armenia had three key ideological directions, which had different priorities in different periods.
2

Melkonyan, Ashot A., Karen H. Khachatryan та Igor V. Kryuchkov. "Проблемы советского национально-государственного строительства (историко-критический анализ на примере Армении)". Oriental studies 16, № 2 (1 червня 2023): 340–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2023-66-2-340-352.

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Introduction. Throughout the shaping of the Soviets, the Armenian nation passed its historical way of development as a union member and grew to be administratively represented by two Soviet Armenian ethnic entities — the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic (ranked a union republic) and Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (a territory within the Azerbaijan SSR). The First Republic was established in late May 1918 to be replaced by the Second Republic, or Soviet Armenia, in early December 1920. In 1920–1922, the latter was officially referred to as ‘independent Socialist Soviet Republic of Armenia’, and then as a territory within the Transcaucasian Soviet Federation (1922–1936) and the Soviet Union (1936–1991). After Transcaucasian Federation was abolished in 1936, Soviet Armenia was incorporated into the USSR as a self-sufficient union republic under the name Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. Goals. The study seeks to show the process of nation-state building in the USSR through the example of Armenia. Materials and methods. The article analyzes archival materials represented by official documents and acts dealing with Soviet nation-state building, as well as collections of laws and party decrees. The main research methods employed are the historical/comparative and historical/genetic ones. Results. Soviet Armenia within the USSR, as well as other Soviet republics and autonomies, was no independent state in the conventional sense, but at the same time it was endowed with many attributes and symbols of statehood. Finally, it was Soviet Armenia that — for first time in the history of Armenian statehood — obtained its own Constitution. Conclusions. Soviet Armenia was a nation in the unified Soviet state, and in the conditions of seven decades of unlimited power of the Communist Party preserved and developed the Armenian Soviet statehood to a maximum possible then and there. Most Armenian historians believe the present-day independent Third Republic would never have emerged (since 1991) but for the period of Soviet Armenia.
3

Hovhannisyan, Gegham. "The Armenian Nationalist-Liberal (Reorganiazed Hunchakian) Party In 1917-1921." Fundamental Armenology 1 (July 14, 2022): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54503/1829-4618-2022.1(15)-6.

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The international and political situation that came into existence after World War I dictated to the Armenian political forces to reconsider their programs and practices. The Reorganized Hunchakian Party, which was dedicated to the liberation of Western Armenians and advocated liberal ideas, adopted the name “Nationalist-Liberal”. The Liberals believed that the Armenian state that would unite the Republic of Armenia, Western Armenia and Cilicia, should have a presidential system of government and temporarily accept the patronage of a great power. The party played a significant role in Armenian social and political life in 1917-1921. After the establishment of the Soviet regime in Armenia, the ideological differences between the Liberals and the Soviet government did not disappear, however, the party’s priority became to help Armenia, which continued after the unification of the Liberals and the Ramgavars.
4

Sahakyan, Naira. "Searching for Democracy, Finding Nationalism." Caucasus Survey 10, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23761202-20220008.

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Abstract In May 2018 a democratic breakthrough occurred in Armenia known as the Velvet Revolution. The leader of the protests was Nikol Pashinyan, who after the resignation of Serzh Sargsyan became the prime minister of Armenia. Pashinyan’s coming to power coincidentally overlapped with the celebrations of the centennial of the First Republic of Armenia, which, particularly in the post-Soviet era, is largely considered to be the point marking the revival of Armenian statehood. Based on the congratulatory remarks and speeches by Pashinyan, this article argues that the leader of the Velvet Revolution used a language that united the principles of the First Republic with the ‘Velvet’ ideas. By drawing links between 1918 and 2018, Pashinyan claimed that the post-Velvet Armenia was regenerating the democratic values inherent to the pre-Soviet spirit of the Armenian people. This was a convenient strategy for Pashinyan for avoiding the image of the Revolution as an anti-Russian step supported by the West. Thus, during the celebrations of the First Republic, Pashinyan linked the idea of democracy to the First Republic of Armenia and represented the Velvet Revolution as a revival of the values that were suppressed during the Soviet era and the first decades of post-Soviet Armenia. However, by giving a narrow focus to the discourse of democracy which dominated the whole Caucasus region after the collapse of the Russian Empire, by representing Armenians as an elemental source of democracy and by linking their democratic breakthroughs with the notion of survival, Pashinyan elaborated a nationalist narrative rather than a democratic one.
5

Panossian, Razmik. "Between Ambivalence and Intrusion: Politics and Identity in Armenia-Diaspora Relations." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 149–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.7.2.149.

