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Статті в журналах з теми "Religion and government"
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Abadi, Husnu, Efendi Ibnususilo, and Rahdiansyah Rahdiansyah. "REVIEW OF IMPLEMENTATION OF GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES IN POLICY-MAKING IN THE "RELIGIOUS AFFAIRS"." Tadulako Law Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22487/j25272985.2018.v3.i1.10238.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Government absolute authorities in the religion affairs is the authority of the central government. In the dynamic development of political, many district that produce regional policy with respect to religion or to follow religious aspirations of local people. Some districts in Riau Province, a county division during the reform, including the district are very concerned about the development in the field of religion. In addition to physical development, the county authority also extend its authority in the religion affairs. Regional policy is embodied in the form of local laws, regulations regent, or Medium Term Development Plan (Plan) Government District in Riau Province. This is possible because there are no clear boundaries of understanding in the rule of religion affairs formulated by the law on local government. The central government, based on this study, it gives tacit consent when local governments do just that, because the rate it is going to add a lot of partners in the central government district. There is no struggle for power between central government and local governments, but the expansion of the district authority in religious issues involved in managing the government's response is a manifestation of the district in the religious aspirations of the people of the area
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Larsson, Tomas. "The political economy of state patronage of religion: Evidence from Thailand." International Political Science Review 40, no. 4 (June 20, 2018): 576–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118770178.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Deciding the character and level of official patronage of religion are fundamental questions for all states. Yet we know next to nothing about the determinants of such patronage. Are democratic governments more or less inclined than autocratic ones to seek legitimacy through religious patronage? Is it ultimately ideological struggles that determine the extent of government backing of religion? This article addresses these questions through an analysis of the evolution of the state’s role as patron and protector of Buddhism (and other officially recognized religions) in Thailand. Specifically, it examines changes in government expenditure on Thailand’s religious bureaucracy from 1960 to 2016. It finds that democratization and ideological struggles have been the main drivers of a significant expansion of government spending on religious patronage.
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Goldenberg, Naomi. "“Religion” and Its Limits." Journal of the British Association for the Study of Religion (JBASR) 21 (December 18, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18792/jbasr.v21i0.37.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The keynote contributes to critical analysis of religion and attendant categories by proposing that religions be understood as vestigial states. According to this hypothesis, religion is a modern discursive product that is not present in the Bible. The category evolves as a management strategy, a technology of statecraft to contain and control conquered, colonized and/or marginalized populations as an alternative to genocide. Examples are drawn from Greek mythology, Jewish and Druid history and recent Buddhist politics. The author uses texts pertaining to international law and political philosophy to argue that viewing religion as synonymous with displaced, uneasy, former government opposes male hegemony by revealing the political structure of mystified nostalgia for male leadership. She also maintains that understanding religions as restive governments promotes clarity in regard to contemporary conflicts between religious freedom and equality rights. Psychoanalytic theories of Sigmund Freud, Melanie Klein and Wilfrid Bion are cited to support the disassembling of foundational terms of Religious Studies.
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Hogan, Carol N. "Can the Government Define Religion?" National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 1, no. 1 (2001): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ncbq20011172.
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Satana, Nil S., Molly Inman, and Jóhanna Kristín Birnir. "Religion, Government Coalitions, and Terrorism." Terrorism and Political Violence 25, no. 1 (January 2013): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2013.733250.
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Barker, Renae. "Pluralism versus Separation: Tension in the Australian Church-State Relationship." Religion & Human Rights 16, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-bja10015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The relationship between the state and religion in Australia exists in a state of tension. On the one hand the “non-establishment” clause in section 116 of the Australian Constitution points to the separation of religion and state. On the other hand there is a high level of cooperation between the state and religion in the public sphere, most visible in the funding of religious schools by the federal government. These two visions of the Australian state-religion relationship are in tension. One requiring the removal of religion from the public sphere while the other calls for a plurality of religions to be accommodated in public spaces. This article seeks to resolve this tension by proposing a new way to understand the Australian state-religion relationship as non-establishment pluralism. Non-establishment in the sense that the Australian Constitution prohibits the establishment of any religion—be that a single state church, multiple state religions, or religion generally. Pluralism in that the state via ordinary legislation, public policy, and government action cooperates with religion in numerous areas of state and religious interest in the public sphere.
