Готові списки джерел за темами / Social movement tactics

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Social movement tactics"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Social movement tactics"

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Fallon, Kathleen M., and Julie Moreau. "Revisiting Repertoire Transition: Women's Nakedness as Potent Protests in Nigeria and Kenya*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 323–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-323.

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The influential work of Tilly and Tarrow on social movement repertoire transitions—moving from older, local, and episodic tactics to newer, national, and sustained tactics—has contributed significantly to the development of social movements theory. This article expands Tilly and Tarrow's theoretical framework by drawing on examples from Nigeria and Kenya. First, we examine the causal factors contributing to repertoire transitions in these postcolonial African countries, highlighting the importance of colonial state formation and social networks in changing repertoires. Second, we consider how the gravity and effectiveness of women's nakedness, used by mothers as a collective action tactic to shame those targeted, persisted and maintained its significance across tactical repertoire transitions, despite colonial repression. We argue that the continuance of tactics across repertoire transitions lies in their ability to maintain symbolic resonance, which simultaneously restricts the transmission of tactics to other locations.
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Smithey, Lee A. "Social Movement Strategy, Tactics, and Collective Identity1." Sociology Compass 3, no. 4 (June 22, 2009): 658–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1751-9020.2009.00218.x.

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Weddington, George. "RACIAL CHANGE AND BLACK MOVEMENT EMERGENCE: A CASE FROM THE BLACK LIVES MOVEMENT." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-443.

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This article contributes to sociological understandings of race and social movements by reassessing the phenomenon of social movement emergence for Black social movements. Broadly, it addresses the possibility of organizational support for Black social movements. More narrowly, it seeks to understand the emergence of Black movements and racial change as outcomes of organizational transformation, specifically using the case of how the mixed-race prison reform organization Action for Police Reform (APR) joined the Black Lives movement. By providing a case of racial transformation and the spanning of tactical boundaries, I present two central arguments. First, it is necessary to look within organizational forms and at organizational dynamics to see how activists modify their organizations to support Black movements. Second, tailored more directly to the case of APR, sustained support for Black movements depends on organizational transformation, such as when activists repurpose an organization’s form and resources to maintain racially delimited tactics.
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Young, Sokphea. "Movement of Indigenous Communities Targeting an Agro-Industrial Investment in North-Eastern Cambodia." Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 1-2 (2016): 187–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04401008.

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This study examines the dynamics and outcomes of movements by indigenous communities that targeted an agro-industrial investment demanding remedy to adverse impacts on their socio-economic conditions. Since the employment of initial institutional tactics, such as peaceful protests and petitions, yielded no significant outcomes, the indigenous communities escalated their tactics to non-institutional tactics: Violent protests. To respond, the government chose a combination of partial repression and moderate concession. To address the government responses, as well as the demands of indigenous communities, the company mitigated most of the adverse socio-economic impacts. As a result, the indigenous communities were able to achieve most of their demands. This paper, therefore, concludes by arguing that tactical escalation of indigenous community movements from institutional to non-institutional tactics influences the government and company to address the demands of indigenous communities, and also shapes the behaviour of the company operating in a host country with lax and uncertain regulatory enforcement.
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Galli, Anya M. "How Glitter Bombing Lost Its Sparkle: The Emergence and Decline of a Novel Social Movement Tactic*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-259.

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This article explores the case of glitter bombing, a short-lived form of protest in the LGBT rights movement, to understand the mechanisms behind the decline of a novel tactic. To date, little attention has been directed toward tactics that have disappeared from movement repertoires. Using interview data, I find that glitter bombing declined due to many of the same factors that initially provided momentum for its diffusion. First, it was specific to LGBT rights to the degree that the audience of potential adopters was limited. At the same time, the radical nature of glitter bombing meant that adopters were peripheral movement actors who lacked organizational support. Activists dedicated limited resources to gaining media attention and online popularity, often at the cost of other crucial aspects of mobilization. Finally, an increase in repression multiplied these challenges by posing risks to adopters and shifting media coverage away from the tactic's celebratory framing.
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Plys, Kristin. "Violence as a Tactic of Social Protest in Postcolonial India." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 2 (August 2019): 171–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975619000080.