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The irony of this poem is that it was not written in the diaspora, but in the “homeland” of Soviet Armenia, by one of its most prominent poets. And yet, he is still haunted by the uncertainty of being a “tourist” in his “own land” and by the rootlessness of being part of “a landless people.” The poet, living in the Soviet Armenian republic, is nevertheless drawn to the lost lands beyond the borders of his country, to the heartland of historic Armenia, presently located in Turkey, which was emptied of its indigenous Armenian population through the 1915 Genocide. Emin captures the ambiguity in the question “where is my homeland?”—a question much more commonly posed by diasporic people. The answer is difficult because of the variations and overlap in the very definitions of “homeland” and of “Armenianness” in both the diaspora and the homeland. For the past eighty years, Armenians have been arguing, sometimes vehemently, over homeland-diaspora relations. Consequently, the essential division within the Armenian nation, and within its major diaspora communities, has been, and still is, over the question of how to relate to (formerly Soviet) Armenia, the surviving “kin-state” of the much broader and ambiguous notion of the “Armenian homeland.”
6

MIRZAKHANYAN, Ruben, and Hayk GRIGORYAN. "Armenian Apostolic Church Under Bolshevik Ideological and Political Pressure Between 1920 and 1922." WISDOM 18, no. 2 (June 25, 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v18i2.539.

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This article presents the ideological controversies that arose between the Armenian Apostolic church and the bolshevik regime following the invasion of soviet troops into Armenia. From its first days in power bolshevik authorities implemented radical steps against its ideological rival – the armenian church. Following the harsh anti-church political line of Russian bolsheviks, the soviet authorities in Armenia started a massive appropriation of Armenian church properties. The article mentions also the first attempts of the soviet administration to organize state institutions for the preservation and study of national cultural heritage.
7

Košťálová, Petra. "Návrat „domů“: přistěhovalecké vlny do Arménie po druhé světové válce." HISTORICKÁ SOCIOLOGIE 15, no. 1 (May 24, 2023): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/23363525.2023.5.

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The paper deals with the repatriation wave of Armenians from the Diaspora to Soviet Armenia in the years 1946–1948. It was the largest targeted and systematic immigration back to the Republic of Armenia, perceived primarily as a motherland and Promised Land; the migration wave and its impact could be considered in the frame of Hebrew aliyahs, or “ascension upward” (toward the Holy City). Returning from exile is called nergaghth in Armenian. The collective memory of Soviet Armenia has usually depicted this immigration as a success, a rescue of a nation threatened by genocide and an afflux of “new blood”; however, the repatriation was perceived as disappointment and historical injustice by repatriates and considered one of the reasons for tensions between the Diaspora and its motherland. After 1956, the majority of repatriates returned to their original host countries; those who remained in Armenia are (even after several generations) called by the pejorative term akhpar.
8

Korkmaz, Ayşenur. "At ‘Home’ Away from ‘Home’: The ex-Ottoman Armenian Refugees and the Limits of Belonging in Soviet Armenia." Journal of Migration History 6, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00601008.

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This article explores spatial attachments among the ex-Ottoman Armenians who survived the Armenian Genocide and settled in their ‘new homeland’, Soviet Armenia. It addresses the question of how the refugees dealt with loss and displacement and reflected on their former hometowns, referred to as ‘Ergir’, a spatial construct denoting a symbolic ‘Armenian homeland’ or a ‘local homeland’ in Anatolia. I argue that the refugees conceptualised Ergir not only in relation to their expulsion but also the socio-political factors that influenced them in Soviet Armenia in three periods. The first era of reflection on Ergir was the 1920s and 1930s, replete with nostalgic sentiments. The second was the suppression of the theme of Ergir, between 1936–1960, particularly during political crackdowns in Stalin’s era. The third period saw the revival of Ergir and marked a new phase in the conceptualisations of ‘homeland’ in which the displacement from Anatolia in 1915–1916 and the Stalinist purges were enmeshed into one tragedy of the ex-Ottoman Armenians.
9

Harutyunyan, Angela. "Introduction to Arman Grigoryan's “What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” (1993) and “What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” (1996)." ARTMargins 8, no. 3 (October 2019): 115–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00246.

