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Статті в журналах з теми "Societas Spinozana"

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Xia, Yinzhi. "Spinozas Role in Reshaping the Concepts of Power and Rights of Freedom." Communications in Humanities Research 34, no. 1 (June 5, 2024): 236–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/34/20240166.

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This paper examines Spinoza's philosophical contributions to the discussion on democratic governance, emphasising his endorsement of individual autonomy, reason, and natural law, while also criticising authoritarianism. Spinoza's views provide valuable insights into the intricate relationship between human nature, societal structures, and political authority, within the context of historical discussions on freedom and governance. The research seeks to clarify the potential consequences of Spinoza's philosophical framework for modern political thought and practice through analysis. Spinoza argues that persons, being a part of nature, are subject to its laws and have intrinsic entitlements to self-preservation and liberty. He promotes the use of reason in guiding individual behaviour and society organisation, emphasising the significance of rational government. Nevertheless, Spinoza's theory exposes its shortcomings in addressing social disparities and systematic injustices, hence reproducing the biases prevalent throughout his day. Notwithstanding these limitations, his focus on rationality and freedom continues to have a significant impact on current debates over democracy, rights, and social justice. This study enhances our comprehension of the intricacies related to freedom, governance, and societal progress by conducting a thorough examination of Spinoza's works and relevant secondary sources.
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Özel, Jasmin, David Beisecker, and Joe Ervin. "A New Conatus for the New World: Dewey’s Response to Perfectionist Conceptions of Democratic Education." Conatus 6, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/cjp.26600.

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We argue for a reconsideration of the claim that Spinoza’s perfectionist conception of education was ushering in a form of radical humanism distinctly favorable to democratic ideals. With the rise of democratic societies and the corresponding need to constitute educational institutions within those societies, a more thoroughgoing commitment to democratic social ideals arose, first and foremost in American educational thought. This commitment can be seen especially in Dewey’s philosophy of education. Specifically, Dewey and Spinoza had strikingly distinct conceptions of the overall aims of schooling. While Spinoza takes the aim of education to be the perfection of a student’s original nature, Dewey takes education to involve the collective acquisition of an additional nature, reflecting the norms and expectations of one’s specific community. In this paper, we juxtapose these two distinct conceptions of education alongside one another, with an eye towards illuminating the limitations of a perfectionist theory of education for the individual, as we find it in Spinoza, within a democratic society.
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Weisz, Eduardo, and Wellington Amorim. "Felicidade e beatitude em Spinoza." Revista Portuguesa de Filosofia 78, no. 1-2 (July 31, 2022): 579–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/rpf/2022_78_1_0579.

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Contemporary society characterizes itself by a quest for material progress that is established in detriment of human subjectivity/spirituality. In this context “happiness” could mean “the over-all level of happiness of a person with his/her life”, which necessarily means a conciliation between societal quest-for-progress and human subjectivity/spirituality. The objective of the present paper is to present Spinoza’s understanding on how to achieve happiness while coping with human reality. To Spinoza, “happiness” consists in comprehending the way the world works to the point where it becomes possible to be better affected by current events. “Happiness” seems to be related to what Spinoza calls virtuous acting, acting in such a way that one’s actions are meant to be fundamented in adequate intuitive knowledge about how concrete reality works in such an introspected way that refraining apetites becomes a source of true joie de vivre (beatitudo).
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Wagner Moll, Alberto. "La religión civil en la teoría de Baruch Spinoza." Thémata Revista de Filosofía, no. 62 (2020): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/themata.2020.i62.03.

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El siguiente trabajo busca sacar a la luz cuál es la noción de religión que vertebra la obra de Spinoza, para así encontrar su función dentro de la sociedad y en relación con el Estado. Para ello se analiza pormenorizadamente el Tratado teológico-político, desde el análisis histórico de la Biblia hasta su interpretación de la relación entre Estado y religión, y se usan otros textos como soporte, principalmente la Ética.
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Corona Cadena, Rubén I. "La superstición como perversión de la religión y de la política: una lectura de Baruch de Spinoza." Intersticios Sociales, no. 2 (September 1, 2011): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.55555/is.2.16.