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AbstractIn March 1974, trade union leader and Chairman of the Socialist Party of India, George Fernandes, formed a new independent trade union of railway workers and then led a massive nation-wide strike lasting about a month. Two years later—March 1976—Fernandes was arrested as the principal accused in the Baroda Dynamite Conspiracy Case, a plot to bomb strategic targets in New Delhi in resistance to Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule. How did George Fernandes’ political work change over these two years—from engaging in traditional trade union movement tactics during the Railway Workers’ Strike in 1974 to being the ringleader of a plan to bomb strategic targets in resistance to the postcolonial state? Why would an activist who advocated non-violent social movement tactics change strategies and end up leading a movement that primarily uses violent tactics? I argue that in its violent repression of the Railway Workers’ Strike and its illegal imprisonment of the strike’s leaders, Indira Gandhi’s administration demonstrated to Fernandes and other opposition party leaders that there was no room for a peaceful solution to the ever increasing social conflict of early 1970s India. Therefore, when Gandhi instated herself as dictator, longstanding advocates of satyagraha believed that symbolic violence against the state was the tactic most likely to lead to the restoration of democracy in India.
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Goyes, David Rodríguez. "‘Tactics Rebounding’ in the Colombian Defence of Seed Freedom." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v7i1.425.

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This article investigates the Red de Semillas Libres de Colombia [Colombian Network of Free Seeds] movement, since its inception to date (2013-2016). The study, developed within the framework of green criminology and with a focus on environmental justice, draws on ethnographic observations of Red de Semillas and semi-structured interviews with group members. I explore processes of repertoire appropriation developed by social movements. The main argument advanced is that the Red de Semillas experienced a case of ‘tactics rebound’, in which tactics deployed at the global level shaped local tactics, bringing a set of problematic consequences. The article starts by summarising key explorations of repertoires of contention and connecting them with framing theory propositions. My interest is to locate processes of tactic appropriation in the context of collective action frames. I situate this theory in a study of the organisation and the tactics it used to elucidate how the concept of ‘collective action frame hierarchies’ can be used to explain instances of ‘tactics rebounding’.
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Kane, Melinda. "Social Movement Policy Success: Decriminalizing State Sodomy Laws, 1969–1998." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 8, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 313–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.8.3.q66046w34wu58866.

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This study provides an event history analysis of the factors contributing to a social movement's ability to influence pubic policy. More specifically, the study presents a quantitative, historical examination of the influence of national, state, and local gay and lesbian movements on the decriminalization of state sodomy laws, an important goal of the movement, from 1969 to 1998. Drawing from political opportunity models, resource mobilization theory, and theories of cultural opportunity, the study explores the importance of political conditions, social movement characteristics, and the larger cultural context on the ability of the gay and lesbian movement to achieve its goals. The analyses demonstrate that all three factors have some influence on the likelihood of sodomy law decriminalization, but most importantly, political opportunity and movement characteristics work together to bring about success. During periods of political opportunity, the size and tactics of the lesbian and gay movement influenced the likelihood of success.
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9

Park, Julian Francis. "Abolish rent!" Radical Housing Journal 1, no. 2 (September 23, 2019): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54825/padd7071.

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‘Homes for all’ is, rightly, the prevailing strategic slogan in the USA tenants’ movement. As a tactical slogan, however, it is time that ‘abolish rent’ replaces ‘decommodify housing’. While ‘decommodify housing’ importantly points to the social problems of rental housing’s status as commodity, full decommodification is a complex process requiring transformation not only of the selling and renting of housing for money but also the processes of housing production and management. This complexity makes decommodification as a tactic an obscure process and consequently an ineffective slogan for agitating tenants because of its distance from their everyday struggles. ‘Abolish rent’ instead points toward generalizing direct action tactics already essential in the struggles of housed and unhoused tenants, tactics like rent strikes and squatting. To generalize rent abolition necessarily includes fully decommodifying housing, but in connecting immediate tactics to long term strategy, I contend that ‘abolish rent’ is a more effective slogan.
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Sanjek, Roger. "Sustaining a Social Movement: Gray Panther Ideology and Tactics." Journal of Aging, Humanities, and the Arts 4, no. 2 (May 28, 2010): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19325611003800986.

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Дисертації з теми "Social movement tactics"

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Warner, Brian Austin. "Shaking digital fists the shape of tactics of internet-mediated social movement groups /." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1186061141.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Cincinnati, 2007.
Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Aug. 13, 2007). Includes abstract. Keywords: Social Movement, tactics, organization, Electronic Civil Disobedience, Yes Men, SPIN. Includes bibliographical references.
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WARNER, BRIAN AUSTIN. "SHAKING DIGITAL FISTS: THE SHAPE OF TACTICS OF INTERNET-MEDIATED SOCIAL MOVEMENT GROUPS." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1186061141.