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The document presents two separate articles with the same title –“What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” – by artist Arman Grigoryan and art critic Nazareth Karoyan, published in Armenia in 1994 and 1996 respectively. Translated from Armenian and introduced by Angela Harutyunyan both articles have been formative for the development of contemporary art in Armenia. While presenting diverging views on the meaning of hamasteghtsakan (translated as collectively created), the concept was circulated as a definition for a broad range of post-medium artistic practices in late Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. These practices formed an oppositional discourse to both Socialist Realism and Armenian National modernism. Harutyunyan's introduction locates the texts in a broader context of artistic institutional transformations in the late 1980s and early 1994 in Armenia.
10

Grigoryan, Arman, and Nazareth Karoyan. "What is Hamasteghtsakan Art." ARTMargins 8, no. 3 (October 2019): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00247.

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The document presents two separate articles with the same title –“What is Hamasteghtsakan Art” – by artist Arman Grigoryan and art critic Nazareth Karoyan, published in Armenia in 1994 and 1996 respectively. Translated from Armenian and introduced by Angela Harutyunyan both articles have been formative for the development of contemporary art in Armenia. While presenting diverging views on the meaning of hamasteghtsakan (translated as collectively created), the concept was circulated as a definition for a broad range of post-medium artistic practices in late Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. These practices formed an oppositional discourse to both Socialist Realism and Armenian National modernism. Harutyunyan's introduction locates the texts in a broader context of artistic institutional transformations in the late 1980s and early 1994 in Armenia.
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Статті в журналах Дисертації Книги

Дисертації з теми "Soviet Armenia":

1

Karageozian, Nanor. "Long-term diasporic return migration in post-Soviet Armenia : balancing mobility and sedentarism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:25ff00d2-816b-4fdd-b8fb-ec5eeb4ceead.

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This thesis examines the immigration to and long-term settlement in post-Soviet Armenia of Armenians from well-established diasporic communities - mostly from Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Canada, and the United States. It argues that diverse levels and combinations of anchoring and floating co-exist in the diasporan returnees' return motivations, post-return integration experiences, and identity and belonging (re)conceptualization processes. They are manifested in the returnees' habitual dispositions, imaginative aspirations, and practical considerations, which develop within a particular sociohistorical environment. The study also considers the changes that occur over time in the structural context and in the ways returnees engage with it. It demonstrates that the inclination of returnees toward more rooted or more mobile directions depends, to a large extent, on their diasporic community background, the generation they belong to, and more immediate factors related to their life-cycle stages. Throughout the analysis, the important role of emotions in the return visions and experiences is highlighted. The thesis makes an empirical contribution by studying the largely uncharted case of Armenian diasporic return in the post-Soviet era. At a more theoretical level, it promotes a balanced approach that goes beyond the overemphasis on mobility and the relative neglect of sedentarism that have characterized many works in the fields of diaspora and migration studies over the past few decades. Underlying this balanced path is the goal of recognizing the equal importance of and complex inter-relationship between human agency and objective structures. To this end, the thesis relies on a theoretical framework based primarily on some of Pierre Bourdieu's key conceptual tools, with certain modifications. Thus, the study frames the topic of long-term diasporic return migration within broader social theory. This way, not only does it link diasporic return to paradigms in migration and diaspora studies, but it also views it from a wider angle of social action.
2

Ghaplanyan, Irina. "Armenia : a country in search of leaders. An analysis of post-Soviet Armenian political elite and its national discourse." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709388.

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3

Babajanian, Babken Vladimir. "Promoting community participation and capacity building in post-Soviet transition : the Armenia social investment fund." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1853/.

