Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Shanghai dian shi tai"

With the increasing concentration of CO2 in the atmosphere, climate change has been prominent and brought a series of disasters to human being. In China, the important aspect to control CO2 concentration is to decrease its emission of coal-fuel power plant. The engineering application of chemical absorption technology and economic analysis of the Beijing Gao Bei-dian and the second unit of Shanghai Shi Dong-kou power plants built by China Hua Neng Electric Group is introduced. The achievements of CO2 engineering capture and the effort direction we will towards in the future is also summarized.

IntroductionIn this article, I set out to accomplish two tasks. The first is to map coffee and cafés in Mainland China in different historical periods. The second is to focus on coffee and cafés in the socio-cultural milieu of contemporary China in order to understand the symbolic value of the emerging coffee/café-scape. Cafés, rather than coffee, are at the centre of this current trend in contemporary Chinese cities. With instant coffee dominating as a drink, the Chinese have developed a cultural and social demand for cafés, but have not yet developed coffee palates. Historical Coffee Map In 1901, coffee was served in a restaurant in the city of Tianjin. This restaurant, named Kiessling, was run by a German chef, a former solider who came to China with the eight-nation alliance. At that time, coffee was reserved mostly for foreign politicians and military officials as well as wealthy businessmen—very few ordinary Chinese drank it. (For more history of Kiessling, including pictures and videos, see Kiessling). Another group of coffee consumers were from the cultural elites—the young revolutionary intellectuals and writers with overseas experience. It was almost a fashion among the literary elite to spend time in cafés. However, this was negatively judged as “Western” and “bourgeois.” For example, in 1932, Lu Xun, one of the most important twentieth century Chinese writers, commented on the café fashion during 1920s (133-36), and listed the reasons why he would not visit one. He did not drink coffee because it was “foreigners’ food”, and he was too busy writing for the kind of leisure enjoyed in cafés. Moreover, he did not, he wrote, have the nerve to go to a café, and particularly not the Revolutionary Café that was popular among cultural celebrities at that time. He claimed that the “paradise” of the café was for genius, and for handsome revolutionary writers (who he described as having red lips and white teeth, whereas his teeth were yellow). His final complaint was that even if he went to the Revolutionary Café, he would hesitate going in (Lu Xun 133-36). From Lu Xun’s list, we can recognise his nationalism and resistance to what were identified as Western foods and lifestyles. It is easy to also feel his dissatisfaction with those dilettante revolutionary intellectuals who spent time in cafés, talking and enjoying Western food, rather than working. In contrast to Lu Xun’s resistance to coffee and café culture, another well-known writer, Zhang Ailing, frequented cafés when she lived in Shanghai from the 1920s to 1950s. She wrote about the smell of cakes and bread sold in Kiessling’s branch store located right next to her parents’ house (Yuyue). Born into a wealthy family, exposed to Western culture and food at a very young age, Zhang Ailing liked to spend her social and writing time in cafés, ordering her favourite cakes, hot chocolate, and coffee. When she left Shanghai and immigrated to the USA, coffee was an important part of her writing life: the smell and taste reminding her of old friends and Shanghai (Chunzi). However, during Zhang’s time, it was still a privileged and elite practice to patronise a café when these were located in foreign settlements with foreign chefs, and served mainly foreigners, wealthy businessmen, and cultural celebrities. After 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China, until the late 1970s, there were no coffee shops in Mainland China. It was only when Deng Xiaoping suggested neo-liberalism as a so-called “reform-and-open-up” economic policy that foreign commerce and products were again seen in China. In 1988, ten years after the implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s policy, the Nestlé coffee company made the first inroads into the mainland market, featuring homegrown coffee beans in Yunnan province (China Beverage News; Dong; ITC). Nestlé’s bottled instant coffee found its way into the Chinese market, avoiding a direct challenge to the tea culture. Nestlé packaged its coffee to resemble health food products and marketed it as a holiday gift suitable for friends and relatives. As a symbol of modernity and “the West”, coffee-as-gift meshed with the traditional Chinese cultural custom that values gift giving. It also satisfied a collective desire for foreign products (and contact with foreign cultures) during the economic reform era. Even today, with its competitively low price, instant coffee dominates coffee consumption at home, in the workplace, and on Chinese airlines. While Nestlé aimed their product at native Chinese consumers, the multinational companies