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Larson, Jeff A. "Why Change? Organizational Adaptation and Stability in a Social Movement Field." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193766.

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Why do social movement organizations change? This study attempts to answer this question by observing forty diverse social movement organizations (from both random and convenience samples) active across a wide spectrum of social movements in Seattle, Washington between 1999 and 2005. It focuses on changing organizational strategies—measured as combinations of issues, tactics, and targets—during a dramatic period of expanding and contracting political opportunities (e.g., anti-WTO protests, election of G. W. Bush, September 11th attack, Afghanistan and Iraq wars). The analysis, based on interviews with representatives from the organizations, charts organizational adaptation and stability at both the field and organization levels. A series of maps of the social movement field, generated using correspondence analysis, depict the relative similarity and difference between these organizations and their issues, tactics, and targets during each year of the study. The maps reveal a surprisingly stable social movement field characterized by three distinct types of organizations (as indicated by their combinations of issues, tactics, and targets) that persist throughout the period. Significant growth in the size of the peace movement in the middle of the period has remarkably little effect on the overall shape of the field. This stability is further confirmed at the organizational level. Neither resource mobilization nor political opportunity theories anticipate such a high degree of organizational stability, and their explanations for adaptation find little support in these data. Consistent with the resource mobilization perspective, SMOs with broader goals are more likely change than their counterparts. However, contrary to this view, younger organizations with greater resources and centralized, bureaucratic structures are less likely to change. Expanding political opportunities do not appear to influence these SMOs, while contracting opportunities in the wake of Bush's election and the September 11th attack seem to encourage high levels of organizational stability. The study concludes with a discussion of organizational theories of structural inertia and institutionalization, both of which offer plausible explanations of organizational stability.
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Galindez, Kyle R. "Defend Mother Earth! And Sign My Petition? Metaphors, Tactics, and Environmental Movement Organizations." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1398698983.

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Sezer, Lisa. "The political economy of Islamic business associations : social movement tactics, social networks, and regional development in Turkey." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3495/.

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Turkey has undergone large-scale transformations over the past 30 years, changing it from a Kemalist Republic to a country ruled by a moderately Islamic party – the Justice and Development Party (AKP). I study how Islamic business associations (BAs) have gained political influence over dominant secular BAs in Turkey – a key process of these transformations. Existing literature treats voluntary BAs either as purely economic institutions, or focuses on political elites’ strategic policy and power interests in explaining BAs’ political influence. There is inadequate guidance on when BAs turn into political actors, and how they engage in mobilisation and broader intra-state power struggles. Especially the role of ideology and religion has been neglected, which is relevant for several transition countries’ business politics. This inadequacy can be addressed by developing a social movement framework. Following a grounded theory approach, I conducted a comparative analysis of secular and Islamic BAs’ networks structures (1993–2012), collective action frames, organisational structures and patterns of resource-exchange across changing institutional contexts. Findings are based on 51 semi-structured interviews in Gaziantep’s textile cluster in Turkey and additional archival material. I argue that Islamic BAs gained political influence because they applied typical social movement tactics that are adapted to the cultural and political environment. Conditions of politico-religious contention combined with gradual economic liberalisation have encouraged marginalised businesspeople to apply Islam in a non-contentious and market-based way. By integrating with civil society at the grassroots level, and gaining the support of political elites, Islamic BAs have complemented economic activities with resonant framing. These tactics grounded in Islam have increased Islamic BAs political influence by creating a new pious and legitimate business elite. These findings contribute to the literature by extending the types of institutional incentives, tactics and actors that businesspeople rely on to engage in contentious politics to include ideological factors.
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Steidley, Trent T. "Gunning for Page One: The Gun Control Debate and Social Movement Organization Tactics in Garnering Media Coverage." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338322421.

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Meyer, Dwight R. "Employing Masculinity as an Agent of Social Change: An Examination of the Writings and Tactics of Robert F. Williams." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1291064202.

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Lång, Henrik. "Drömmen om det ouppnåeliga : anarkistiska tankelinjer hos Hinke Bergegren, Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg och Einar Håkansson." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Historical Studies, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1365.