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El presente trabajo trata de mostrar el concepto de superstición en Spinoza; a partir de su filosofía, se cuestionan sus orígenes. Casi siempre considerada como religiosa, la superstición pertenece también al dominio de la política, pero sobre todo al ámbito de la moral. Spinoza muestra lo dañina que resulta para la vida social y política y propone soluciones, puesto que la lógica de la superstición tiene como consecuencia una disminución de poder. Spinoza propone vías para no introducir dinámicas supersticiosas en la sociedad.
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Gómez Rincón, José Francisco. "Neoliberalismo y extrema derecha. Una problematización desde Spinoza." Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 25, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 199–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.78161.

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Partiendo de una interpretación en clave política de la filosofía de Baruch Spinoza pretendemos mostrar cómo la ideología neoliberal y su particular modo de entender el mundo y cómo debe ser la relación entre los sujetos, es un ingrediente clave para que los partidos y movimientos de extrema derecha logren sus objetivos. El proyecto político neoliberal sería incompatible no solo con la democracia, sino que con la sociedad humana misma y en consecuencia la aplicación de las recetas neoliberales desde los años 80 sería la responsable de la actual crisis de las democracias occidentales que están dando lugar al crecimiento de las llamadas democracias iliberales que tanto preocupan a los teóricos de la política por cuanto suponen un gran paso atrás respecto a la conquista de derechos fundamentales y el mantenimiento de la paz social.
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Leavitt, John. "The Shapes of Modernity: On the Philosophical Roots of Anthropological Doctrines." Culture 11, no. 1-2 (December 15, 2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1084472ar.

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While more and more anthropologists are conducting research on and/or in contemporary Western societies, little attempt has been made to characterize modern Western culture as such. The philosophies of Descartes and Leibniz, in particular, may be read as articulating ways of organizing experience that are typical of modernity. These “thought-forms” are still powerful both in everyday experience and in the social sciences, including anthropology. An example is drawn from the anthropology of the emotions; an alternative is suggested based on the heterodox philosophy of Spinoza.
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Rojas Peralta, Sergio E. "La soledad, el miedo a la soledad y la democracia." Praxis Filosófica, no. 50 (April 22, 2020): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/pfilosofica.v0i50.8866.

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La soledad condensa tanto una esperanza de vivir según su propio criterio, como el miedo de no poder defenderse. Se trata de una condición que está en los márgenes de la constitución de una sociedad. Este modo de aislamiento del individuo permite pensar el conflicto y la polarización en la democracia. El texto analiza las concepciones de soledad en la filosofía de Spinoza para alcanzar un análisis de la utilidad. La fortaleza de ánimo, virtud y condición del ánimo que corresponde a cierto entendimiento de la mente, es el modo para buscar sobreponerse al conflicto.
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USAKLI, Hakan. "From Affect to Spontaneity." Global Research in Higher Education 3, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): p35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/grhe.v3n1p35.

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Purpose: This article aims to make a comparison between two profound thinkers, educationalist, Jewish one is Spanish origin Northern European Baruch Spinoza (born 1632, died 1677) and the other is Mid Europe psychiatrist, Jacob Levy Moreno (born 1889, died 1974).Method: Qualitative research methods were used to prepare this manuscript. Two main books and thirty-six scientific articles which are relevant to this study were scrutinized carefully to find out why their study domains are so crucial in modern daily life. Content and thematic analysis were used to draw a general look for two theorists. Maxqda computer program used for analyses.Findings: From math studies to explain the universe, optical illustrations to make near objects in distance are the main concerns of Spinoza. Starting in medical help especially psychiatry to cue psychology mall adaptive behaviors and psychodrama to understand behaviors of routine in everyday life are the concerns of Moreno. Both philosophers are studied for understanding the interactions of objects to help people. This is also the modern life’s societies not only in research places such as in academics but also to rise modern people in schools.Implications for Research and Practice: Comparison between Spinoza and Moreno is the main aim in overall. It is recommended that all of the subjects, objects related to human interactions should carry onboard human interaction. Affection based interactions should be done in all settings. All people should be taken part in such intense human interactions to make a more meaningful life not only in intuitions such as school but also in daily life such as any meeting such as in public building corridors. It is concluded that Spinoza means affection and Moreno means spontaneity. How our affection and spontaneity affecting our daily life, expectancy from life and life from us can be a starting point for investigations.
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Steimberg, Rodrigo. "Pensar lo nuevo en ausencia de sus condiciones: acerca de Althusser y Negri." Tópicos. Revista de Filosofía de Santa Fe, no. 37 (November 12, 2019): 131–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14409/topicos.v0i37.8668.