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Ummah, Sofwatul. "POLITICAL RELIGION: MARGINALIZATION OF LOCAL RELIGION IN INDONESIA." Ushuluna: Jurnal Ilmu Ushuluddin 8, no. 1 (December 27, 2022): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/ushuluna.v8i1.27920.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article describes the chronology of recognition of formal religion and marginalization of local religion in Indonesia. Formally, the Indonesian government recognizes the formal religion based on the policy or the constitution in Indonesia. That is Presidental Decree number 1 the year 1965 and Constitution Number 5 the year 1969. According to the constitution, the formal religions are Islam, Christian, Catholic, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism. But Confucianism was marginalized on the new order of Indonesia based on the decree of the Ministry of Home Affairs year 1974. Because of this marginalization of Confucianism, the followers of it must fill the religion column with a stripe sign or choose five of formal religion. out from the five formal religion is considered as local religion or indigenous. But, in Indonesia, there is much local religion that has been existed centuries ago before the freedom of Indonesia. Even though based on The Ministry of culture and Tourism in 2003, there were 245 local religions in Indonesia. Because local religions were not recognized, it was thought that Indonesia had no religion before the first century. So, this article explains about 1) the chronology of recognition of formal religions and local/indigenous religion in Indonesia and 2) the effect of political religion on formal and local/indigenous religion. I argue that because of a narrow understanding of religion, so the policy or the constitution about religion in Indonesia seems narrow and impact on marginalization to civil society that believes in local religion/indigenous religion, because of this policy indigenous community in Indonesia do not have their rights such as recognition of the name of their indigenous religion in ID card and administration service. Then, this article is a descriptive with qualitative as an approach, and library research is used as the technique of collecting data.
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De Maio, Gerald. "The Republican Schoolmaster and the Problem of Religion in America." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 30, no. 1 (2018): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2018301/210.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There is a view that the U.S. Supreme Court has acted as a “republican schoolmaster,” defining and educating the public on the permissible interaction between government and religion. The Court gave government, especially state governments, considerable latitude until incorporation of the religion clauses in the 1940s. In Everson v. Board of Education (1947), the Court articulated a rigid conception of church and state which set precedents for decades. Those precedents restricted accommodation to religion by government, based on an incomplete reading of the Founding debates on religion. It has been gradually corrected since Justice William Rehnquist’s dissent in Wallace v. Jaffree (1985). The implications of the separationist interpretation have had consequences that remain. The most obvious being forestalling experimentation with school choice for non-public school students and precluding the use of public facilities for religious groups until a series of corrective rulings beginning, for the most part, in the 1990s. The republican schoolmaster is now accountable for the intellectual lineage it uses.
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Moersidin, Murry Darmoko, Nadhif Muhammad Mumtaz, Ayna Jamila Salsabila, Khalid Ibrahim Alu Hasan, and Isna Sholihaturrahmaniah. "Geopolitic Reconstruction of Religion (Learning from Hurgronje in Religion versus Government Conflict Management)." JURNAL INDO-ISLAMIKA 12, no. 2 (January 4, 2023): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/jii.v12i2.28975.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Political expression of religion can be dangerous for good governance system. And this has really happened in Indonesian history, both during the Dutch occupation and when Indonesia became independent. Religion has become a political vehicle in various forms of political parties and non-parties. Religion also caused military wars which resulted in heavy casualties. The research questions are: What are the factors that turn religion against the government? How did Hurgronje resolve the religious versus government conflict? The approach is carried out with the Sociology of Religion. This paper uses the IMRAD style. Materials obtained through documents and internet news media. The method used is qualitative. The Results: religion as a political doctrine will lead to conflict religion and government and through three groupings of the role of religion in the right portion, ala Hurgronje, will enable the government to reduce conflict
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Ando, Clifford. "Religion and government in the Roman Empire." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, no. 119 (October 1, 2012): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.1063.