who later entered China’s coffee market, such as Sara Lee, mainly targeted international hotels such as IHG, Marriott, and Hyatt. The multinationals also favoured coffee shops like Kommune in Shanghai that offered more sophisticated kinds of coffee to foreign consumers and China’s upper class (Byers). If Nestlé introduced coffee to ordinary Chinese families, it was Starbucks who introduced the coffee-based “third space” to urban life in contemporary China on a signficant scale. Differing from the cafés before 1949, Starbucks stores are accessible to ordinary Chinese citizens. The first in Mainland China opened in Beijing’s China World Trade Center in January 1999, targeting mainly white-collar workers and foreigners. Starbucks coffee shops provide a space for informal business meetings, chatting with friends, and relaxing and, with its 500th store opened in 2011, dominate the field in China. Starbucks are located mainly in the central business districts and airports, and the company plans to have 1,500 sites by 2015 (Starbucks). Despite this massive presence, Starbucks constitutes only part of the café-scape in contemporary Chinese cities. There are two other kinds of cafés. One type is usually located in universities or residential areas and is frequented mainly by students or locals working in cultural professions. A representative of this kind is Sculpting in Time Café. In November 1997, two years before the opening of the first Starbucks in Beijing, two newlywed college graduates opened the first small Sculpting in Time Café near Beijing University’s East Gate. This has been expanded into a chain, and boasts 18 branches on the Mainland. (For more about its history, see Sculpting in Time Café). Interestingly, both Starbucks and Sculpting in Time Café acquired their names from literature, Starbucks from Moby Dick, and Sculpting in Time from the Russian filmmaker Andrei Tarkovsky’s film diary of the same name. For Chinese students of literature and the arts, drinking coffee is less about acquiring more energy to accomplish their work, and more about entering a sensual world, where the aroma of coffee mixes with the sounds from the coffee machine and music, as well as the lighting of the space. More importantly, cafés with this ambience become, in themselves, cultural sites associated with literature, films, and music. Owners of this kind of café are often lovers of foreign literatures, films, and cultures, and their cafés host various cultural events, including forums, book clubs, movie screenings, and music clubs. Generally speaking, coffee served in this kind of café is simpler than in the kind discussed below. This third type of café includes those located in tourist and entertainment sites such as art districts, bar areas, and historical sites, and which are frequented by foreign and native tourists, artists and other cultural workers. If Starbucks cultivates a fast-paced business/professional atmosphere, and Sculpting in Time Cafés an artsy and literary atmosphere, this third kind of café is more like an upscale “bar” with trained baristas serving complicated coffees and emphasising their flavour. These coffee shops are more expensive than the other kinds, with an average price three times that of Starbucks. Currently, cafés of this type are found only in “first-tier” cities and usually located in art districts and tourist areas—such as Beijing’s 798 Art District and Nanluo Guxiang, Shanghai’s Tai Kang Road (a.k.a. “the art street”), and Hangzhou’s Westlake area. While Nestlé and Starbucks use coffee beans grown in Yunnan provinces, these “art cafés” are more inclined to use imported coffee beans from suppliers like Sara Lee. Coffee and Cafés in Contemporary China After just ten years, there are hundreds of cafés in Chinese cities. Why has there been such a demand for coffee or, more accurately, cafés, in such a short period of time? The first reason is the lack of “third space” environments in Mainland China. Before cafés appeared in the late 1990s, stores like KFC (which opened its first store in 1987) and McDonald’s (with its first store opened in 1990) filled this role for urban residents, providing locations where customers could experience Western food, meet friends, work, or read. In fact, KFC and McDonald’s were once very popular with college students looking for a place to study. Both stores had relatively clean food environments and good lighting. They also had air conditioning in the summer and heating in the winter, which are not provided in most Chinese university dormitories. However, since neither chain was set up to be a café and customers occupying seats for long periods while ordering minimal amounts of food or drink affected profits, staff members began to indirectly ask customers to leave after dining. At the same time, as more people were able to afford to eat at KFC and McDonald’s, their fast foods were also becoming more and more popular, especially among young people. As a consequence, both types of chain restaurant were becoming noisy and crowded and, thus, no longer ideal for reading, studying, or meeting with friends. Although tea has been a traditional drink in Chinese culture, traditional teahouses were expensive places more suitable for business meetings or