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The thesis examines the effectiveness and relevance of the social fund bottom-up development model in promoting community participation and enhancing local institutional capacity within the social, political and institutional context of post-Soviet Armenia. The thesis uses a case study of the World Bank supported Armenia Social Investment Fund (ASIF) project. One of the objectives of ASIF was to promote participation of local communities in their own economic and social development and to build their capacity for effectively addressing local problems. The research was conducted in seven rural communities in Armenia. The research found that ASIF was not successful in promoting community participation and institutional capacity at a community wide level. It benefited the rural elite, and hence contributed to the perpetuation of the exiting power structures and inequalities in the local communities. The research demonstrates that the extent and nature of participation and local institutional capacity in Armenia are determined by the broader institutional, social and political context within which communities live and function. In particular, participation and local capacity are constrained by the governance environment at the macro and micro levels and high levels of material and social deprivation in local communities. The research findings question the effectiveness and relevance of the social fund bottom-up development model. The bottom-up model is based on the cultural view of institutional change, presuming that changes in the mentality, behavioural patterns and human capabilities can result in greater participation and enhanced local capacity. The research concludes that community based interventions may not be effective in fostering sustainable civic institutions without addressing the structural factors that determine the ability of individuals to realise their potential and become active agents.
4

Aghumian, Anahit Anna. "The role of elites in political and economic transition : a case study of post-Soviet Armenia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420620.

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5

McGinnity, Ian J. "Selling its Future Short: Armenia's Economic and Security Relations with Russia." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/58.

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It is necessary and desirable for Armenia to retain close relations with Russia in both the short and long term. However, recent concessions to Russia for good relations in the short term may have potentially harmful repercussions for Armenia in the future. These concessions have in part resulted in the Russian dominance in the economic sector, over-dependence on Russia for Armenia’s energy needs, and the perpetuation of Armenian submissiveness to Russian interests. Armenia should, therefore, maintain good relations with Russia while simultaneously securing long-term paths that focus on actual strategic partnership and not dependence. In short, Armenia should return to a foreign policy of complementarism, which was first enacted under the Republic of Armenia’s first president, Levon Ter-Petrossian. Complementarism stresses the importance of pursuing Armenia’s best interest through the adoption of balanced policies and through minimal involvement or identification within regional blocs. The leveraging of Armenia’s long-term interests for close relations with Russia is possibly best exemplified in the state of Armenia’s economy. Like many former Soviet republics, the collapse of entangled Soviet trading patterns and the legacy of its centrally-planned economy still have negative implications for Armenian industry and trade.
6

Smith, Nicholas Ross. "EU Normative Socialisation in its Eastern Neighbourhood: Democratisation in Armenia through the European Neighbourhood Policy." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/5332.

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The EU, over time, has garnered international recognition and acclaim as a successful agent of democratisation in third countries. The transitions of Greece, Spain and Portugal in the 1980s coupled with the recent Eastern enlargements of the EU into erstwhile communist space attest to the success of the EU in fostering tangible democratisation. However, as the EU rapidly approaches its institutional capacity, questions remain as to its viability as an agent of democratisation in the post-enlargement setting where the EU can no longer offer full membership as an incentive for political and economic reform. This thesis attempts to examine the viability of the EU as a democratic facilitator in the post-enlargement setting, through examination of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a policy described by the EU as ‘everything but institutions’. Two mechanisms of normative transfer relative to the ENP were identified in the literature: conditionality, where the EU attaches incentives for successful political and economic reform, and socialisation, a newer notion whereby norms are transferred via interaction through generating close links with domestic actors. It was ascertained that in the context of the ENP, socialisation represented the dominant mechanism for normative change; conditionality was still utilised as a mechanism, however its scope had reduced greatly. To illuminate the phenomenon of EU democratic promotion, the case study of Armenia was chosen, a small but politically intriguing state in the EU’s Eastern Neighbourhood which had experienced (as is the case with the majority of post-Soviet states) stagnation and regression of the democratisation process since independence. Two facets of the EU’s democratisation strategy inherent in the ENP were chosen as empirical research areas: free and fair elections and interaction with domestic civil society organisations (CSOs). Free and fair elections offered evaluation of the conditionality aspects of the ENP through examining the 2008 Armenian presidential election. Interaction with domestic Armenian CSOs presented a rich phenomenon to examine the impact of socialisation in the ENP through utilising a case study examining four democratically minded NGOs. Ultimately, this thesis contends that through the ENP, the EU can no longer effectively wield conditionality as a viable mechanism of normative change and currently lacks the tools or a suitable environment to initialise normative transfers through socialisation. Consequently, it is argued that the EU has had little effect in facilitating democratisation in Armenia since the advent of the ENP.
7