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El presente trabajo aborda la lectura de Althusser realizada por Negri. Su objetivo es mostrar qué elementos sostienen la confluencia entre ambos filósofos. En primer lugar, caracterizaremos lo que entiende Negri por subsunción real. En segundo término, abordaremos su recuperación de la inmanencia spinoziana, que resulta el trasfondo que permite entender qué determinaciones le adjudica Negri al trabajo vivo como fundamento ontológico del capital. Finalmente, recorreremos algunas de las tesis adelantadas por Althusser en Para un materialismo aleatorio, que resultan la apoyatura básica de la interpretación de Negri. Nuestra hipótesis es que el encuentro entre ellos ocurre porque ambos depositan la potencia revolucionaria en un principio ahistórico, siendo esto el resultado del rechazo a la carga teleológica que le asignan a la negatividad hegeliana. Así, tanto Althusser como Negri postulan que la transformación revolucionaria de la sociedad depende de una condición que no se produce en su interior: una potencia que el capital no subsume, en el caso de Negri, y un encuentro contingente que no se prefigura en la estructura que interrumpe, en el de Althusser.
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Дисертації з теми "Societas Spinozana"

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BELLE, WANGUE SAM THERESE. "Violence et societe chez spinoza." Toulouse 2, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991TOU20059.

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Le naturalisme rationaliste de spinoza fonde ontologiquement la violence et la relativise anthropologiquement. Ce paradoxe apparent se joue en marge de toute articulation au nominalisme de la transcendance imaginaire, de la singularisation superstitieuse, elitiste et isolante, et de l'individualisation du droit. Lorsqu'elle est exploitee dans une perspective theologico-politique, la violence pousse la reciprocite affective passive jusqu'au delire, au sein meme de la positivite absolue de la substance. L'originalite et l'actualite de spinoza se mesurent a la rigueur de son combat contre le formalisme deductif des differentes expressions de la violence en tant que "sottise" politique. Cette inertie politique est de nature diverse : l'inegalite sociale generale, la regulation dogmatique de la pensee et de l'expression par l'etat, la pratique du secret pour raison d'etat, la capitalisation sans effort par la corruption, l'immobilisme des pouvoirs collectifs. Quant a la critique implicite ce la dette entre les etats, elle ne semble pas sans lien avec le constat de l'arnarche internationale. Outre l'action proprement politique, le depassement de la violence s'opere selon deux systemes de liberation : la democratisation progressive par l'education et la promotion, certes rare, de la communaute rationnelle des hommes libres, justice vraie ou vie philosophique veritable. Toutefois, pour le bonheur du plus grand nombre de citoyens possible, la strategie de la gestion des affects tristes ne saurait ne pas integrer la violence a la rationalite politique
In spinoza, rationalist naturalism gives violence an ontological foundation and makes it relative on the anthropological plane. This apparent paradox appears with no connection to the nominalism of imaginary transcendency, to the elitist isolating process of superstitious singularity and to the individualization of the law. When violence is exploited in the theologico-political perspective, it carries passive and affective reciprocity to the point of delirium, within the absolute productivity of substance. What is original and topical in spinoza is his hard fight against deductive formalism of the various expressions of violence as political "foolishness". This political inertia is of a varied nature : general social inequality, the dogmatic control of thinking and speech by the state, the use of secrecy for the reason of state, the effortless capitalization by corruption, monopolization of collective powers by a tiny group. The implicit critic of the debt between the states is not without a connection to the acknowlegment of international anarchy. Besides political action proper, the solution to violence lies in two systems of liberation : progressive democratization by educating and promoting - however a rare case- the rational community of free men; which is genuine justice of true philosophical life. Nonetheless, for the greatest possible number of citizens, the strategy of the management of sad affects would not fail to integrate violence in political rationality
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Evangelista, Roberto. "Comunità e natura. immaginazione e razionalità in Spinoza." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3421880.