Повний текст джерелаДисертації з теми "Religion and government"
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Anyia, Albert Ethasor. "Religion and politics in Nigeria : the role of religious actors in government decision making, 1980-2009." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590126.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis, I examine the role of religion in Nigerian government decision-making from 1980 to 2009, providing a clear and concise account of the ways in which selected Nigerian religious actors, such as the Christian Association of Nigeria and the Nigeria Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs interacted with government policy actors on two key policy issues: membership of the Organisation of Islam Conference (OIC; international policy) and the adoption of Sharia law (domestic policy). Demographically, Nigeria is equally divided between Christians and Muslims and religious belief is widespread and has no clear boundaries within the country's domestic politics and international relations. Religion and politics mix freely. playing significant roles in the individual's political and social relationships at all levels of society. Nigeria claims to have a secular constitution, but religion has become increasingly important in the public sphere and this thesis is primarily concerned with the political influence of religious actors in the Nigerian government decision-making process. Emphasis is put on investigating organizational access by religious interest groups to policy makers and their influence over policy outcome within the political process. If said groups and policymakers share religious allegiance, are these allegiances reflected in policy outcome? i.e .• when and how do specific religious actors seek to influence the political outcomes of government decision-making? The finding of this thesis suggests that religious groups have a significant role in government decision-making, especially in relation to the impact that superior Muslim religious actors have within the policy-making structure in Nigeria on both OIC policy, and on the three arms of government in Muslim-dominated Sharia states. This study argues that such influence probably enhanced and promoted favourable policy outcomes for religious interest groups, especially Muslim groups.
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TAVARES, MARIA HELENA DE SOUZA. "REMARKABLE PRESENCES: VIOLENCE AND RELIGION IN BRAZILS GOVERNMENT SOCIAL PROGRAMS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=13190@1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROO presente estudo objetiva uma reflexão sobre a complexidade dos processos sociais contemporâneos, tendo como pano de fundo a vida de moradores das favelas do Rio de Janeiro. Elege as categorias favela, violência e religião, como suporte analítico para a compreensão das relações presentes nos territórios fragmentados da cidade, nos quais o acesso à cidadania se coloca de forma diferenciada. Procura identificar como as categorias elencadas são incorporadas pelos programas públicos de assistência social, delineando seus rebatimentos tanto em relação aos usuários dos programas, quanto aos profissionais que atuam em programas sociais da área.
This study focuses on the contemporary social life of inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro's favelas (slums) in Brazil. The study works with the analytical categories of favela, violence and religion to discuss the social differences in access to citizenship in Brazil's fragmented urban scenario. It discusses how social programs in the favelas incorporate violence and religion as fundamental variables influencing governement social assistance programs.
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Mansfield, Stephen Lee. "Government in a "post-Christian age" religion in American public life /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.
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Merritt, Julia Frances. "Religion, government and society in early modern Westminster, c. 1525-1625." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.301399.
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ZAWACKI, THERESA MARIE. "THE RELIGIOUS LAND USE AND INSTITUTIONALIZED PERSONS ACT: LESSONS FOR PLANNERS AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1055176087.
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Silva, Flávia Pacheco da. "Do governo da alma ao governo do corpo : a religião nos discursos da enfermagem." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/70765.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
O estudo analisa discursos sobre religião e religiosidade no campo da enfermagem, considerando as condições de possibilidade de sua emergência e o modo pelo qual se entrelaçam aos demais discursos da profissão, identificando como as enfermeiras utilizam tais saberes para produzir determinados efeitos na vida dos pacientes. Para articular tal discussão, utilizo artigos publicados em revistas científicas de enfermagem, localizados através dos descritores religião e religiosidade, no período de 1935 a 2010. Na tentativa de realizar uma das possíveis leituras destes discursos, utilizo a Análise Textual, associada com o pósestruturalismo, apoiada em noções e conceitos propostos por Michel Foucault. Os discursos que emergiram das revistas possibilitaram a construção de três categorias: Ser para servir: a enfermeira uma profissional cristã; O cuidado holístico: a religião no discurso científico; e O governo do corpo: a religião como estratégia biopolítica. A pesquisa destaca as revistas de enfermagem como importantes artefatos da mídia que proporcionam a circulação de saberes que investem na produção da identidade da enfermeira, constituindo sujeitos, governando, influenciando e ensinando um modo correto de ser e agir. Desta forma, através de relações de poder e saber, as revistas constituem enfermeiras, que além de governarem pacientes governam a si mesmas já que é difícil pensar de outra forma.The study examines speeches about religion and religiosity in the nursing area, taking into consideration its emergence possibility and the mode by which intertwine with other speeches of the profession, identifying how nurses use such knowledge to produce certain effects in the lives of patients. In order to articulate such discussion I made use of articles published in scientific journals of nursing science, found through the religion and religiosity tags in the period between 1935 and 2010. In an attempt to perform one of the possible readings of these speeches, I made use the Textual Analysis, associated with post-structuralism, supported by notions and concepts proposed by Michel Foucault. The speeches that have emerged from the journals allowed the construction of three categories: One to serve: the nurse as a Christian professional; The holistic care: religion in scientific discourse; and the controlling of the body: religion as biopolitics strategy. The research highlights the nursing journals as important media artifacts that provide the circulation of knowledge, which invest in the production of the identity of the nurse, building subjects, ruling, influencing and teaching a correct way of being and of acting. This way, through power relations and through knowledge, the journals make nurses, who in addition to controling patients, control themselves since it is difficult to think otherwise.