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The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the political thought of Hinke Bergegren (1861-1936), Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg (1864-1929) and Einar Håkansson (1883-1907), by focusing particularly on their articulation of anarchist ideas. The disseration follows these three Swedish left-wing thinkers closely, while specifically tracing ideological patterns in their published material, public discussions, speeches and other political activities. The study attempts to combine the perspective of intellectual biography with a contextualising approach on ideological analysis. Bergegren, Henriksson-Holmberg and Håkansson stand as illuminating examples of how anarchist ideas could take form at the advent of the twentieth century in Sweden. They were all connected to the working class movement, and participated actively in the public debate about anarchism and its various aspects. This larger political and cultural context is also presented, and put in relation to Bergegren's, Henriksson-Holmberg's and Håkanssons' actions and ideas. Thereby, the study examines certain lines of thought connected to the anarchist ideology, and at the same time find traits in the history of libertarian socialism in Sweden, as reflected in the ideas embraced by the three aforementioned historical actors. From the start Henrik "Hinke" Bergegren - the agitator, writer and journalist who is the principal character in the dissertations first major part - was highly controversial within the social democratic movement. From the early 1890's and up to his final exclusion from the Social Democratic Party in 1908, he was constantly being accused of leading and informal anarchist subdivision, which recommended acts of terror and strived for a social revolution. However, this study confronts and modifies that notion. It concludes that Hinke Bergegren's ideological position during the 1890's cannot be equaled to a clear anarchist conviction; rather, he criticized the party's strong focus on parliamentary tactics from a revolutionary socialist viewpoint. Einar Håkansson, on the other hand, based his critique of authorities, military power, parliamentary governance and private property upon anarchist principles. In several poems and short stories, Håkansson stated his anti-authoritarianism. He was also an early advocate for anarcho-syndicalism. Gustaf Henriksson-Holmberg, the anarchist theoretician, was always anxious to emphasize the importance of avoiding all forms of large-scale political and economical solutions. This position, along with a deep-rooted individualism and a willingness to integrate social theory and political propaganda, characterized Holmberg's political thought from the 1890's and onward. His antipathy against brutal revolutionary tendencies was as solid as his critique of ideological dogmatism. In conclusion, the anarchist lines of thought articulated by the three principal characters in the thesis intersects at several points. They all agreed that private property and capitalism must be abolished and replaced by voluntary forms of cooperation. Furthermore, they expressed a similar disbelief in parliamentary tactics, the military and party bureaucracy.

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Swalboski, Jennifer Marie. "The Effects of the Political Landscape on Social Movement Organization Tactical Choices." DigitalCommons@USU, 2012. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/1303.

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The majority of sociological research on social movement tactics and strategies has focused on how theories of resource mobilization and dynamic political opportunities affect the innovation of tactics and types of tactics used. Relatively few studies have explored the roles of institutional, cultural, and political contexts in determining why social movement leaders choose certain tactics. This research study examines lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) social movement organizations (SMO) that are pursuing institutional advocacy. Specifically, it is a comparative case study of how tactics of LGBT organizations in Minnesota and Utah are affected by contested and conservative political landscapes, respectively. The concept of political landscapes was developed and includes three core components: the institutional structure of the political system, the sociocultural context, and dynamic political opportunities. Data was collected from 16 semi-structured interviews of LGBT SMO leaders. Secondary data was also collected by examining public records, newspapers, magazines, and organizational websites. The results from this study suggest that dynamic political opportunities are embedded in the larger institutional and sociocultural contexts. In Minnesota, the combination of a more open and competitive political system and a more diverse Christian presence and ethnically diverse urban areas have resulted in the use of tactics that are much more open and direct. Specifically, LGBT SMOs in Minnesota use tactics such as only endorsing candidates publicly, focusing on building a broad bipartisan base of sponsors for LGBT legislation, working with other SMOs to create large coalitions, using a frame that is all-encompassing of movement goals, and building a large, grassroots movement. By contrast, the closed and conservative political system and a dominant religion in Utah have resulted in more private, compromising, and behind-the-scenes tactics. LGBT SMOs in Utah tactics include using both public and private political endorsements, good-cop bad-cop organizations, delegate trainings, and frame alignment with the conservative culture.
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James, Rina Lynne. "The Efficacy of Virtual Protest: Linking Digital Tactics to Outcomes in Activist Campaigns." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4008.

