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Статті в журналах з теми "Relations extérieures – Autriche – 1955-":
Kilani, Mondher. "Identité." Anthropen, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17184/eac.anthropen.122.
Дисертації з теми "Relations extérieures – Autriche – 1955-":
Tiberghien, Anne. "La politique culturelle extérieure de l'Autriche en Europe centrale et orientale : 1955-1995." Paris 8, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000PA081710.
Bonnefoi, Nadine. "Le Temps : les conflits austro-serbes et leurs retentissements : 1903-1918." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010592.
Problems and in the austro-serb opposition by looking at their consequences on independent but often inspired by the official politicy of the different governments, it has for a long time been on the side of the integrity of the great empires and the distinction of the union blocks rather than on the side of Balkan claims for independence which were more threatening for the general the world conflict brought le temps to admit, then to claim, the end of the looking at the wole period, its analysis of the national Serb and south- contributed to the apathy of the public opinion wich could not understand the real national problems and gave its implicit support to its leaders
Lacaze, Yvon. "Les français face au problème tchécoslovaque : de l'Anschluss à la Conférence de Munich, mars-septembre 1938." Paris 1, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010546.
We cannot understand the Munich agreements without exmaning the French public opinion, through the study of political parties and other lobbies, but also through the knowledge which the French people have of the czechoslovak ally (ill-known outside of a limited elite) or of the german adversary (Franco-German relations of "love-hate"). The right, for the most part, professes pacifism out of antirepublican ideology, conviction of a necessary "conversation" with the reich, reference to "repli imperial" and chiefly out of anticommunism. At left, the radical-socialist party, in consequence of its drift to right, assumes the responsability of munich ; the sfio is divided ; only the pcf remains monolithic, but the "leftist pacifism" works havoc. Munich divides not only political parties, but also spiritual families, "deep France". Lastly, the posture of opinion cannot be understood without taking into account a moral debate, a juridical debate, a debate of opportunity. A bad acquaintance of foreign people ; an anxious perception of the French "power" ; the deep pacifism of opinion ; the blindness of the right on the nature of the foremost danger (the nazism) or of the left (which privileges an internal imaginary danger) allow us to explain Munich
Gallouët, Laure. "Une politique de la neutralité ? Les stratégies de sécurité et de défense de la Seconde République d'Autriche de 1955 à nos jours." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulouse 2, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOU20063.
After ten years of allied occupation (1945-1955), Austria’s international status changed. On October 26, 1955, its Parliament passed the constitutional law on the neutrality of Austria. This sovereign decision of the Austrian State has nonetheless to be considered in the context of the beginning of the Cold War, the Moscow Memorandum and the Austrian State Treaty. Even if Swiss neutrality was seen as a model, the Austrian concept of permanent neutrality demonstrated its uniqueness. As early as 1955, Austria’s accession to membership in the United Nations indicated that its neutrality was based above all on its military character, and that this status did not prevent the Austrian state from taking part in international organizations. This doctoral thesis presents the various challenges faced by the Austrian Second Republic and how neutrality has influenced its strategic decision-making. The approach here is diachronic, since security and defense policy, as well as legal and political interpretation of neutrality, have evolved over time in order to adapt to changes in the international environment
Buirette, Olivier. "La formation et les premiers travaux de la Commission interalliée des réparations de guerre 1919-1923, appliquée aux alliés de l'Allemagne : Autriche, Hongrie, Bulgarie." Paris 3, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA030070.
The immediate aftermath of the First World War was the scene of both territorial and financial settlements, and the latter provides the framework for this present study of the history of war reparations from 1914-1918 conflict. Within this context, we have chosen to look at one of the bodies created by the Peace Treaties: the Commission for War Reparations. The chronology we have selected runs from 1919, and the setting-up of this international commission, to 1923, which marks a clear rupture in the actual application of reparations with the occupation of the Ruhr. During the first four years of the Commission's work, it was to make a considerable contribution to the financial reconstruction of Germany's former allies, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria. From 1923 onwards, this led to the addition of moratories on the reparations of these states. This thesis aims to explain how this solution was reached
Hude-Gauer, Caroline. "L'entrée de l'Autriche dans l'Union Européenne." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1996VERS003S.
The aim of this thesis is the study of the Austrian integration to the European Union. It includes an introduction on the historical role of Austria in Europe. Its first part describes the evolution of the ties between Austria and the European Community. The second part focuses on neutrality and analyses whether or not it is compatible with a membership to the European Union. The third part is related to negotiations on the accession of Austria to the European Union and their results. For obvious political, economical and cultural reasons, the Austrian application has been dealt within the shortest time. New applications from other countries of Europe may well have been added to the waiting list but it will probably take more time for these countries to join the EU than for EFYA countries for economic reasons because they have recently opted for democracy and the free market and are not yet prepared to join the European Union
Lauzun, Hélène de. "La question autrichienne en France dans les années trente (1930-1938)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040019.