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This thesis, treies to consider the relationship between imagination and rationality and the relationship between community and nature in Spinoza. These relationships have immediate connection with the political reflection and with the theory of the forms of government and the mechanisms of power.
Questo lavoro, cerca di ripercorrere il rapporto fra immaginazione e razionalità e considerare la relazione fra comunità e natura in Spinoza. Questi rapporti hanno immediata connessione con la riflessione politica e con la teoria delle forme di governo e dei meccanismi di potere.
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Книги з теми "Societas Spinozana"

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Bula Caraballo, Germán Ulises, ed. Spinoza. Bogotá. Colombia: Universidad de La Salle. Ediciones Unisalle, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.19052/9789585400764.

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Si se considera que la sociedad actual, tal como funciona, funciona bien, resulta sensato pensar en maneras de conservar su funcionamiento; para quien piensa que es urgente la transformación radical, resulta suicida ser conservador. Este libro es para quienes piensan lo segundo. Como explica Werner Jaeger en Paideia, la educación, consiste en la producción de seres humanos según cierto modelo. Como el alfarero que moldea una vasija, cada sociedad. ¿En qué consistirá una educación pensada para transformar las sociedades, en lugar de conservarlas? Este libro desarrolla una idea de educación a partir de la filosofía de Spinoza, según la cual la formación no consiste en adquisición de una forma, según un molde adecuado, sino en el incremento en maneras de ser, en la felxibilización de la propia forma, en la autorrealización, como la entiende el filósofo noruego Arne Naess. La construcción de esta nueva idea de formación implica una reconstrucción del pensamiento de Spinoza, en la que se descubren afinidades entre este pensador y la fenomenología fe Edmund Husserl, la idea de individuación de Gilbert Simondon, la cibernética y la poesía de Walt Whitman. Esta visión de la educación implica una nueva concepción de la institucionalidad educativa: habrían que ceder gran parte del control a la periferia (profesores, alumnos, instituciones), en contra del estricto control que hoy en día se ejerce mediante el ranqueo y las pruebas estandarizadas. Para medir el éxito de una educación encaminada a producir la diferencia, es necesario combinar la heteroevaluación mediante estándares con una autoevaluación genuina, es decir, una evaluación en la que el evaluado mismo especifica los raseros y dimensiones con que ha de medirse. Más allá de lo institucional, esta visión de la educación implica una nueva concepción de la cohesión social, basada no en la homogeneización, sino en la producción de múltiples y rizomáticas relaciones de simbiosis basadas en diversidad misma.
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Soldani, Franco. Sistemi di conoscenza e potere nella società capitalistica: Realtà e razionalità da Spinoza al costruttivismo radicale. Roma: A. Pellicani, 1997.

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La production des hommes: Marx avec Spinoza. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2005.

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1960-, Bordoli Roberto, ed. Etica arte scienza tra Decartes e Spinoza: Lodewijk Meyer (1629-1681) e l'associazione Nil Volentibus Arduum. Milano: F. Angeli, 2001.

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LeBuffe, Michael. Spinoza on Reason. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845803.001.0001.

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In metaphysics, Spinoza associates reasons with causes or explanations. He contends that there is a reason for whatever exists and whatever does not exist. In his account of the human mind, Spinoza makes reason a peculiarly powerful kind of idea and the only source of our knowledge of objects in experience. In his moral theory, Spinoza introduces dictates of reason, which are action-guiding prescriptions. In politics, Spinoza suggests that reason, with religion, motivates cooperation in society. Reason shapes Spinoza’s philosophy, and central debates about Spinoza—including his place in the history of philosophy and in the European Enlightenment—turn upon our understanding of these claims. Spinoza on Reason starts with striking claims in each of these areas drawn from Spinoza’s two great works, the Ethics and the Theological Political Treatise; the book takes each characterization of reason on its own terms, explaining the claims and their historical context. While acknowledging the striking variety of reason’s roles, this work emphasizes the extent to which these different doctrines build upon one another. The result is a rich understanding of the meaning and function of each claim and, in the book’s conclusion, a detailed and accurate account of the contribution of reason to the systematic coherence of Spinoza’s philosophy.
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Della Rocca, Michael. Introduction. Edited by Michael Della Rocca. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195335828.013.27.