El estudio examina discursos sobre religión y religiosidad en el campo de la enfermería, teniendo en cuenta las condiciones de posibilidad de su aparición y el modo en que se entrelazan con otros discursos de la profesión, determinando cómo enfermeras utilizan esos conocimientos para producir determinados efectos en la vida de los pacientes. Para articular tal debate, he utilizado artículos publicados en revistas científicas de enfermería, ubicados a través de descriptores religión y religiosidad en el período de 1935-2010. En un intento de realizar una de las posibles lecturas de estas intervenciones, he utilizado el Análisis Textual, asociado con el posestructuralismo, con el apoyo de nociones y conceptos propuestos por Michel Foucault. Las intervenciones que han surgido de revistas permitieron la construcción de tres categorías: Uno a servir: la enfermera como una profesional cristiana; La atención integral: religión en el discurso científico; y El gobierno del cuerpo: la religión como estrategia biopolítica. La encuesta pone de relieve las revistas de enfermería como artefactos de importantes medios de comunicación que proporcionan la circulación del conocimiento que se invierten en la producción de la identidad de la enfermera, que constituyen sujetos, sentencia, influyen y enseñan la forma correcta de ser y de actuar. De esta manera, a través de las relaciones de poder y de aprender, las revistas son enfermeras, que además de regir los pacientes gobiernan a sí mismas ya que es difícil pensar lo contrario.
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Birmingham, Matthew J. "Federalism and spheres of justice: The role of religion in Australian government schools." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2016. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/96479/1/Matthew_Birmingham_Thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the role of religion in Australian government schools. Drawing on analysis of frameworks for religion in curriculum and as instruction, and informed by the case of the National School Chaplaincy Program, the research considers how the issue is determined at the state and territory level and, in some cases, by school communities. The thesis found that discourse taking place in the context of contemporary Australian federal arrangements for government schooling gives rise to communities of interest existing at different levels which determine the reach of religion in this public space, as considered appropriate to their needs.
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Richey, Rashad [Verfasser]. "The Global Affect of Western Religion on Politics, Policy and Government / Rashad Richey." München : GRIN Verlag, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1166149196/34.
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Richey, Dr Rashad [Verfasser]. "The Global Affect of Western Religion on Politics, Policy and Government / Dr. Rashad Richey." Munich : GRIN Publishing, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138030546/34.
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Reynolds, Nicola. "Resurgence of religion in public life : expressing Christianity through public service provision." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/16849.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research on faith based organisations involvement in public service provision neglects to consider the personal faith convictions of those working in this field. Using a social constructionist epistemology I investigate if and how faith convictions of employees and volunteers working for Christian based service providers impact on the work they do. Data were collected in two stages using semi structured interviews. Stage one obtained a broad overview of the role of Christian service providers from the perspective of elite Christians representing Christian organisations that have a direct connection to welfare provision in the UK. Stage two took an in-depth look at the issues raised in stage one, seeking to understand them from the perspective of ordinary Christians who work for Christian based service providers. Findings from this thesis further sociological understanding of Christian involvement in religiously plural public spheres, and argues that faith is an intrinsic part of the delivery of public services by people working for faith-based organisations. Drawing on the theoretical concept of Individualised Religiosities as proposed by Luckmann, Bellah, Davie, Beck and others, and the concept of Lived Religion as developed by McGuire and Ammerman, this thesis examines participants constructed understanding of the Christian God and its connection with public service provision. It develops a complex, three fold sociological conceptualisation of Christian perceptions of the God figure as: 1) the Supreme Being, 2) as a parental figure, and 3) an embodied God. This broad conceptualisation illustrates how participants combine institutional activities, such as attending church sermons, with more autonomous religious activities, such as personal conversations with God, to construct a multidimensional understanding of the figure. The embodied God position takes on further significance when understanding that participants use public service work as a form of church . Public service can be viewed as a form of private worship, but by embodying God, they also take God to people that may not practice Christianity. These findings challenge assumptions that the practice of religion in public projects has declined in recent years and that faith organisations are reticent to push their faith when providing services. Religious pluralism results in political expectations that faith groups are religiously neutral when delivering public services. Using Framing Theory this thesis demonstrates that participants are framing faith discourses so that they resonate with discourses deemed acceptable in the public realm. It conceptualises these discourses in two action frames, the Love, and Inclusivity Frames. There are indications of a shift towards using profane terms instead of sacred terms to explain and indirectly promote aspects of the Christian faith. Moreover, Christian teachings of love, compassion and belonging are amplified to counter criticisms that Christianity is a threat to liberal rights and beliefs. These frames, which demonstrate the accommodation of Christian discourse to a religiously plural and/or neutral discourse, have implications for how we understand Christian involvement in the public sphere.