Ter-Ghazaryan, Diana K. "Re-Imagining Yerevan in the Post-Soviet Era: Urban Symbolism and Narratives of the Nation in the Landscape of Armenia's Capital." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/261.

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The urban landscape of Yerevan has experienced tremendous changes since the collapse of the Soviet Union and Armenia’s independence in 1991. Domestic and foreign investments have poured into Yerevan’s building sector, converting many downtown neighborhoods into sleek modern districts that now cater to foreign investors, tourists, and the newly rich Armenian nationals. Large portions of the city’s green parks and other public spaces have been commercialized for private and exclusive use, creating zones that are accessible only to the affluent. In this dissertation I explore the rapidly transforming landscape of Yerevan and its connections to the development of contemporary Armenian national identity. This research was guided by principles of ethnographic inquiry, and I employed diverse methods, including document and archival research, structured and semi-structured interviews and content analysis of news media. I also used geographic information systems (GIS) and satellite images to represent and visualize the stark transformations of spaces in Yerevan. Informed by and contributing to three literatures—on the relationship between landscape and identity formation, on the construction of national identity, and on Soviet and post-Soviet cities—this dissertation investigates how messages about contemporary Armenian national identity are being expressed via the transforming landscape of Armenia’s national capital. In it I describe the ways in which abrupt transformations have resulted in the physical and symbolic eviction of residents, introducing fierce public debates about belonging and exclusion within the changing urban context. I demonstrate that the new additions to Yerevan’s landscape and the symbolic messages that they carry are hotly contested by many long-time residents, who struggle for inclusion of their opinions and interests in the process of re-imagining their national capital. This dissertation illustrates many of the trends that are apparent in post-Soviet and post-Socialist space, while at the same time exposing some unique characteristics of the Armenian case.
8

Babayan, Anahit [Verfasser]. "Armenia on the Horizon of Europe : Successes and Shortcomings of Democratization Efforts by European Organizations in a Post-Soviet State / Anahit Babayan." Frankfurt : Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1099857791/34.

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9

Poster, Alexander O. "A Hierarchy of Survival: The United States and the Negotiation of International Disaster Relief, 1981-1989." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274803652.

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10

Moratelli, Francesco <1993&gt. "The Armenian minority of post-Soviet Georgia and its identity." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16819.

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The integration of minorities in Georgia is a social problem with consequences on the overall development of this nation. The dissertation focuses exclusively on the Armenian communities living in the territory of Georgia by examining, through an historical perspective, the cultural, social, economical, political and linguistic obstacles that prevent the achievement of full integration. This includes the challenges that both the stratification of Armenian ethnic identity as well as the rise Georgian civic nationalism pose to this issue. Furthermore, the paper provides an analysis of the policies and the institutions of the government of Georgia that deal with minorities, including an evaluation of some specific cases of possible discrimination of ethnic Armenians of Georgia along with the current status of the diplomatic relations between Armenia and Georgia. The main sources used to collect information and data for this study have been scientific papers and publications, websites and articles from newspapers, as well as interviews. The purpose of this research is to inform and raise awareness among the general public about this sensitive but scarcely known issue by providing possible compromises that could satisfy both parties. Finally, considering the recent nationalist unrests and the birth of populist movements in the Caucasus, this dissertation advocates mutually beneficial solutions for the peaceful coexistence in Georgia of both ethnic Georgians and ethnic Armenians.
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Книги з теми "Soviet Armenia":

1

Ishkanian, Armine. Democracy building and civil society in post-Soviet Armenia. New York: Routledge, 2008.