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This introduction describes the relative neglect, until very recently, of Spinoza’s philosophy in Anglo-American circles. The resurgence of interest in Spinoza is tied to several factors, including the revival of metaphysics since the 1970s and the newfound fascination with the so-called Radical Enlightenment, of which Spinoza has come to be seen as the leading figure. The themes in Spinoza’s philosophy that are central to this renaissance and that are the focus of many of the chapters in this volume include Spinoza’s extreme rationalism, which is structured around the Principle of Sufficient Reason; his naturalism, according to which everything—including human beings—follows the same general laws; and the ways in which political and religious structures can be formed so as to maintain a stable society.
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Kymlicka, Will. States Nations and Cultures: Spinoza Lecture 1 : Liberal Nationalism; Spinoza Licture 2 : Multicultural Citizenship (Spinoza Lectures). Van Gorcum Ltd, 1997.

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Touber, Jetze. Spinoza and Biblical Philology in the Dutch Republic, 1660-1710. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198805007.001.0001.

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This book investigates the biblical criticism of Spinoza from the perspective of the Dutch Reformed society in which the philosopher lived and worked. It focusses on philological investigation of the Bible: its words, its language, and the historical context in which it originated. The book charts contested issues of biblical philology in mainstream Dutch Calvinism, to determine whether Spinoza’s work on the Bible had any bearing on the Reformed understanding of the way society should engage with Scripture. Spinoza has received massive attention, both inside and outside academia. His unconventional interpretation of the Old Testament passages has been examined repeatedly over the decades. So has that of fellow ‘radicals’ (rationalists, radicals, deists, libertines, enthusiasts), against the backdrop of a society that is assumed to have been hostile, overwhelmed, static, and uniform. This book inverts this perspective and looks at how the Dutch Republic digested biblical philology and biblical criticism, including that of Spinoza. It takes into account the highly neglected area of the Reformed ministry and theology of the Dutch Golden Age. The result is that Dutch ecclesiastical history, up until now the preserve of the partisan scholarship of confessionalized church historians, is brought into dialogue with Early Modern intellectual currents. This book concludes that Spinoza, rather than simply pushing biblical scholarship in the direction of modernity, acted in an indirect way upon ongoing debates in Dutch society, shifting trends in those debates, but not always in the same direction, and not always equally profoundly, at all times, on all levels.
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LeBuffe, Michael. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845803.003.0006.

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Spinoza’s uses of reason are systematically connected. In metaphysics, reason is an explanation, and each thing is, like God, its own explanation. In human minds, ideas of reason are, in the first instance, ideas of what is common to all singular things. They are powerful ideas and a kind of knowledge. In morality, the commands of reason draw upon both these senses of reason. They derive their authority from the self-explanatory nature of God, and their strong motivational power is that of ideas of reason. Finally, in political philosophy, the peculiar motivating power of ideas of reason is a source of cooperation in society. A psychologically similar kind of idea—the idea of a miracle—is highly irrational. Because we all possess ideas of reason, however, Spinoza can envision a society that remains stable even as many citizens progress from irrational to more fully rational sources of motivation.
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Renz, Ursula. The Concept of the Individual and Its Scope. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199350162.003.0004.

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This chapter discusses the implications of Spinoza’s concept of individual bodies, as introduced in the definition of individuum in the physical digression. It begins by showing that this definition allows for an extremely wide application of the term; accordingly, very different sorts of physical entities can be described as Spinozistic individuals. Given the quite distinct use of the terms divisibilis and indivisibilis in his metaphysics, however, the chapter argues that the physical concept of individuality is not universally applied in the Ethics but reserved for physical or natural-philosophical considerations. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the problem of collective individuals. It is argued that, while societies or states are described as individual bodies, they do not constitute individual group minds in the strict sense of the term for Spinoza. This in turn indicates that minds are not individuated in the same way as bodies.
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Частини книг з теми "Societas Spinozana"

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Mayer, Claude-Hélène, and Paul J. P. Fouché. "Lessons Learnt from Baruch Spinoza: Shame and Faith Development in the Light of Challenges in Contemporary Society." In Shame 4.0, 247–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59527-2_13.