for the cultural or intellectual elite. Since almost every family owns a tea set and can readily purchase tea, friends and family would usually make and consume tea at home. In recent years, however, new kinds of teahouses have emerged, similar in style to cafés, targeting the younger generation with more affordable prices and a wider range of choices, so the lack of a “third space” does not fully explain the café boom. Another factor affecting the popularity of cafés has been the development and uptake of Internet technology, including the increasing use of laptops and wireless Internet in recent years. The Internet has been available in China since the late 1990s, while computers and then laptops entered ordinary Chinese homes in the early twenty-first century. The IT industry has created not only a new field of research and production, but has also fostered new professions and demands. Particularly, in recent years in Mainland China, a new socially acceptable profession—freelancing in such areas as graphic design, photography, writing, film, music, and the fashion industry—has emerged. Most freelancers’ work is computer- and Internet-based. Cafés provide suitable working space, with wireless service, and the bonus of coffee that is, first of all, somatically stimulating. In addition, the emergence of the creative and cultural industries (which are supported by the Chinese government) has created work for these freelancers and, arguably, an increasing demand for café-based third spaces where such people can meet, talk and work. Furthermore, the flourishing of cafés in first-tier cities is part of the “aesthetic economy” (Lloyd 24) that caters to the making and selling of lifestyle experience. Alongside foreign restaurants, bars, galleries, and design firms, cafés contribute to city branding, and link a city to the global urban network. Cafés, like restaurants, galleries and bars, provide a space for the flow of global commodities, as well as for the human flow of tourists, travelling artists, freelancers, and cultural specialists. Finally, cafés provide a type of service that contributes to friendly owner/waiter-customer relations. During the planned-economy era, most stores and hotels in China were State-owned, staff salaries were not related to individual performance, and indifferent (and even unfriendly) service was common. During the economic reform era, privately owned stores and shops began to replace State-owned ones. At the same time, a large number of people from the countryside flowed into the cities seeking opportunities. Most had little if any professional training and so could only find work in factories or in the service industry. However, most café employees are urban, with better educational backgrounds, and many were already familiar with coffee culture. In addition, café owners, particularly those of places like Sculpting in Time Cafe, often invest in creating a positive, community atmosphere, learning about their customers and sharing personal experiences with their regular clients. This leads to my next point—the generation of the 1980s’ need for a social community. Cafés’ Symbolic Value—Community A demand for a sense of community among the generation of the 1980s is a unique socio-cultural phenomenon in China, which paradoxically co-exists with their desire for individualism. Mao Zedong started the “One Child Policy” in 1979 to slow the rapid population growth in China, and the generations born under this policy are often called “the lonely generations,” with both parents working full-time. At the same time, they are “the generation of me,” labelled as spoiled, self-centred, and obsessed with consumption (de Kloet; Liu; Rofel; Wang). The individuals of this generation, now aged in their 20s and 30s, constitute the primary consumers of coffee in China. Whereas individualism is an important value to them, a sense of community is also desirable in order to compensate for their lack of siblings. Furthermore, the 1980s’ generation has also benefitted from the university expansion policy implemented in 1999. Since then, China has witnessed a surge of university students and graduates who not only received scientific and other course-based knowledge, but also had a better chance to be exposed to foreign cultures through their books, music, and movies. With this interesting tension between individualism and collectivism, the atmosphere provided by cafés has fostered a series of curious temporary communities built on cultural and culinary taste. Interestingly, it has become an aspiration of many young college students and graduates to open a community-space style café in a city. One of the best examples is the new Henduoren’s (Many People’s) Café. This was a project initiated by Wen Erniu, a recent college graduate who wanted to open a café in Beijing but did not have sufficient funds to do so. She posted a message on the Internet, asking people to invest a minimum of US$316 to open a café with her. With 78 investors, the café opened in September 2011 in Beijing (see pictures of Henduoren’s Café). In an interview with the China Daily, Wen Erniu stated that, “To open a cafe was a dream of mine, but I could not afford it […] We thought opening a cafe might be many people’s dream […] and we could get together via the Internet to make it come true” (quoted in Liu 2011). Conclusion: Café Culture and (Instant) Coffee in China There is a Chinese saying that, if you hate someone—just persuade him or her to open a coffee shop. Since cafés provide spaces where one can spend a relatively long time for little financial outlay, owners have to increase prices to cover their expenses. This can result in fewer customers. In retaliation, cafés—particularly those with cultural and literary ambience—host cultural events to attract people, and/or they offer food and wine along with coffee. The high prices, however, remain. In fact, the average price of coffee in China is often higher than in Europe and North America. For example, a medium Starbucks’ caffè latte in China averaged around US$4.40 in 2010, according to the price list of a Starbucks outlet in Shanghai—and the prices has recently increased again (Xinhua 2012). This partially explains why instant coffee is still so popular in China. A bag of instant Nestlé coffee cost only some US$0.25 in a Beijing supermarket in 2010, and requires only hot water, which is accessible free almost everywhere in China, in any restaurant, office building, or household. As an habitual, addictive treat, however, coffee has not yet become a customary, let alone necessary, drink for most Chinese. Moreover, while many, especially those of the older generations, could discern the quality and varieties of tea, very few can judge the quality of the coffee served in cafés. As a result, few Mainland Chinese coffee consumers have a purely somatic demand for coffee—craving its smell or taste—and the highly sweetened and creamed instant coffee offered by companies like Nestlé or Maxwell has largely shaped the current Chinese palate for coffee. Ben Highmore has proposed that “food spaces (shops, restaurants and so on) can be seen, for some social agents, as a potential space where new ‘not-me’ worlds are encountered” (396) He continues to expand that “how these potential spaces are negotiated—the various affective registers of experience (joy, aggression, fear)—reflect the multicultural shapes of a culture (its racism, its openness, its acceptance of difference)” (396). Cafés in contemporary China provide spaces where one encounters and constructs new “not-me” worlds, and more importantly, new “with-me” worlds. While café-going communicates an appreciation and desire for new lifestyles and new selves, it can be hoped that in the near future, coffee will also be appreciated for its smell, taste, and other benefits. Of course, it is also necessary that future Chinese coffee consumers also recognise the rich and complex cultural, political, and social issues behind the coffee economy in the era of globalisation. References Byers, Paul [former Managing Director, Sara Lee’s Asia Pacific]. Pers. comm. Apr. 2012. China Beverage News. “Nestlé Acquires 70% Stake in Chinese Mineral Water Producer.” (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://chinabevnews.wordpress.com/2010/02/21/nestle-acquires-70-stake-in-chinese-mineral-water-producer›. Chunzi. 张爱玲地图[The Map of Eileen Chang]. 汉语大词典出版 [Hanyu Dacidian Chubanshe], 2003. de Kloet, Jeroen. China with a Cut: Globalization, Urban Youth and Popular Music. Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2010. Dong, Jonathan. “A Caffeinated Timeline: Developing Yunnan’s Coffee Cultivation.” China Brief (2011): 24-26. Highmore, Ben. “Alimentary Agents: Food, Cultural Theory and Multiculturalism.” Journal of Intercultural Studies, 29.4 (2008): 381-98. ITC (International Trade Center). The Coffee Sector in China: An Overview of Production, Trade And Consumption, 2010. Liu, Kang. Globalization and Cultural Trends in China. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2004. Liu, Zhihu. “From Virtual to Reality.” China Daily (Dec. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2011-12/26/content_14326490.htm›. Lloyd, Richard. Neobohemia: Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City. London: Routledge, 2006. Lu, Xun. “Geming Kafei Guan [Revolutionary Café]”. San Xian Ji. Taibei Shi: Feng Yun Shi Dai Chu Ban Gong Si: Fa Xing Suo Xue Wen Hua Gong Si, Mingguo 78 (1989): 133-36. Rofel, Lisa. Desiring China: Experiments in Neoliberalism, Sexuality, and Public Culture. Durham and London: Duke UP, 2007: 1-30. “Starbucks Celebrates Its 500th Store Opening in Mainland China.” Starbucks Newsroom (Oct. 2011) 31 Mar. 2012. ‹http://news.starbucks.com/article_display.cfm?article_id=580›. Wang, Jing. High Culture Fever: Politics, Aesthetics, and Ideology in Deng’s China. Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: U of California P, 1996. Xinhua. “Starbucks Raises Coffee Prices in China Stores.” Xinhua News (Jan. 2012). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-01/31/c_131384671.htm›. Yuyue. Ed. “On the History of the Western-Style Restaurants: Aileen Chang A Frequent Customer of Kiessling.” China.com.cn (2010). 31 Mar. 2012 ‹http://www.china.com.cn/culture/txt/2010-01/30/content_19334964.htm›.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2008.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 270-298). Also available online in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.