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2

Simoni͡an, A. G. Zangezuri goyamartě 1917-1921 tʻtʻ. Erevan: EPH hratarakchʻutʻyun, 2017.

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3

Razmik, Panossian, and Schwartz Donald V. 1941-, eds. Nationalism and history: The politics of nation building in Post-Soviet Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. Toronto: University of Toronto, Centre for Russian and East European Studies, 1994.

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4

Grigor, Suny Ronald, Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies., and American Association for the Advancement of Slavic Studies., eds. Transcaucasia, nationalism and social change: Essays in the history of Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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5

Payaslian, Simon. The political economy of human rights in Armenia: Authoritarianism and democracy in a former Soviet republic. London: I. B. Tauris, 2011.

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6

Billingsley, Sunnee. Fertility behavior in Armenia and Moldova: The decline during the post-Soviet transition and current preferences. Calverton, MD: Macro International, 2008.

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7

J, Libaridian Gerard, ed. Armenia at the crossroads: Democracy and nationhood in the post-Soviet era : essays, interviews, and speeches by the leaders of the national democratic movement in Armenia. Watertown, Mass: Blue Crane Books, 1991.

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8

Russell, James R. The book of the way (Girkʻ chanaparhi) of Yeghishe Charents: An illuminated apocalyptic gospel for Soviet Armenia. Berkeley: Armenian Studies Program, University of California, Berkeley, 2012.

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9

Kundakjean, Arminē Karapetean. Repressii armi︠a︡n-repatriantov stalinskogo perioda. Erevan: Avtorskoe izdanie, 2011.

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10

Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator. Report on international relief assistance for the earthquake of 7 December 1988 in the Soviet Socialist Republic of Armenia. Geneva: United Nations, 1989.

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Частини книг з теми "Soviet Armenia":

1

Abrahamyan, Knar. "Navigating Post-Soviet Armenia." In Analytical Approaches to 20th-Century Russian Music, 91–109. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003000808-7.

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2

Karakhanyan, Susanna. "Armenia: Transformational Peculiarities of the Soviet and Post-Soviet Higher Education System." In Palgrave Studies in Global Higher Education, 73–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-52980-6_3.

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AbstractThe chapter explores the nature of higher education in post-Soviet Armenia given the factors prevailing in the system—historical, political, socio-economic and international. Of particular interest is the exploration of the higher education system structure reflected by social needs, economic demands and political goals. Supported by a holistic theoretical framework underpinning three angles of analysis—horizontal and vertical diversity, external diversity as well as the organisational interrelationships—the analysis endeavours to reveal the driving forces that shaped post-Soviet Armenian higher education, the inter-influence that occurred as a result of changes taking place at the macro and micro levels of the higher education system as well as the impact of those changes on the performance of the Armenian HE in general. The results of the analysis are two-fold. First, throughout the decades the Armenian higher education has made major strides and evolved from a uniform into a diverse system responding and accommodating the diverse needs of the society. Second, albeit the strong desire and much investment in the system through a diversity of channels to make the system internationally visible, still more investments are to be made to achieve the desirable goal of international visibility while facing the challenges related to the Soviet legacy, current policymaking and implementation methodology, in particular.
3

Stefes, Christoph H. "Armenia and Georgia Since Independence." In Understanding Post-Soviet Transitions, 38–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287464_3.

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4

Laycock, Joanne. "The Repatriation of Armenians to Soviet Armenia, 1945–49." In Warlands, 140–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230246935_7.

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5

Plank, Richard E., and Jay D. Lindquist. "Exploring the CETSCALE in Soviet Armenia." In Global Perspectives in Marketing for the 21st Century, 113–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17356-6_35.

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6

Payaslian, Simon. "The Leninist-Stalinist Legacy: Seventy Years of Soviet Rule." In The History of Armenia, 171–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230608580_8.

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7

Stefes, Christoph H. "Political Transitions and Systemic Corruption in Armenia and Georgia." In Understanding Post-Soviet Transitions, 85–117. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287464_5.