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Vardoulakis, Dimitris. "Political Monism: The Primacy of Utility over Authority (chapters 5 and 6)." In Spinoza, the Epicurean, 141–71. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474476041.003.0006.

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The chapter starts by examining the account of the formation of society in chapter 5 of the Theological Political Treatise. This account is compared to the political anthropology of Pierre Clastres. It further demonstrates how Spinoza explains the move to the formation of political communities. Vardoulakis distinguishes between the concepts of natural and agonistic democracy in Spinoza. The chapter also includes an analysis of chapter 6 of the Theological Political Treatise, in which Spinoza argues against the possibility of miracles based on his conception of monism. Vardoulakis contrasts Spinoza’s Epicurean version of monism that is political through and through to Leo Strauss’ presentation of Spinoza’s supposedly apolitical Epicureanism. Vardoulakis situates the idea that monism lacks a politics in the initial reception of Spinoza, especially in Pierre Bayle’s entry on Spinoza in his Dictionary.
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LeBuffe, Michael. "Bondage to Passion." In Spinoza's Ethics, 195—C4.P149. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197629307.003.0005.

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Abstract This chapter offers detailed accounts of Part 4 of Spinoza’s Ethics. It includes four sections, reflecting four major parts of Spinoza’s argument. The first section describes Spinoza’s formal definitions of good and evil in terms of a model of human nature. The second section emphasizes Spinoza’s intellectualism in ethics, which culminates in the claim that the knowledge of God is the highest good, and the relation of this intellectualism to different, strong claims about the value of perseverance in being. The third section concerns Spinoza’s accounts of human society and the state, including his social contract theory. The fourth section presents particular claims about value that Spinoza introduces in Ethics 4, including the dictates of reason and the propositions concerning the free man.
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4

Matheron, Alexandre. "State and Morality According to Spinoza." In Politics, Ontology and Knowledge in Spinoza, edited by Filippo Del Lucchese, David Maruzzella, and Gil Morejón, 105–13. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474440103.003.0007.

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Though Spinoza certainly argues that a well-ordered political society is necessary for human beings to achieve lasting happiness and goodness, he does not, like other philosophers, argue that society exists for the sake of moral ends. In this essay, Matheron reconstructs Spinoza’s views on the relationship between State and morality all the while accounting for the illusion that has caused other philosophers to mistake the State as having an essentially moral function. Spinoza avoids such an error by referring to his critique of teleology found in the Appendix to Part I of the Ethics: we make an error by transforming imagined norms into ontological norms that we project onto nature. Philosophers from Aquinas to Hobbes thus mistake the rational desires of philosophers for ontological models that ought to dictate the formation of political society. Spinoza’s position, however, is markedly different: humans do not inherently desire one thing or the other, but rather pursue only that towards which they tend here and now. That political society necessarily arises, Matheron argues, is due not to the intervention of a utilitarian calculus or the imposition of an artificial contract, but rather under the influence of a common fear or common hope.
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Bove, Laurent, and Émilie Filion-Donato. "The Strategy of the multitudinis potentia : The Political Conatus." In Affirmation and Resistance in Spinoza, edited by Hasana Sharp and Émilie Filion-Donato, 204–58. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430579.003.0010.

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In this final chapter, Laurent Bove reaches the political consequences of his reading of Spinoza. The chapter opens with an argument according to which politics, for Spinoza, is a project of autonomy. In contrast to mere passive obedience leading to the automation of citizens, Bove suggests instead that democracy names the multitude becoming a subject, composer of its own constitutive action. The alternative is shown to be between democratic auto-organization and an alienated society, unable to grasp how its limitations are the result of a process of auto-limitation. Bove insists that resistance lies at the heart of Spinoza’s theory of citizenship. Politics, for Spinoza, must instil a love of freedom in the citizen’s conatus. Given this love, to be a citizen is to resist any form of automation in order to affirm autonomy and one’s part in the self-organization of political reality. Resistance finds its most violent expression in the affect of indignation, a political affect par excellence. The chapter concludes with a comparison of Spinoza’s position on resistance to the views of the monarchomachs, La Boétie, and Machiavelli.
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6

Field, Sandra Leonie. "Marx, Spinoza, and “True Democracy”." In Spinoza in Germany, 212–37. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/9780191953903.003.0012.