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Activists are increasingly relying on online tactics and digital tools to address social issues. This shift towards reliance on the Internet has been shown to have salient implications for social movement formation processes; however, the effectiveness of such actions for achieving specific goals remains largely unaddressed. This study explores how the types of Internet activism and digital tools used by activism campaigns relate to success in meeting stated goals. To address these questions, the study builds on an existing framework that distinguishes between four distinct types of Internet activism: brochure-ware, which is oriented towards information distribution; e-mobilizations, which treats digital media merely as a tool for mobilizing individuals offline; online participation, which is characterized by wholly online actions such as e-petitions or virtual protests; and online organizing, where organization of a movement takes place exclusively via the internet with no face-to-face coordination by organizers. Ordinal regression models were conducted utilizing cross-sectional data from the Global Digital Activism Data Set (GDADS), a compilation of information on 426 activism campaigns from around the world that began between 2010 and 2012; additional data regarding the types of Internet activism used was also appended to the GDADS using source materials provided within the data set. The findings suggest that use of the Internet for mobilizing offline actions is negatively associated with campaign success, but that this does not hold true for protest actions organized without use of digital tools. E-petition use was also found to be negatively related to achievement of campaign goals.
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Книги з теми "Social movement tactics"

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Leah, Ronnie. Taking a stand: Strategy and tactics of organizing the popular movement in Canada. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives, 1992.

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2

N, Zald Mayer, McCarthy John D. 1940-, and Frontiers of Sociology Symposium (5th : 1977 : Vanderbilt University), eds. The Dynamics of social movements: Resource mobilization, social control, and tactics. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988.

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Martin Luther King, Jr.: Nonviolent strategies and tactics for social change. Lanham, Md: Madison Books, 2000.

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4

Keeping together in time: Dance and drill in human history. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1995.

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5

Blume, Gerhardt. Deconstructing Social Justice: A Critical Inquiry into the Concepts, Tactics, and Consequences of the Social Justice Movement. Independently Published, 2021.

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McCammon, Holly J., Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner, eds. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women's Social Movement Activism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.001.0001.

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Women have long been involved in social movement activism in the United States, from the nation’s beginning up to the present, and in waves of feminist activism as well as in a variety of other social movements, including the civil rights movement, the environmental movement, and conservative mobilizations. The Oxford Handbook of U.S. Women’s Social Movement Activism provides both a detailed and extensive examination of the wide range of U.S. women’s collective efforts, as well as a broad overview of the scholarship on women’s social movement struggles. The volume’s five sections consider various dimensions of women’s social movement activism: (1) women’s collective action over time exploring the long history of women’s social movement participation, (2) the variety of social issues that mobilize women to act collectively, (3) the myriad types of resistance strategies and tactics utilized by activists, (4) both the forums and targets of women’s mobilizations, and (5) women’s participation in a diversity of activist efforts beyond women’s movements. The five sections present a total of thirty-six chapters, each written by leading scholars of women’s social movement mobilizations. The chapters, in addition to describing women’s activism and reviewing the scholarly literature, also define important directions for future research on women and social movements, providing scholars with a guide to what we still do not know about women’s collective struggles.
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Porta, Donatella della, Massimiliano Andretta, Tiago Fernandes, Eduardo Romanos, and Markos Vogiatzoglou. Movement Memories. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190860936.003.0005.

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Chapter 5 is devoted to the impact of memories of past movements (with an emphasis on transition) on the movements that follow. After singling out main events, places, symbols, and persons that condense the memory of past movements in each country, it analyzes the mnemonic activities of social movements. The chapter looks at the ways in which collective memory is constructed and strategically used by the memory agents—in this case, the anti-austerity social movements of the European south. The memory building blocks invoked by the movements of each country are identified, and then the specific mechanisms, tactics, and broader strategies they employed are examined. Recent anti-austerity protests represent a main empirical focus for the analysis.
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Kucinskas, Jaime. In Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881818.003.0009.

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The mindfulness movement’s unobtrusive, consensus-based tactics were effective in popularizing, embedding, and legitimizing contemplative practices in a wide array of powerful social institutions. Yet, using consensus-based tactics and relying upon elite endorsements and support also opened the movement up to criticisms of potential cooptation along many fronts. Although movement leaders succeeded in changing the minds and hearts of many professionals, the movement as a whole failed to produce desired organizational reform. This concluding chapter discusses these implications of these tactics’ strengths and shortcomings not only for the contemplative movement but for other similar movements trying to change institutions through insiders working within and across targeted organizations and movements. These include the movements for LGBTQ rights, women’s equality, and environmental protection.
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Mukherjee, Joia S. Building the Right to Health Movement. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190662455.003.0014.

