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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Public reason and religion"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Public reason and religion"

1

Rivera, Joseph. "Religious Reasons and Public Reason: Recalibrating Ireland’s Benevolent Secularism." Review of European Studies 12, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v12n1p75.

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Liberal regimes in the West are not homogeneous in their application of secular principles. What kind of “secular” state a particular government promotes depends in large part on the strength and influence of the majority religion in that region. This article acknowledges the heuristic value of a recent threefold taxonomy of secularism: passive, assertive, and benevolent forms of secularism. I take issue with and challenge certain institutional privileges granted to the majority religion in one benevolently secular regime, the Republic of Ireland. I consider how benevolent secularism, while remaining benevolent toward religion, can align its application of secularism in the arena of publicly-funded education (primary and secondary education). A politically liberal regime, defined by the idea of public reason, invokes the principle of publicity, namely, that discourse and public policy be intelligible (and acceptable to a large degree) not only to an individual’s religious or moral community but also to the broader collection of members who constitute a liberal state. Drawing on John Rawls’ conception of public reason, and using Ireland as a case study, I show how this particular state-religion interrelation can be recalibrated in order to increase the prospects of reconciliation with a secular space of public reason.
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2

Choudhury, Enamul H. "Culture, Religion and Inclusive Public Discourse." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, no. 1 (2001): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2001131/24.

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Religion has an enduring presence in the moral discourse of the "civic culture," but is unwelcome in the governing discourse of the institutional order. This essay focuses on two underlying reasons for the disconnection: the secular episteme and the nature of religious convictions. The secular episteme brackets religion by defining away its presence, while religious faith maintains its integrity by relativizing the secular institutional order. Yet religious convictions can offer a more inclusive basis for public discourse than secular reason. Paradoxically, while religious convictions can value secular reason, secular reason cannot even acknowledge religious convictions except for what it outwardly sees as socially shared symbols or myths sustained in rituals or uncritical social conventions. Since religions differ in their truth-claims and demands on public conduct, an inclusive public discourse requires the democratic contestation of truth-claims and their exemplification in civic conduct.
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3

Freeman, Samuel. "Democracy, Religion & Public Reason." Daedalus 149, no. 3 (July 2020): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01802.

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A convention of democracy is that government should promote the common good. Citizens' common good is based in their shared civil interests, including security of themselves and their possessions, equal basic liberties, diverse opportunities, and an adequate social minimum. Citizens' civil interests ground what John Rawls calls “the political values of justice and public reason.” These political values determine the political legitimacy of laws and the political constitution, and provide the proper bases for voting, public discussion, and political justification. These political values similarly provide the terms to properly understand the separation of church and state, freedom of conscience, and free exercise of religion. It is not a proper role of government to promote religious doctrines or practices, or to enforce moral requirements of religion. For government to enforce or even endorse the imperatives or ends of religion violates individuals' freedom and equality: it encroaches upon their liberty of conscience and freedom to pursue their conceptions of the good; impairs their equal civic status; and undermines their equal political rights as free and equal citizens.
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4

McBride, Cillian. "Religion, respect and public reason." Ethnicities 17, no. 2 (March 9, 2017): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817690781.

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Do the constraints of public reason unfairly exclude religious citizens? Two ways of framing the charge of exclusivity are examined: the burden of translation objection and the integrity objection. The first, it is argued, rests on a misapplication of the ‘distributive paradigm’ and fails to provide a convincing account of religious citizens’ relationship to their beliefs. The ‘integrity’ objection, it is argued, relies on a theologically questionable account of ‘wholeness’ and drastically overestimates the threat to personal integrity posed by the duty of civility. It is argued here that it is a mistake to interpret the ideal of public reason as inimical to recognising religious citizens as co-deliberators and that, on the contrary, only a public-reason-centred account of democratic citizenship can ensure that religious citizens will be appropriately recognised. A rival, convergence, account of public reason, which seeks to relax the constraint of public reason and eliminate the duty of civility is rejected on the grounds that it fails to underwrite the appropriate recognition of citizens.
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5

Waggoner, Michael D. "Religion, Education, and Public Reason." Religion & Education 39, no. 1 (January 2012): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15507394.2012.648572.

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6

Vallier, Kevin. "Against Public Reason Liberalism's Accessibility Requirement." Journal of Moral Philosophy 8, no. 3 (2011): 366–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/174552411x588991.