Книги з теми "Religion and government"
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den Dulk, Kevin R., and Elizabeth A. Oldmixon, eds. Mediating Religion and Government. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756.
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Judson, Karen. Religion and government: Should they mix? New York: Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2009.
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Quang, Nguyễn Minh. Religious issues and government policies in Việt Nam. 2nd ed. Hà Nội: Thế Giới Publishers, 2005.
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Religion and reality. 2nd ed. Lahore: Fiction House, 2012.
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Esposito, John L. Religion & globalization: World religions in historical perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
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Esposito, John L. Religion & globalization: World religions in historical perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.
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Kevin, Avruch, and Zenner Walter P, eds. Critical essays on Israeli society, religion, and government. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997.
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Verhoeven, Timothy. Secularists, Religion and Government in Nineteenth-Century America. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02877-0.
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America's real religion: Separation between religion and government in the United States of America. Pittsburg, Kan: America's Real Religion Pub., 1991.
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Religion and power in Morocco. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Religion and government"
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van der Ven, Johannes A. "Religious Forms of Government." In Religion and Human Rights, 49–101. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58391-0_2.
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Smith, Haig Z. "‘A Just Government’—Empire, Religion, Chaplains and the Corporation." In Religion and Governance in England’s Emerging Colonial Empire, 1601–1698, 1–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70131-4_1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe introduction details how religion and religious life were interwoven with the development of ideas of civic, commercial and religious government. Moving beyond the traditional narrative that sees these texts as purely evangelical justifications, it introduces the reader to the key themes and arguments of the book; that religion framed the expansion, behaviour and interaction of government abroad, and that this is one of the primary reasons for the different forms of government adopted by English people across the globe. At the same time, it also provides a mechanism to connect these varying governments.
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den Dulk, Kevin R., and Elizabeth A. Oldmixon. "An Institutionalist Perspective on Religion and Politics." In Mediating Religion and Government, 1–14. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_1.
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Saiya, Nilay. "Explaining Religious Violence across Countries: An Institutional Approach." In Mediating Religion and Government, 209–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_10.
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Jelen, Ted G. "Conclusion: Religious Politics, Pluralism, and the US Constitution." In Mediating Religion and Government, 241–54. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_11.
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Heaney, Michael T., and Elizabeth A. Oldmixon. "Political Rhetoric and Institutional Structures: Religious Advocacy in the US Congress." In Mediating Religion and Government, 15–37. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_2.
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Grant, J. Tobin, Sandy H. Kim, and Robert Velez. "Religious Market Interest Groups: Do They Sing with an Upper Class Accent?" In Mediating Religion and Government, 39–57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_3.
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Calfano, Brian. "Religion and Political Parties: Mediation in the Mass Party Era." In Mediating Religion and Government, 59–82. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_4.
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Bennett, Daniel. "Serving God by Shaping Law: Religious Legal Advocacy in the United States." In Mediating Religion and Government, 83–107. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_5.
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Guth, James L. "Religion in the American Congress: The Case of the US House of Representatives, 1953–2013." In Mediating Religion and Government, 109–34. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137389756_6.