At the end of World War I, France is a major actor of the transformation of old Austria-Hungary and becomes one of the main protectors of Austria through several international commitments; yet no treaty ever connects the two countries. The French policy on Austria is generally admitted to be : neither Habsburg, nor Anschluss. In 1930 Otto von Habsburg, the son of the last emperor, attains the age of majority ; so the issue of restauration appears again to be a major problem in Europe. At the same time, many plans and projects are discussed to reorganize Central Europe, as a possible alternative to the come back of the Habsburg family. With Hitler's appointment as Chancellor in Germany in 1933, France has to make up clear decisions, since Hitler's goal is to achieve the unification of Austria with Germany. The French government has to decide whether to support or not the Austrian government, getting authoritative in order to fight against nazi propaganda and terrorism. Many people in France are quite in favour of the cause of the independence of Austria. Yet the French government doesn't make any decisive choices to defend it, in particular because of ideological reasons. The French policy is also confined to an all-economic conception of international relations in Central Europe, and under-estimates the problems of national identity existing between Austria and Germany. The lack of a reflection on the specificities of an Austrian nation to be built tends to be of a great advantage for Germany, which praises for the idea of a common « germanism » for both countries. The Anschluss is made without any real French reaction, as a consequence of more than ten years of political contradictions ; thus it prepares the symbolical defeat of Munich
Qu, Xing. "Relations franco-chinoises de 1949 à 1955." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992IEPP0016.
Since their origin, the Franco-Chinese relations su fred of two handicaps: too much ideological conflits and not enough economic links. This, coupled with the bipolarization of the international relations and the Indochinese war, shaped the relations between France and the newborn people's China. From 1949 to 1955, the Franco-Chinese relations have run through three periods marked respectively by the hesitation of France to recognize the new Chinese governemnt (jan. 1949-jan. 1950), by the mutual scepticism over the exchanges in the absence of diplomatic relations (jan. 1950-april 1954), and by the limited improvement of bilateral relations (April 1954-Dec. 1955). The state of Franco-Chinese relations was explained by the interactions of the factors of this period and the wills of the actors. While the interactions between the political, economic, geographical, strategical and ideological factors resulted in an unfavourable climat to any improvement of Franco-Chinese relations, the actors of both sides were victims of some prejudices one against another. A mutual comprehension is indispensable to repair the historical handicaps and to develop the relations between two great nations as different as they are
Chalisarapong, Chanintr. "La Thai͏̈lande et la question indochinoise (1945-1955)." Paris 7, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA070028.
Thailand, face with the complexity of the first indochinese war, had to modify many points of her foreign policy toward indochina. The thai policy in indochina during the period of 1945 to 1955 was unlikely a successful one by the fact that the years pass, france and the nationalists forces were weakened by the revolutionary upsurge led by the indochinese communist party. The fate of the first indochinese war was finally decided by the battle of dien bien phu. After 1954, the thai government had taken the decision to cooperate militarily with the united states for containing the communist enemy in southeast asie. Consequently, the french's military retirement was replaced by the american intervention in indochina
Beausoleil, David. "Les relations croato-slovènes (1867-1918)." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010650.
Книги з теми "Relations extérieures – Autriche – 1955-":
Société canadienne d'hypothèques et de logement. Autriche. Ottawa, Ont: Société canadienne d'hypothèques et de logement, 1997.
Bahcheli, Tozun. Greek-Turkish relations since 1955. Boulder: Westview Press, 1990.
Rempel, Roy Anthony. Counterweights: The failure of Canada's German and European policy, 1955-1995. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1996.
Kisatsky, Deborah. The United States and the European right, 1945-1955. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2005.
Loth, Wilfred. Europe, Cold War and Coexistence, 1955-1965. London: Frank Cass, 2004.
Vangelis, Calotychos, ed. Cyprus and its people: Nation, identity, and experience in an unimaginable community, 1955-1997. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1998.
Blackwell, Stephen. British military intervention and the struggle for Jordan: King Hussein, Nasser and the Middle East crisis, 1955-1958. New York: Routledge, 2009.
Warlouzet, Laurent. Le choix de la CEE par la France: L'Europe économique en débat de Mendès-France à de Gaulle (1955-1969). Paris: Comité pour l'histoire économique et financière de la France, 2011.
Parker, Robert Alexander Clarke, and Correlli Barnett. Winston Churchill: Studies in statesmanship. London: Brassey's, 1995.
Joyaux, François. La nouvelle question d'Extrême-Orient. Paris: Payot, 1985.