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AbstractPublic reason liberals typically defend an accessibility requirement for reasons offered in public political dialog. The accessibility requirement holds that public reasons must be amenable to criticism, evaluable by reasonable persons, and the like. Public reason liberals are therefore hostile to the public use of reasons that appear inaccessible, especially religious reasons. This hostility has provoked strong reactions from public reason liberalism's religion-friendly critics. But public reason liberals and their religion-friendly critics need not be at odds because the accessibility requirement is implausible. In fact, the accessibility requirement is ambiguous between two interpretations, one of which is too stringent and the other too loose. Depending upon the interpretation, accessibility either restricts the use of too many secular reasons or permits appeal to a wide range of religious reasons. The accessibility requirement should therefore be rejected.
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7

Hartley, Christie, and Lori Watson. "Feminism, Religion, and Shared Reasons: A Defense of Exclusive Public Reason." Law and Philosophy 28, no. 5 (March 24, 2009): 493–536. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10982-009-9044-3.

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8

Bardon, Aurélia. "The Pope’s Public Reason." Migration and Society 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2021.040113.

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Since the beginning of Europe’s “refugee crisis,” Pope Francis has repeatedly argued that we should welcome refugees. This, he said, is an obligation for Christians who have “a duty of justice, of civility, and of solidarity.” This religious justification is a problem for liberal political philosophers who are committed to the idea of public reason: state action, they argue, must be justified to all citizens based on public, generally accessible reasons. In this article, I argue that the claim that liberal public reason fully excludes religion from the public sphere is misguided; not all religious reasons are incompatible with the demands of Rawlsian public reason. Understanding how a religious reason can be public requires looking into both what makes a reason religious and what makes a reason public. I show that the pope’s reason supporting the claim that we should welcome refugees is both religious and public.
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9

Steinmetz, Alicia. "Sanctuary and the Limits of Public Reason: A Deweyan Corrective." Politics and Religion 11, no. 3 (March 8, 2018): 498–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000682.

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AbstractThis article contributes to the debate over the appropriate place of religion in public reason by showing the limits of this framework for understanding and evaluating the real-world religious political activism of social movements. Using the 1980s Sanctuary Movement as a central case study, I show how public reason fails to appreciate the complex religious dynamics of this movement, the reasons actors employ religious reasoning, and, as a result, the very meaning of these acts. In response, I argue that a Deweyan perspective on the tasks and challenges of the democratic public offers a richer, more contextualized approach to evaluating the status of religion in the public sphere as well as other emerging publics whose modes of engagement defy prevailing notions of reasonableness and civility.
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10

Gamper, Daniel. "Public Reason and Religion in a Postsecular Context." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 43 (July 7, 2009): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.282.

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Дисертації з теми "Public reason and religion"

1

Ng, Wing Hong. "John Rawls' idea of public reason : religious reason in public justification." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/782.

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2

Martin, Andrew Joseph. "Public values? Public virtues? a critique of John Rawls' idea of public reason /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p068-0575.

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3

O'Connor, Christopher. "Is there a place for religious conviction in public reason?" Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2004. http://www.tren.com.

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4

Bespalov, Andrei. "Negotiating religious exemptions: a public reason perspective." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/667498.

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In this thesis I elaborate on three reasons why religious exemptions from generally applicable laws are not publicly justifiable in a liberal democratic society. First, mere claims of the form “God says so and my conscience requires that I obey” do not explicate the rationale behind the legal provisions that they are expected to support. Therefore, such claims cannot be regarded even as pro tanto justificatory reasons for any legal provisions, be it laws or exemptions. Second, no matter how elaborate they are, reasons based on religious faith cannot be allowed in public justification of exemptions because such reasons involve non-negotiable claims about final values, which is incompatible with respect for fellow citizens as equal co-legislators. Third, even if religious arguments are allowed in public justification, carving out religious exemptions from generally applicable laws is still impermissible because it arbitrarily bends the sovereign will of the people to the dictate of religious doctrines.
En esta tesis explico tres razones por las cuales las exenciones religiosas de las leyes de aplicación general no son públicamente justificables en una sociedad democrática liberal. Primero, las meras afirmaciones de la forma "Dios lo dice y mi conciencia requiere que obedezco" no explican las razones detrás de las disposiciones legales que se espera que respalden. Por lo tanto, tales reclamos no pueden considerarse incluso como razones justificativas pro tanto de ninguna disposición legal, ya sean leyes o exenciones. En segundo lugar, no importa cuán elaborados sean, las razones basadas en la fe religiosa no pueden admitirse en la justificación pública de las exenciones porque tales motivos implican reclamos no negociables sobre los valores finales, lo que es incompatible con el respeto de los conciudadanos como colegisladores iguales. En tercer lugar, incluso si los argumentos religiosos son permitidos en la justificación pública, dar las exenciones religiosas de las leyes de aplicación general sigue siendo inadmisible, porque cede arbitrariamente la voluntad soberana del pueblo al dictado de las doctrinas religiosas.
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5

Birkett, Edward John. "The tensions of modernity : Descartes, reason and God /." View thesis View thesis, 2000. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030411.100355/index.html.