Yan Jing Linda.
Thesis submitted in: December 2003.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-99).
Abstracts in English and Chinese.
ABSTRACT --- p.i
中文摘要 --- p.iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.iv
Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION
Chapter 1.1 --- Background --- p.1
Chapter 1.2 --- Research Question --- p.4
Chapter 1.3 --- Zhejiang Provincial TV Station and the Economic Life Channel --- p.6
Chapter 1.4 --- The Advertising Department --- p.9
Chapter 1.5 --- Methodology --- p.11
Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- """STRATEGIC ADAPTATION"": ANEO-INSTITUTIONAL-SOCIOLOGY APPROACH"
Chapter 2.1 --- Transaction Cost and Organizational Mode --- p.15
Chapter 2.2 --- Organizations and Institutions in Transition Societies --- p.16
Chapter 2.3 --- Studies on China's Media Reform --- p.19
Chapter 2.4 --- """Strategic Adaptation""" --- p.21
Chapter 2.5 --- "Behavioral Patterns of ""Strategic Adaptation""" --- p.22
Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- INSTITUTIONAL CONFLICTS IN A TRANSITIONAL MEDIA ENVIRONMENT
Chapter 3.1 --- Partial Reform and Duality of Institutional Demands --- p.26
Chapter 3.1.1 --- "“Old´حInstitutional Demands - the ""Propaganda Work Guidebook""" --- p.30
News Censorship and Programming Policy --- p.31
Propaganda Quality Responsible Contract --- p.32
Chapter 3.1.2 --- “New´حInstitutional Demands 一 The Financial Responsible Contract --- p.34
Revenue Target --- p.34
Employment Terms and Performance Based Job Allowances --- p.35
Chapter 3.2 --- Ambiguities and Conflicts --- p.37
Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- STRUCTURAL ADAPTATION: DECOUPLING OF ACTIVITIES AND ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE
Chapter 4.1 --- Structural Adaptation in a Transitional Context --- p.39
Chapter 4.2 --- Spanning of Space --- p.42
Chapter 4.3 --- Spanning of Practice --- p.47
Chapter 4.4 --- Spanning of Identity --- p.50
Chapter 4.5 --- Discussion --- p.52
Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- SYMBOLIC ADAPTATION: BUILDING A SYMBOLIC BRIDGE
Chapter 5.1 --- Symbolic Adaptation in a Transitional Context --- p.55
Chapter 5.2 --- Boundary Blurring --- p.56
Chapter 6.3 --- Symbolic Packaging --- p.60
Chapter 6.4 --- Ideological Framing --- p.63
Chapter 6.5 --- Discussion --- p.68
Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- RECIPROCAL BEHAVIORS
Chapter 5.1 --- Reciprocal Behaviors in a Transitional Context --- p.69
Chapter 5.2 --- Emergent Networking --- p.72
Chapter 5.3 --- Prospective Networking --- p.77
Chapter 5.4 --- Discussion --- p.81
Chapter CHAPTER 7 --- CONCLUSIONS
Chapter 7.1 --- Summary of Findings --- p.84
Chapter 7.2 --- """Strategic Adaptation""" --- p.87
Chapter 7.3 --- A Micro and Macro Link --- p.88
Chapter 7.4 --- Generalizability and Boundaries of Findings --- p.90
Chapter 7.5 --- Limitations and Agenda for Future Research --- p.92
Bibliography --- p.95

This dissertation explores the news making process at CCTV-9, the Beijing-based global English language service of China Central Television (CCTV). My interest in this topic was triggered by the strange manner in which so much debate about media reform in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) elides any real discussion of the contribution of journalists themselves to reform, which is almost invariably treated as something that happens to media from outside of, or regardless of, what journalists do. My aim in this research was to address this lapsus and foreground the work of journalists to show how it contributes to the changing institutional framework in which their work is embedded and therefore contributes to media reform. Drawing on ground-breaking work on bounded innovation and resistance by Pan Zhongdang and Lu Ye in this emerging field, I utilize concepts derived from their use of Michel de Certeau and discuss these concepts in light of the works of Antonio Gramsci, Pierre Bourdieu and Michel Foucault to show how journalists at CCTV-9 exercised control over their work, despite their function as mouthpieces of the news and publicity system operated by the Communist Party of China and PRC government. I am not suggesting that PRC journalists are dissidents. However, my research did suggest that the mundane practice of journalism, even in so constrained a media environment as that of the PRC news system, can alter the manner in which news is made and thereby contribute to media reform. Utilizing participant observation of the CCTV-9 newsroom in 2004-2005, interviews with a range of news makers, in-house documents and a survey of content, I construct a picture of news making at CCTV-9 that foregrounds what to more macro-oriented analyses of media reform in the PRC has remained inaccessible, the minutiae of everyday life in the newsroom, and the tiny, but not inconsequential changes brought about by the ordinary work of journalists.