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Abstract It is common to assimilate Marx’s and Spinoza’s conceptions of democracy. This chapter assesses the relation between Marx’s early idea of “true democracy” and Spinozist democracy, both the historical influence and the theoretical affinity. Drawing on Marx’s student notebooks on Spinoza’s Theological-Political Treatise, the chapter shows that there was a historical influence. However, at the theoretical level, it argues that a sharp distinction must be drawn. Philosophically, Spinoza’s commitment to understanding politics through real concrete powers does not align with Marx’s anti-institutional conception of true democracy. And as a matter of social theory, the gap between civil society and the state which so troubles Marx is a development of modernity that has not entered Spinoza’s premodern field of view. Marx’s true democracy was also influenced by his study of Rousseau, and theoretically, it is just as close if not closer to Rousseau as to Spinoza.
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Israel, Jonathan I. "From the Jaws of Defeat (1666–1667)." In Spinoza, Life and Legacy, 563—C20F1. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198857488.003.0020.

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Abstract This chapter recounts the final stages of the Second Anglo-Dutch War, the reasons for England’s surprising defeat, Spinoza’s tenuous continuing correspondence with Oldenburg during the war, and why Spinoza took the view that although modern science was a key aid to the improvement of human society, and continued avidly following experimental science, he became convinced that the Baconian experimental creed of Boyle, Sprat, and Oldenburg represented a timid motor of change compared to the philosophical engine he was preparing. It considers also how the war, and the growing menace of Louis XIV’s France, from 1667, affected Spinoza’s political and social thought as he wrote his Tractatus Theologico-Politicus.
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8

Matheron, Alexandre. "Indignation and the Conatus of the Spinozist State." In Politics, Ontology and Knowledge in Spinoza, edited by Filippo Del Lucchese, David Maruzzella, and Gil Morejón, 124–35. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474440103.003.0009.

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Does Spinoza, like many of his contemporaries, present a social contract theory of the genesis of the State and political society? In this essay, Matheron seeks to argue that, despite some textual indications to the contrary, Spinoza’s final and unfinished political work, the Political Treatise, does in fact present an account of a non-contractual theory of the genesis of political society, one that, when interpreted correctly, actually suggests that political society is always and everywhere already constituted necessarily. Matheron thus interprets Paragraph 1 of Chapter VI and its language of naturaliter convenire to mean neither, as Hobbes would say, that humans require an artificial contract to establish political society, nor because humans naturally reason that society will be advantageous to them. On the contrary, Matheron argues that Spinoza describes a purely passional genesis of the State, one which requires appeals to neither contracts nor calculus, but requires only the internal dynamics of indignation. This, however, has the striking conclusion of there being something ‘radically evil’ in even the best constituted States.
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9

Israel, Jonathan I. "Invasion, Slump, and Comets (1665–1666)." In Spinoza, Life and Legacy, 507—C18P61. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198857488.003.0018.

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Abstract Convinced by 1665 that confronting the militant Calvinist faction and the role of Reformed theology in Dutch society and the Calvinist-Orangist alliance against de Witt’s “True Freedom” now mattered more than continuing with his Ethics, Spinoza at this point left the latter aside and, as he explains in a letter to Oldenburg, began writing his Tractatus Theologico-Politicus. This chapter also recounts Spinoza’s response to the Munsterite invasion of the United Provinces, and his involvement as well as that of Oldenburg, Huygens, Hevelius, and others in the great comet controversy of 1664–5
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10