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To achieve UHC and the right to health will require a movement in the US and globally. This chapter introduces the concept of social movements in global health. Activism was essential in causing the paradigm shift from prevention to care delivery that gave birth to the global health era. Further activism will be necessary to change the global double standard that implicates who lives and who dies. A movement or coalition of movements is necessary to fight for health systems that can address the entirety of burden of disease, improve the social determinants of health, deliver high-quality equitable care. This chapter highlights the strategies and tactics used by successful and ongoing movements that seek global health equity and justice. The chapter also presents concrete examples for action that can be used to help build and support the social movement needed to realize the universal right to health care.
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Woodly, Deva R. Reckoning. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197603949.001.0001.

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Reckoning: Black Lives Matter and the Democratic Necessity of Social Movements is an analysis of the emergence of the Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), its organizational structure and culture, and its strategies and tactics, while also laying out and contextualizing the social movement’s unique political philosophy, radical Black feminist pragmatism (RBFM), along with documenting measurable political effects in terms of changing public meanings, public opinion, and policy. Throughout the text, the author interweaves theoretical and empirical observations, rendering both an illustration of this movement and an analysis of the work social movements do in democracy.
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Частини книг з теми "Social movement tactics"

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Doherty, Brian, and Graeme Hayes. "Tactics and Strategic Action." In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 269–88. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119168577.ch15.

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Crocco, Francisca Gutiérrez. "Coping with Neoliberalism Through Legal Mobilization: The Chilean Labor Movement’s New Tactics and Allies." In Social Movements in Chile, 191–217. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60013-4_7.

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Taylor, Verta, and Nella Van dyke. "“Get up, Stand up”: Tactical Repertoires of Social Movements." In The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 262–93. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999103.ch12.

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Isaac, Larry W. "Performative power in nonviolent tactical adaptation to violence." In Social Movements, Nonviolent Resistance, and the State, 27–53. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: The mobilization series on social movements, protest, and culture: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429467783-2.

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Kirchhelle, Claas. "Ruth the Ruthless: Activism, Welfare, and Generational Change." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements, 149–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-62792-8_9.

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AbstractThis chapter studies the polarisation of 1970s’ British farm animal welfare politics and Ruth Harrison’s career as a full-time public campaigner on the RSPCA Council and as head of her own welfare Trust. Polarised conflicts triggered a professionalisation of RSPCA campaigning. The Society adopted new public pressure tactics, established expert committees, and started commissioning behavioural research. Internal tensions over elite “field sports” also led to the formation of the RSPCA Reform Group. Reform Group members oversaw a streamlining of RSPCA management and leadership. They also popularised animal rights thinking. Ruth Harrison supported opposition to “field sports” and helped trigger the internal crisis that led to the Reform Group’s formation. However, tensions over her role on FAWAC and her focus on gradualist reforms isolated Harrison. Forced to declare bankruptcy after a libel suit against another Council member, Harrison focused on developing her own Farm Animal Care Trust (FACT).
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Qi, Di, Mina Shibasaki, Youichi Kamiyama, Sakiko Tanaka, Bunsuke Kawasaki, Chisa Mitsuhashi, Yun Suen Pai, and Kouta Minamizawa. "Furekit: Wearable Tactile Music Toolkit for Children with ASD." In Haptics: Science, Technology, Applications, 310–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06249-0_35.

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AbstractChildren with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) face the challenge of social interaction and communication, leading to them often requiring significant support from others in their daily lives. This includes challenges like basic communication to convey their emotions to comprehension in early education. To aid with their early development, we propose Furekit, a wearable toolkit that encourages physical interaction via audio and tactile stimuli. Furekit can be attached to various parts of the body, can be operated wirelessly, and is equipped with both a speaker and a vibrotactile actuator. The audio and tactile stimuli are triggered when touched via a conductive pad on the surface, aiming to aid these children’s learning and social experience. From our conducted workshop with children with ASD, we found that Furekit was well-received and was able to encourage their spontaneous physical movement. In the workshop, Furekit shows its potential as an educational and communication tool for children with ASD.
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Cai, Yongshun. "Protesters and Tactical Escalation." In The Umbrella Movement. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723343_ch08.

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Social groups that take to the streets do not necessarily achieve their desired effects because the protest may be weak. Hence, protesting groups need to carry out tactical escalation in order to empower their action. Examining the Umbrella Movement of 2014, this paper suggests that the effectiveness of tactical escalation is not determined only by the public support it can generate, but also by the timing of the escalation because this timing reveals the movement’s momentum. The tactical escalation of the Umbrella Movement proved to be ineffective because some tactics damaged the movement’s image or were undertaken at a time when the momentum was already significantly low.
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"The Case for Social Justice." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 45–82. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-5433-2.ch003.