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8

Johnson, Jeremy. "8. Speaking Soviet with an Armenian Accent: Literacy, Language Ideology, and Belonging in Early Soviet Armenia." In Empire and Belonging in the Eurasian Borderlands, edited by Krista A. Goff and Lewis H. Siegelbaum, 129–44. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501736148-011.

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9

Paturyan, Yevgenya Jenny, and Valentina Gevorgyan. "Volunteering in Armenia: Leaving the Soviet Legacy Behind?" In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 227–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39899-0_12.

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10

Stefes, Christoph H. "Dismantling Systemic Corruption: Assessing Recent Anti-Corruption Strategies in Georgia and Armenia." In Understanding Post-Soviet Transitions, 153–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230287464_7.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Soviet Armenia":

1

Niftiyev, Ibrahim. "A comparison of institutional quality in the South Caucasus." In The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2022.9.

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Much has happened in the three countries of the South Caucasus-namely, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia-since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Political events, institutional reforms, and economic development have resulted in greater economic welfare in these countries after the painful transition period of the 1990s. However, it remains to be seen whether they have achieved any solid results or whether they still have much to accomplish. While the answer is ambiguous, each country has followed a different political, geopolitical, economic, and institutional path and achieved different economic outcomes despite their close geographical proximity to each other. This paper compares the available data on economic and institutional quality in Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia to portray the overall situation in terms of changes in institutional patterns. Then, special attention is given to Azerbaijan, as the country is considered to be oil-rich and thus resource-dependent. A comparative perspective on institutional quality suggests that Georgia has been a leading country in terms of institutions and effective bureaucracy-building, despite having lower economic indicators compared to Azerbaijan. Moreover, while Armenia is positioned between Georgia and Azerbaijan in terms of institutional quality, its economic growth is similar to Georgia's. Lastly, institutional variables (e.g., control of corruption, rule of law, and government effectiveness, and human rights) in Azerbaijan are negatively correlated with oil-related variables. This result aligns with the natural resource curse and Dutch disease theories, which posit that oil boom periods in mineral-rich countries are associated with a deterioration in institutional quality, thereby leading to slower growth. Also, the results are important to build up analytical frameworks to address the Dutch disease or resource curse studies in the case of Azerbaijan in a comparative manner with oil-poor countries even if the scope is limited to the South Caucasian former Soviet Union countries.
2

Abesadze, Nino, Otar Abesadze, Rusudan Kinkladze, and Nino Paresashvili. "EMIGRATION STATISTICS – THE HERALD OF THE SURVIVAL OF THE POPULATION OF GEORGIA OR THE DEMOGRAPHIC CRISIS." In 13th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2023“. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2023.945.

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Mass emigration from Georgia began after the collapse of the Soviet Union. 30 years have passed since then but emigration in the country is still an actual problem. The purpose of the research is to reveal the statistical trends of emigration in Georgia, against the background of comparative analysis of emigration and remittances. In the research process statistical methods: observation, grouping and analysis were used. Results. In 2020, the number of Georgian emigrants abroad amounted to 74,264 people. The largest part of Georgian emigrants is in Russia, Greece, Ukraine, India, Azerbaijan and Armenia. The age of most immigrants is between 20–35 years. The largest number of immigrants is recorded in the Imereti region; Along with the increase in emigration, the number of remittances received from abroad also increases, the demographic situation is worsening, and unemployment rates are high.
3

Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.
4

Ogandjanian, Sergey. "Electronics and Informatics Development in Armenian SSR (1960-1988)." In 2014 Third International Conference on Computer Technology in Russia and in the Former Soviet Union (SoRuCom). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sorucom.2014.16.

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5

Tukhashvili, Mirian, and Mzia Shelia. "Diasporas In Georgia: Number and Structure." In V National Scientific Conference. Grigol Robakidze University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55896/978-9941-8-5764-5/2023-163-171.