text

稿本
論文(碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院傳播學部,1992.
參考文獻: leaves 212-221
陳立思.
Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.[1]
Chapter 一、 --- 研究焦點 --- p.[1]
Chapter 二、 --- 理論參考 --- p.[3]
Chapter 三、 --- 硏究方法 --- p.[4]
Chapter 四、 --- 研究意義 --- p.[5]
Chapter 五、 --- 論文結構 --- p.[6]
Chapter 第二章 --- 外來文化和國家發展 --現代化、依賴和依賴發展理論綜述 --- p.[7]
Chapter 一、 --- 西方化為基礎的現代化理論 --- p.[8]
Chapter 二、 --- 馬克思主義觀點的依賴理論 --- p.[10]
Chapter 三、 --- 強調内在動力的依賴發展理論 --- p.[17]
Chapter 四、 --- 三大理論對本研究的啓發 --- p.[20]
Chapter 第三章 --- 在管制下求發展的跨國公司 --跨國公司和東道國的互動關係探索 --- p.[23]
Chapter 一、 --- 跨國公司兼具正負面影響 --- p.[24]
Chapter 二、 --- 跨國公司和東道國及有關部門的互動關係 --- p.[26]
Chapter 三、 --- 聯繫内外的銜接群體 --- p.[32]
Chapter 四、 --- 互動硏究和理論的啓發 --- p.[35]
Chapter 第四章 --- 分析架構和硏究方法 --- p.[36]
Chapter 一、 --- 跨國廣告公司和大眾傳媒互動關係模式 --- p.[36]
Chapter 二、 --- 研究範疇和資料搜集 --- p.[38]
Chapter 第五章 --- 有中國特色的社會主義商品廣告 --- p.[42]
Chapter 一、 --- 過渡期政治經濟矛盾交融 --- p.[42]
Chapter 二、 --- 社會主義的商品廣告的管理體制 --- p.[48]
Chapter 三、 --- 中國廣告業的經營結構 --- p.[52]
Chapter 四、 --- 跨國廣告公司在中國 --- p.[56]
Chapter 五、 --- 小結 --- p.[59]
Chapter 第六章 --- 跨國廣告公司和廣東電視台的互動 --- p.[61]
Chapter 一、 --- 跨國廣告在廣東電視台的發展情況 --- p.[63]
Chapter 二、 --- 充滿矛盾的互動結構 --- p.[69]
Chapter 三、 --- 互動中跨國廣告公司的談判力量逐漸減弱 --- p.[80]
Chapter 四、 --- 銜接群體為互動的關鍵 --- p.[85]
Chapter 五、 --- 互動結構中的香港電視因素 --- p.[113]
Chapter 六、 --- 互動型態對跨國廣告公司的影響 --- p.[115]
Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.[121]
Chapter 第七章 --- 跨國廣告公司對廣東電視台的影響 --- p.[124]
Chapter 一、 --- 跨國廣告加劇了外來文化的滲透 --- p.[124]
Chapter 二、 --- 跨國廣告間接推動了商業化趨勢 --- p.[135]
Chapter 三、 --- "跨國廣告是廣東電視台發展的“高質能源""" --- p.[141]
Chapter 四、 --- 小結 --- p.[145]
Chapter 第八章 --- 結論和討論 --- p.[147]
Chapter 一、 --- 互動研究的理論啓示 --- p.[147]
Chapter 二、 --- 跨國廣告公司對中國廣播體系的影響 --- p.[153]
註 釋 --- p.[155]
第一章 --- p.[156]
第二章 --- p.[157]
第三章 --- p.[161]
第五章 --- p.[163]
第六章 --- p.[164]
第七章 --- p.[166]
附 件 --- p.[168]