Sangiacomo, Andrea. "Cultivating Passionate Agreement." In Spinoza on Reason, Passions, and the Supreme Good, 184–223. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198847908.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 discusses how Spinoza implements his account of passions and reason, developed in the Ethics, in the context of the political theory presented in the Political Treatise. Section 6.2 reconstructs his account of reason in this work, in which he distinguishes between a descriptive and normative use of the notion of reason. Section 6.3 introduces the interpretative problems that this account raises. These problems can be solved by implementing the cooperative account of reason introduced in Chapters 4 and 5. This requires using Spinoza’s distinction between universal and proper common notions to account for the descriptive and normative uses of reason respectively. Sections 6.4 and 6.5 illustrate how this reading applies to his detailed discussion of monarchy and aristocracy. Section 6.6 develops the implications of this reading of Spinoza’s political science in order to fully address the threat that oppressive societies pose to an individual’s power of developing reason.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Societas Spinozana"

1

Lehto, Otto. "Spinoza to Darwin via Deacon: Negative and Positive Approaches to (Natural) Evolution." In ISIS Summit Vienna 2015—The Information Society at the Crossroads. Basel, Switzerland: MDPI, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/isis-summit-vienna-2015-t8.1001.

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2

EL ASRI, Fatima. "CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION: FUTURE CITIZEN FORMATION PROJECT." In VI. International Congress of Humanities and Educational Research. Rimar Academy, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/ijhercongress6-6.

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Today, no one denies that the progress and prosperity of nations is linked to the effectiveness of their educational system and its ability to keep pace with the accelerating tide of knowledge, and the large and rapid transformations in the technical and technological field. As well as its ability to open up to its social and economic environment. To achieve the desired development within the framework of democracy, which requires granting every member of society the competencies and capabilities that guarantee him, and qualify him to participate effectively in building society, and to exercise his rights and duties on a daily basis. Through education in all its formal and informal channels, by all social institutions entrusted with the socialization of individuals. Therefore, we decided to approach the topic of teaching “citizenship education”, through an article that includes an introduction and a set of paragraphs. For the introduction, it includes the methodological introduction to the article. While the first paragraph of this modest article is devoted to the process of rooting the concept of citizenship. Through the basic reference systems of liberal political philosophy: the state of nature – natural law – social contract, through an inductive as well as descriptive approach to the texts of “Spinoza” and “Locke”. We stood through them on the importance of theoretical and intellectual accumulation. Which contributed to the crystallization of an integrated philosophical systemic conception of the concept of the new man, certainly has nothing to do with the image of the old man and his theoretical references. The establishment of political philosophical concepts was not direct, but rather the demolition of the concepts that were the focus of centrist thinking and its first pillar, especially the concept of slavery, which the 17th century texts confronted with force in order to build a new concept for the sane and free human being (= citizen). As for the second paragraph, it is the fruit of the search for the concept of citizenship, its definitions, and its manifestations, which include two elements: the first relates to the basic responsibilities of citizenship (specific to individuals), and the second relates to the basic conditions for taking into account citizenship (specific to the state). While the third paragraph includes the dimensions of citizenship, its objectives, types, and its connection to the educational field, as a goal to advance the country and the citizen alike. Therefore, the fourth paragraph was devoted to the issue of citizenship education, by defining its multiple objectives and characteristics, with an emphasis on the conditions for the success of citizenship education and the appropriate methodology for it. As for the fifth paragraph, it includes education on citizenship through scrutinizing the concepts of education, citizenship, human rights….... Then we move in the sixth paragraph to an attempt to clarify the reality of teaching this subject, with its new concept based on human rights values, away from the institutional approach, which limits it to getting to know institutions and laws, and moves away from the basic role of the article, and this is to create a good citizen imbued with the spirit of citizenship. Which translated into noticeable and tangible situations and realistic practices that actually benefit education. In order to clarify the reality of teaching citizenship education, it was necessary to carry out a careful and in-depth study, to find out the extent to which teachers keep pace with reform, their difficulties, and their needs, when teaching the subject. We concluded that there are groups of difficulties, in theory and application, according to the necessity of training. This is what made us suggest a set of practices, emphasizing the active methods of education on citizenship and human rights, in which the learner is active in building his/her learning. Let’s end the article with a set of recommendations, suggestions and extensions
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