Повний текст джерелаТези доповідей конференцій з теми "Religion and government"
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Hadzantonis, Michael. "Becoming Spiritual: Documenting Osing Rituals and Ritualistic Languages in Banyuwangi, Indonesia." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.17-6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Banyuwangi is a highly unique and dyamic locality. Situated in between several ‘giants’ traditionally known as centres of culture and tourism, that is, Bali to the east, larger Java to the west, Borneo to the north, and Alas Purwo forest to the south, Banyuwangi is a hub for culture and metaphysical attention, but has, over the past few decades, become a focus of poltical disourse, in Indonesia. Its cultural and spiritual practices are renowned throughout both Indonesia and Southeast Asia, yet Banyuwangi seems quite content to conceal many of its cosmological practices, its spirituality and connected cultural and language dynamics. Here, a binary constructed by the national government between institutionalized religions (Hinduism, Islam and at times Chritianity) and the liminalized Animism, Kejawen, Ruwatan and the occult, supposedly leading to ‘witch hunts,’ have increased the cultural significance of Banyuwangi. Yet, the construction of this binary has intensifed the Osing community’s affiliation to religious spiritualistic heritage, ultimately encouraging the Osing community to stylize its religious and cultural symbolisms as an extensive set of sequenced annual rituals. The Osing community has spawned a culture of spirituality and religion, which in Geertz’s terms, is highly syncretic, thus reflexively complexifying the symbolisms of the community, and which continue to propagate their religion and heritage, be in internally. These practices materialize through a complex sequence of (approximately) twelve annual festivals, comprising performance and language in the form of dance, food, mantra, prayer, and song. The study employs a theory of frames (see work by Bateson, Goffman) to locate language and visual symbolisms, and to determine how these symbolisms function in context. This study and presentation draw on a several yaer ethnography of Banyuwangi, to provide an insight into the cultural and lingusitic symbolisms of the Osing people in Banyuwangi. The study first documets these sequenced rituals, to develop a map of the symbolic underpinnings of these annually sequenced highly performative rituals. Employing a symbolic interpretive framework, and including discourse analysis of both language and performance, the study utlimately presents that the Osing community continuously, that is, annually, reinvigorates its comples clustering of religious andn cultural symbols, which are layered and are in flux with overlapping narratives, such as heritage, the national poltical and the transnational.
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Нечай, Екатерина Евгеньевна, and Вадим Александрович Максимов. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN RELIGION AND POWER IN RUSSIA: A RETROSPECTIVE ANALYSIS." In Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Февраль 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/seh295.2021.20.53.002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Используя ретроспективный анализ, автор раскрывает взаимодействие религиозных и властных институтов в России в различные исторические периоды. Рассматривая симбиоз властных и религиозных институтов в истории России, автор показывает периоды как наиболее сильного их взаимодействия, так и наиболее слабого. Using a retrospective analysis, the author reveals the interaction of religious and government institutions in Russia in different historical periods. Considering the symbiosis of power and religious institutions in the history of Russia, the author shows the periods of their strongest interaction, and the weakest.
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Weller, Paul. "ROBUSTNESS AND CIVILITY: THEMES FROM FETHULLAH GÜLEN AS RESOURCE AND CHALLENGE FOR GOVERNMENT, MUSLIMS AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/cdcf7302.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The 7/7 (2005) attack on London Transport by Muslims brought up in the UK shocked the Government, many Muslims, and the wider civil society. Subsequently, the UK’s ‘multi- culturalist’ policy consensus has been subject to intensive questioning. Politicians and some parts of civil society have challenged a perceived ‘separatism’ among Muslims; emphasised a need for shared values and social cohesion; and advocated the promotion of ‘moderate Islam’ and ‘moderate Muslims’. This paper argues that, in legitimising simplistic distinctions between ‘good’ (understood as ‘liberal’ or ‘modernist’) and ‘bad’ or ‘suspect’ (understood as ‘traditionalist’, ‘radical’ or ‘fundamentalist’) Muslims and forms of Islam, there is a risk of eliding the condemnation of terrorist crimes conducted on religious grounds into the criminalisation, or at least social marginalisation, of religious conservatism and/or radicalism. This approach, it is argued, is more likely to undermine the development of inclusive approaches to the common good and that what is needed instead