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This chapter explains the fomentation of the Black Lives Matter movement, which began as a hashtag in 2013. The chapter explores the ideology and goals of the movement, as well as past and current tactics that the movement participants are utilizing to bring awareness to their cause. The chapter highlights numerous high-profile incidents that propelled Black Lives Matter onto the national stage, including the deaths of Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, and Sandra Bland. The chapter juxtaposes Black Lives Matter against other contemporary American social movements such as Occupy Wall Street to better understand the development of an opposition movement in the U.S.
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Mayer, N. Zald, and Useem Bert. "Movement and Countermovement Interaction: Mobilization, Tactics, and State Involvement." In Social Movements in an Organizational Society, 247–72. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315129648-10.

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Stone, Amy L. "Dominant tactics in social movement tactical repertoires: Anti-gay ballot measures, 1974–2008." In Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, 141–74. Emerald Group Publishing Limited, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0163-786x(2011)0000031008.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Social movement tactics"

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Ratnawati, Ratnawati. "Women's Movements and Democratic Space in Yogyakarta (The Movement Strategies and Tactics of PKBI DIY and Needle and Bitch Community)." In International Conference on Emerging Media, and Social Science. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.7-12-2018.2281805.

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Gurbuz, Mustafa. "PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.

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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Costello, Bridget McKenney. "Travel as pedagogy: embodied learning in short-term study abroad." In Sixth International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head20.2020.11312.

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In this paper I discuss a model for creating embodied learning opportunities in study abroad curricula, which purposefully uses students’ physical movement through foreign landscapes to inform and enhance their understanding of local social, political, economic, cultural, and historical phenomena. Pedagogical tactics include: challenging and reframing the common distinction between “important” and “unimportant” instructional times and places; loosely structured itineraries that allow for greater student autonomy and collaboration; seeking multiple vantage points (both geographic and textual) from which to observe and analyze locations; purposeful and attentive travel between study locations that helps connect cognitive to visceral experience. These tactics help students cultivate the ability to read landscapes, a skill that them to understand a landscape not only as historical narrative but also as a social actor that influences and is influenced by the everyday practices of people who inhabit it. To demonstrate these strategies, I discuss how they were implemented in a recent short-term study abroad program to various sites within the former Yugoslavia.
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Hrbacova, Lucie. "DEVELOPMENT OF INDEPENDENT MOVEMENT THROUGH TACTILE-AUDITORY MEANS." In 5th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/3.5/s13.023.

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Bala, Shantanu, Troy McDaniel, and Sethuraman Panchanathan. "Visual-to-tactile mapping of facial movements for enriched social interactions." In 2014 IEEE International Symposium on Haptic, Audio and Visual Environments and Games (HAVE). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/have.2014.6954336.

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Cuellar, Adriana, and Marcel Sanchez Prieto. "A River Runs Through It: Territory of Opportunistic Coexistence." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.53.

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In order to understand urban development in Latin America we must study the actions of an opportunistic environment that enables social progress. Usually, urban adaptations react to the pressures of a contested territory, that if seen as survival tactics, they amplify urban regeneration, where illicit acts of urbanism become primary sites of innovation. Such is the example of the international border between San Diego, and Tijuana. This region is no exception of witnessing the territorial conflicts and crime scenes that are typical characteristics of border regions. In particular this border encounters the highest massive migration from Latin America to the USand back (deportees), making the dividing line – in this case the Tijuana river canal – a site of urban dialectics. The channelized river has tangibly revealed the mutations and interactions of opposing realities that expose overtones, exigencies, neglected issues and/or cutting edge cultural movements. It is at this hotbed and funneling point of two countries where illicit acts of urbanism are accepted. Emblematic of an opportunistic landscape, opposing modes of operations are in some cases ignored for the sake of coexistence.
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Stevens, Quentin. "A Brief History of the Short-Term Parklet in Australia." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4018pognw.