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After the annexation of Georgia by Russia in early XIX century, the number and relative share of diaspora in the territory of Georgia grew steadily. It was one of the directions of the implementation of Russian policy in the Caucasus region that continued until the Second World War and was then followed by the process of slow reduction of the share of diasporas in the entire population, which accelerated exponentiallyin the post-Soviet period after the restoration of the independence of Georgia. The reason for this is that due to the disastrous deterioration of the living conditions, diasporas tend to go abroad at a higher pace than the representatives of the autochthonous Georgian and Abkhazian ethnicities do. The reduction of the number of diasporas was influenced by the process of integration of diasporas into the Georgian ethnos. In the post-Soviet period, the number of population of the main autochthonous Georgian ethnicity decreased by 512 thousand people, i.e. 13.5%, while the number of Abkhazians increased by 30%, and the total number of diasporas decreasedby 2.5 times. Great changes have taken place in the demographic structure of diasporas that was manifested in the aging of all diasporas. In the period of 1989-2014, the median age in the Russian diaspora increased from 36.7 years to 48.8 years, among Armenians - from 30.5 to 38.4 years, among Azerbaijanis - from 23.5 to 32.2 years, and in the total population of Georgia- from 30.7 to 37.7 years. In the post-Soviet period, Turkish, Arab, Iranian, Indian and Chinese diasporas were formed and tend to increase. The economic and cultural advancement of Georgia that occurred in the recent period provides a fertile ground for attracting the population of Asian countries for migration purposes. It becomes necessary to regulate immigration flows with a carefully thought - out policy. Keywords: Georgia, Diaspora, Ethnos, Population.
6

Bulut, Cihan, Elchin Suleymanov, and Fakhri Hasanov. "Problems Encountered during the Transition to Market Economy in Azerbaijan and Solution Attempts." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00681.

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After re-gaining its independence on 18 October 1991, the Republic of Azerbaijan started to transform to the market-based economy and to integrate into the world economy. The country’s oil and natural gas reserves have been considered the main source for financing range of government programs for reforms. On the one hand, these reserves had to be used effectively; on the other hand, there was a huge demand for foreign investment for extraction. To this end, Azerbaijan has signed “Contract of the Century” in 1994. Although Azerbaijan has wide oil and natural gas reserves, it has faced a number of difficulties in its transition way. This study analyzes these problems and reforms for solving them. One of the types of the problems were related to the economic structure of the former Soviet Union: disruption of the economic ties between the republics resulted in decline of production, high levels of unemployment and prices and consequently led to an economic recession in all of the republics. Another set of problems was related to lack of sufficient institutional bases to transform to the market economy. Moreover, internal conflicts between the political parties and groups for having authority as well as political chaos in the republic can be considered other serious problems during the transition period. Furthermore, Karabakh war and occupation of 20 percent of the Azerbaijani territory by the Armenian military forces had made the situation extremely complicated. Despite all of these extremes, Azerbaijan transformed to the market-based economy decidedly and even became one of the fast growing countries of the world. Even in 2006, with the GDP growth rate of 34.5 percent, Azerbaijan was a leader among growing economies. In parallel with this significant economic development, there is still a need for some socio-economic and institutional reforms in order to get a well-functioned market-based economy in Azerbaijan.

Звіти організацій з теми "Soviet Armenia":

1

Mahdi, Juwan, and Yarjanik Kerob. The Language of the Armenian Ethno-Linguistic Subgroup in Kurdistan Region of Iraq from the Last Generation to Today. Institute of Development Studies, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2023.003.

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This topic is significant because it considers the language of an ethno-religious group, the Armenian people, in Iraq with non-Arab or Kurdish origins. The Armenian people did not originate from Iraq but from Armenia, one of the smaller countries in the former Soviet Union. Many Armenians were forced to migrate in 1915 to different countries in the Middle East due to ethnic cleansing under the Ottomans. This study explores the different methods by which the Armenian community has maintained its native Armenian language during its history in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). To this end, the study includes a comparison of how the language was viewed and maintained across two successive generations of Armenians in KRI. The findings show that the first generation is divided into those who speak Armenian and those who assimilated and speak Kurdish. Those who no longer speak Armenian prioritised integration and moved away from their mother tongue. This posed a threat to the ongoing maintenance of the language in these communities. However, the younger generation has worked to revive its mother tongue by learning it in schools established in the region approximately 20 years ago.
2

Terzyan, Aram. Varieties of Post-Soviet Authoritarian Regimes: The Cases of Belarus and Armenia. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/erd-7-2020.

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