are authentically Islamic approaches that can offer both a resource and a challenge to Government, Muslims and the wider civil society. Finally, it is argued that such resource and challenge can be found in themes from Fethullah Gülen’s teaching. Gülen, on Islamic grounds, condemns terrorism in the name of religion. Further, being rooted in a confident Ottoman Muslim civilisational heritage and having during the period of the Turkish Republic engaged with both ideological ‘secularism’ and political ‘Islamism’, he also offers a critique of the political instrumentalisation of Islam while ar- guing for an active Muslim engagement with the wider (religious and secular) society based on a distinctive Islamic vision characterised by a robustness and civility that could make a positive contribution in the present UK context.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Dammacco, Gaetano. "LEGAL RESTRICTIONS DUE TO CORONAVIRUS AND RIGHT TO RELIGIOUS FREEDOM." In 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.51.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The current pandemic has created new scenarios and problems regarding religious freedom. To combat the spread of the coronavirus, governments have ordered social distance and total closure of numerous activities including the celebration of sacred rites without consulting religious authorities. Religions have accepted the restrictions with a sense of responsibility, but the sacrifice of religious freedom for the faithful has been great. In addition, the effects of the pandemic together with the negative effects of globalization will continue over time, generating economic and social damage. In addition to prayer, religions have invited the faithful to a social commitment to reduce the critical issues of the crisis and specially to combat poverty. It is therefore necessary to analyze some topics: critical issues relating to the limitation of the right to religious freedom; what problems arise in the relations between powers (civil and religious); what problems arise in relations between state and religions; how the constitutional rights of the faithful and citizens are protected; what are the legal problems internal to the different religions, considering that the judgment on the validity of online rites is different; what is the role of religions in the face of the economic crisis. For the first time since the beginning of the human rights era, there has been a serious conflict between human rights, especially for the greater protection given to the right to health. The right to religious freedom also suffered, but it must be considered that the protection of the right to religious freedom also contributes to the recovery of a „good” economy, which can counteract the negative effects of the pandemic and globalization. We must build a personalist humanism, which the alliance between religions can promote. A humanism that respects the rights and dignity of man, against the logic of profit, and that rewrites the ethical rules of the economy. Looking at the post-pandemic, religions can be the soul of the ethical and moral rules that must guide the „good economy” in society to overcome social and economic differences.
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Tayeh, Brohanah, Kamila Kaping, Nadeehah Samae, and Varavejbhisis Yossiri. "The Maintenance of Language and Identities of the Thai-Melayu Ethnic Group in Jaleh Village, Yarang District, Pattani, Thailand." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.4-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the Thai-Malaysian border, a majority of the population comprises the Thai-Melayu ethnic group, as speakers of the Pattani-Malay dialect. Here, heritage language maintenance presents a salient factor. The ethnicity resides on both sides of the border. This study aims to investigate the heritage language maintenance and identities of the Thai-Melayu ethnic group in Jaleh Village, Yarang District, Pattani, Thailand, and to examine their attitudes towards the language used in their community. The samples-set comprised 20 local respondents who were born and raised in the village. A questionnaire addressing the effects of the heritage language maintenance of the Thai-Melayu was employed as a tool of data collection. A descriptive analysis method was used for data analysis. The results of the study revealed ideological underpinnings of the ethnic group with regards to language, as well as demographic information that informs population and cultural studies. These factors include that the Pattani-Malay dialect constitutes a major language, where the Thai language in comparison has a minor usage in the community. The Pattani-Malay dialect is used in the family domain, with extended families, or with neighbors, and in ritualistic or religion domains. In contrast, Thai is used with strangers, in government and official domains, in the school domain, and in the domain of public health. Moreover, the results support that the dialect has not as yet become endangered, evidenced by that the samples prefer the Pattani-Malay dialect as the main language for daily life, and for passing on their ethnic language to younger generations, a process labeled as ‘accidental maintenance.’