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This paper examines the history within Australia of the ‘parklet’, a small architecturally-framed open space installed temporarily on an on-street car-parking space. The paper traces parklets’ varied and evolving forms, materials, production processes and functions. It examines how parklets have adapted to rapidly-changing social needs and priorities for economic activity, health, safety, socialising and on-street parking, and changes in street function. The contemporary parklet began in 2005 as a localised, grassroots activity to temporarily reclaim street space for public leisure, as part of the wider movement of ‘tactical urbanism’. Parklets rapidly became a worldwide phenomenon. Starting in 2008, parklets were absorbed into institutional urban planning practice, as a strategic tool to enhance community engagement, test possibilities, and win support for longer-term spatial transformations. From 2012, commercial parklet programs were developed in Australian cities to encourage local businesses to expand into street parking spaces, to calm traffic and enhance pedestrian amenity. A new generation of commercial ‘café parklets’ has emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic, facilitated by local governments, to support the heavily-impacted hospitality industry. Their design and construction show ongoing innovation, increasing scale and professionalism, but also standardisation. This paper draws on diverse Australian parklet examples to chart the emergence of varying approaches to their design and construction, which draw upon different materials, skills, local government strategies and international precedents. The findings also illustrate several convergences in the evolution of parklet design across different Australian cities, due to strong similarities in the spatial contexts, needs, risk factors, and technologies that have defined this practice.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Social movement tactics"

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Hessini, Leila. Living on a Fault Line: Political Violence Against Women in Algeria. Population Council, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy1996.1005.

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This study raises three questions to better comprehend the crisis women face in Algeria today: how are the state and the opposition groups addressing and defining women’s contemporary status, what is the link between women’s status and violence against them, and what are the tactics both of resistance and accommodation that Algerian women are using to survive in such a context? Throughout this study, the term “Islamic Fundamentalists” refers to movements and people in Algeria who use the “recovery” of early principles of the Ideal Muslim Community to develop their idea of a future Islamic “social order,” with the ultimate desire of achieving political power, often using violent means. This study discusses the general characteristic of these movements and the surge of political Islam in post-independence Algeria. This study investigates how violence—or the threat thereof—has become acceptable as a legitimate instrument to control women and force them to conform to a vision of an “Ideal Islamic Society.” As this report states, this type of violence, unlike state violence, is exclusively perpetuated by members of militant Islamist movements.
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Droogan, Julian, Lise Waldek, Brian Ballsun-Stanton, and Jade Hutchinson. Mapping a Social Media Ecosystem: Outlinking on Gab & Twitter Amongst the Australian Far-right Milieu. RESOLVE Network, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2022.6.

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Attention to the internet and the online spaces in which violent extremists interact and spread content has increased over the past decades. More recently, that attention has shifted from understanding how groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State use the internet to spread propaganda to understanding the broader internet environment and, specifically, far-right violent extremist activities within it. This focus on how far right violent extremist—including far-right racially and ethnically motivated violent extremists (REMVEs) within them—create, use, and exploit the online networks in which they exist to promote their hateful ideology and reach has largely focused on North America and Europe. However, in recent years, examinations of those online dynamics elsewhere, including in Australia, is increasing. Far right movements have been active in Australia for decades. While these movements are not necessarily extremist nor violent, understanding how violent far right extremists and REMVEs interact within or seek to exploit these broader communities is important in further understanding the tactics, reach, and impact of REMVEs in Australia. This is particularly important in the online space access to broader networks of individuals and ideas is increasingly expanding. Adding to a steadily expanding body of knowledge examining online activities and networks of both broader far right as well as violent extremist far right populations in Australia, this paper presents a data-driven examination of the online ecosystems in which identified Australian far-right violent extremists exist and interact,1 as mapped by user generated uniform resource locators (URL), or ‘links’, to internet locations gathered from two online social platforms—Twitter and Gab. This link-based analysis has been used in previous studies of online extremism to map the platforms and content shared in online spaces and provide further detail on the online ecosystems in which extremists interact. Data incorporating the links was automatically collected from Twitter and Gab posts from users existing within the online milieu in which those identified far right extremists were connected. The data was collected over three discrete one-month periods spanning 2019, the year in which an Australian far right violent extremist carried out the Christchurch attack. Networks of links expanding out from the Twitter and Gab accounts were mapped in two ways to explore the extent and nature of the online ecosystems in which these identified far right Australian violent extremists are connected, including: To map the extent and nature of these ecosystems (e.g., the extent to which other online platforms are used and connected to one another), the project mapped where the most highly engaged links connect out to (i.e., website domain names), and To explore the nature of content being spread within those ecosystems, what sorts of content is found at the end of the most highly engaged links. The most highly engaged hashtags from across this time are also presented for additional thematic analysis. The mapping of links illustrated the interconnectedness of a social media ecosystem consisting of multiple platforms that were identified as having different purposes and functions. Importantly, no links to explicitly violent or illegal activity were identified among the top-most highly engaged sites. The paper discusses the implications of the findings in light of this for future policy, practice, and research focused on understanding the online ecosystems in which identified REMVE actors are connected and the types of thematic content shared and additional implications in light of the types of non-violent content shared within them.
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