Chapter 附件一 --- 《廣告管理條例》 --- p.[169]
Chapter 附件二 --- 附表一至二十四 --- p.[172]
Chapter 附件三 --- 1988年世界廣告費统計 --- p.[196]
Chapter 附件四 --- 1990年全國人均廣告費统計 --- p.[198]
Chapter 附件五 --- 跨國廣告公司在中國的發展情況 --- p.[199]
Chapter 附件六 --- 廣東台跨國廣告公司營業額和主要客戶名單 --- p.[202]
Chapter 附件七 --- 廣東珠江台節目安排表 --- p.[204]
Chapter 附件八 --- 《廣東電視週報》内容分析方法 --- p.[205]
Chapter 附件九 --- 廣東電視台各類贊助一覽表 --- p.[206]
參考書目 --- p.[212]
中文參考書目 --- p.[213]
英文參考書目 --- p.[217]

崔瑋.
"2006年9月"
論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006.
參考文獻(leaves 132-141).
"2006 nian 9 yue"
Abstracts in Chinese and English.
Cui Wei.
Can kao wen xian (leaves 132-141).
Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006.
Chapter 第一章 --- 導言
湖南電視爲硏究個案：變革中的中國省級電視 --- p.2
結構槪述 --- p.5
Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻回顧與理論綜述
Chapter 第一節： --- 文化全球化的議題 --- p.7
Chapter 第二節： --- 中國傳媒商業化與傳媒改革 --- p.20
Chapter 第三節： --- 相關理論參考 --- p.26
Chapter 第三章 --- 硏究問題與硏究方法
Chapter 一： --- 硏究問題和硏究範疇 --- p.34
Chapter 二： --- 硏究意義 --- p.36
Chapter 三： --- 硏究方法 --- p.38
Chapter 第四章 --- 中國電視政治經濟格局與湖南電視
Chapter 一： --- 政治經濟改革中的中國省級電視：從宣傳工具到文化產業 --- p.41
Chapter 二： --- 中國電視市場的體制結構與央視的壟斷 --- p.45
Chapter 三： --- 湖南電視的體制與生產經營結構 --- p.49
Chapter 第五章 --- 硏究發現：政治經濟矛盾變遷中的湖南電視改革
第一階段：拔河期 --- p.56
第二階段：市場爲主導的“保護色´ح期 --- p.61
本章小結 --- p.81
Chapter 第六章 --- 硏究發現：文化全球化下的本土化創新
Chapter 一： --- 本土化創新發生的環境以及政經條件 --- p.84
Chapter 二： --- 全球文化對本土電視節目的影響 --- p.87
Chapter 三： --- 本土化創新的過程和模式 --- p.94
Chapter 四： --- 本土化創新循環的模型 --- p.100
Chapter 五： --- “本土化´ح後的市場 --- p.102
本章小結 --- p.113
Chapter 第七章 --- 硏究解讀：文化全球化與湖南電視
Chapter 一： --- “麥當勞´ح文化與傳媒政治經濟關係 --- p.114
Chapter 二： --- 文化全球化提升黨辦電視商業化 --- p.119
Chapter 三： --- 解讀變革中的組織傳媒產品的回饋與互動 --- p.122
Chapter 第八章 --- 總結和討論
硏究總結 --- p.125
討論 --- p.128
參考文章和書目
英文 --- p.133
中文 --- p.139
附錄
附錄一：湖南廣電大事時間脈絡表 --- p.143
附錄二 ：深度訪談人員名錄 --- p.144
附錄三：湖南衛視參考資料 --- p.146
附錄四：《超級女聲》參考資料 --- p.148