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KARIM SHARIF, BAQI. "Genocide And strategies to confront it from an Islamic perspective." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/46.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"Genocide And strategies to confront it from an Islamic perspective Genocide is the nightmare and black point in human history, which unfortunately is committed by human beings as individuals or groups, or even governments and countries against the brotherhood of human being. The mass extermination was the extermination of a family and a group, or a nationality and a sect, in a place because of the justification for their national, sectarian and religious affiliations. Or was their extermination because of their race and color, or because of the location of the geography rich in economic materials, or because of their opposition to the type of government that governs them. Whatever the justifications and causes of genocide, it is a heinous act of every human being with a common sense and a balanced mind; Because committing it is not worthy of a human being as a human being, and is in no way consistent with his position as the smartest living being in the universe, and as the master of it, and as it is a condemned, criminal and forbidden act, then a warrior in international laws and heavenly religions. The researcher in this research puts his hand on legislative, economic and social strategies, with the aim of essentially eliminating this ugly and malicious cancerous behavior, and the work that everyone with a healthy nature disgusts with does not strip away the qualities and characteristics that are unique to humans and distinguish them from other living creatures. Beginning with the definition of genocide, then a brief presentation of its genesis and its most important causes, and then focus on strategies to confront, combat, and eliminate it. "
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Handicha, Deslaz Rannu. "Implementation of Religious and Belief Rights in Surabaya for Creating the Collectability in Religious Life." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.262.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Ulum, Bahrul, and Mufdil Tuhri. "The Government and Mainstreaming Religious Education: Religious Moderation in the Reconfiguration of The Ministry of Religious Affairs and the Religious Organization in Jambi Province, Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 4th International Colloquium on Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies in conjunction with the 1st International Conference on Education, Science, Technology, Indonesian and Islamic Studies, ICIIS and ICESTIIS 2021, 20-21 October 2021, Jambi, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.20-10-2021.2316373.
Повний текст джерелаЗвіти організацій з теми "Religion and government"
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Lockwood, Scott M. Analysis of AFI 1-1 Government Neutrality Regarding Religion. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada589359.
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Idris, Iffat. Promotion of Freedom of Religion or Belief. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.036.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) is a fundamental human right. However, the general global trend in recent years is towards increased FoRB violations by both government and non-government actors. Notable exceptions are Sudan and Uzbekistan, which have shown significant improvement in promoting FoRB, while smaller-scale positive developments have been seen in a number of other countries. The international community is increasingly focusing on FoRB. External actors can help promote FoRB through monitoring and reporting, applying external pressure on governments (and to a lesser extent non-government entities), and through constructive engagement with both government and non-government actors. The literature gives recommendations for how each of these approaches can be effectively applied. This review is largely based on grey (and some academic) literature as well as recent media reports. The evidence base was limited by the fact that so few countries have shown FoRB improvements, but there was wider literature on the role that external actors can play. The available literature was often gender blind (typically only referring to women and girls in relation to FoRB violations) and made negligible reference to persons with disabilities.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Mandaville, Peter Mandaville, and Shadi Hamid Hamid. Islam as statecraft: How governments use religion in foreign policy. Washington, DC United States: Brookings Institution, November 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15868/socialsector.40709.
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Ferguson, Thomas, Paul Jorgensen, and Jie Chen. The Knife Edge Election of 2020: American Politics Between Washington, Kabul, and Weimar. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp169.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper analyzes the 2020 election, focusing on voters, not political money, and emphasizing the importance of economic geography. Drawing extensively on county election returns, it analyzes how spatial factors combined with industrial structures to shape the outcome. It treats COVID 19’s role at length. The paper reviews studies suggesting that COVID 19 did not matter much, but then sets out a new approach indicating it mattered a great deal. The study analyzes the impact on the vote not only of unemployment but differences in income and industry structures, along with demographic factors, including religion, ethnicity, and race. It also studies how the waves of wildcat strikes and social protests that punctuated 2020 affected the vote in specific areas. Trump’s very controversial trade policies and his little discussed farm policies receive detailed attention. The paper concludes with a look at how political money helped make the results of the Congressional election different from the Presidential race. It also highlights the continuing importance of private equity and energy sectors opposed to government action to reverse climate change as conservative forces in (especially) the Republican Party, together with agricultural interests.
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Tadros, Mariz, ed. What About Us? Global Perspectives on Redressing Religious Inequalities. Institute of Development Studies, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How can we make religious equality a reality for those on the margins of society and politics? This book is about the individual and collective struggles of the religiously marginalised to be recognised and their inequalities, religious or otherwise, redressed. It is also about the efforts of civil society, governments, multilateral actors, and scholars to promote freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) whatever shape they take. The actors and contexts that feature in this book are as diverse as health workers in Israel, local education authorities in Nigeria, indigenous movements in India, Uganda, or South Africa, and multilateral actors such as the Islamic Development Bank in Sudan and the World Bank in Pakistan. Some of the case studies engage with development discourses and narratives or are undertaken by development actors, while other cases operate completely outside the international development paradigm. These case studies present some important insights, which while highly relevant for their contexts also draw out important insights for academics, practitioners, activists, and others who have an interest in redressing religious inequalities for socioeconomically marginalised populations.