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6

Hoyeck, Philippe-Antoine. "Religion and Democracy: Political Inclusion and Normative Renewal in the Work of Jürgen Habermas." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/38967.

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Habermas’s work since the turn of the millennium is characterized by an increased interest in the role of religion in politics. One of the most significant theses of this so-called “religious turn” is captured by Habermas’s institutional translation proviso, which calls on citizens to participate in translating religious contributions to public dialogue into a secular language purportedly accessible to all. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the translation proviso with a view both to the political inclusion of religious citizens and to the renewal of the normative resources required for democratic self-determination. By way of a critical engagement with the work of Immanuel Kant and Charles Taylor, I argue that, despite being limited as a solution to both problems, Habermas’s institutional translation proviso is nonetheless preferable to available alternatives. To that extent, I maintain that it is an indispensable feature of democratic politics in pluralist societies.
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7

Vallier, Kevin. "Liberal Politics and Public Faith: A Philosophical Reconciliation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/201493.

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Political philosophers widely assume that public reason liberalism is hostile to religious contributions to liberal politics. My dissertation argues that this assumption is a mistake. Properly understood, public reason liberalism does not privilege religious or secular reasoning; a compelling conception of public reason liberalism can balance the claims of secular citizens and citizens of faith. I develop a framework that can resolve the tensions between liberalism and faith not only at a theoretical level but in the practical matters of dialogue, public policy, institutional design and constitutional law.
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8

Naser, Samir. "Religion, reason and war : a study in the ideological sources of political intolerance and bellicosity." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6153/.

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The thesis critically examines the view that associates religion with bellicosity in politics. It is argued that the structural link between religion and the propensity to (political) violence is inaccurate because (1) religious theories of just war can be shown to be tolerant of difference in important instances and thus not belligerent; (2) secular ideology can be shown to be intolerant and bellicose in important cases; and consequently (3) the more important explanatory factor of bellicosity is not necessarily religion but it can be found elsewhere. It is argued that the true source lies in the association of a monistic ideological commitment and the willingness of its political agents to impose it on those with different ideological views. The thesis is a critical and comparative discussion of those who have dealt with ideological violence. It compares interventionist theorists with those who are not in religious tradition and contemporary theory of just war to reveal that the cause of violence is located in an avoidable failure to reconcile religious morality and politics. The thesis adds a new perspective on the debate, calling for a rethink of the relationship between religion and violence in politics. It also proposes greater scepticism about widely held assumptions about the bellicose tendency of religiously motivated political agents, arguing that theorists should rethink the real cause of bellicosity beyond the religious domain and pay closer critical attention to the sources of the belligerence of secular agents.
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9

Vezzani, Giovanni. "European Muslims and Liberal Citizenship: Reconciliation through Public Reason: The Case of Tariq Ramadan's Citizenship Theory." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/228062/4/Thesis.pdf.

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This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Hannam, Patricia M. "What should religious education aim to achieve? : an investigation into the purpose of religious education in the public sphere." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/24013.

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This thesis is concerned with the question of what religious education should aim to achieve in the public sphere, and from that comes an interest in what is it that the teacher of religious education should aim to do. My enquiry is located, theoretically as well as conceptually, in the sphere of education. It is an educational study into religious education and situated in what can be termed a ‘Continental construction’ of educational research. I identify that since the inception of religious education in public schools in England, persistent assumptions have been made about both religion and education. I show how this has led, in my view, to conceptualisations of religious education which have been, and continue to be, incomplete. The central chapters of my thesis consider first religion and then education. This allows me to introduce my theoretical base, which is especially but not exclusively drawn from the work of Simone Weil and Hannah Arendt. I develop an argument suggesting that by also understanding religion existentially as faith, rather than as only belief or practice, will open new ways of considering the role of religious education in the public sphere. This is alongside an argument I develop with Arendt for education being conceptualised as bringing the child to action rather than to reason. This thesis argues for a broader understanding of religion, and therefore what it means to live a religious life, in religious education than has previously been considered. I bring this broader way of understanding what it means to live a religious life together with my argument for conceptualising education as bringing the child to action. This enables me to make a new proposal for what religious education should aim to achieve in the public sphere.
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Книги з теми "Public reason and religion"

1

Finnis, John. Religion and public reasons. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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2

Private consciences and public reasons. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.

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3

Greenawalt, Kent. Private consciences and public reasons. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

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4

Religion and public reason: A comparison of the positions of John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas and Paul Ricoeur. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014.

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5

Ueber den Unterschied des Glaubens u. Wissens und über die Mittel denselben im Gymnasial-Unterricht deutlich zu machen. Rostock: Carl Boldt, 1986.

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6

Fadel, Mohammad. The true, the good and the reasonable: The theological and ethical roots of public reason in Islamic law. [Toronto]: University of Toronto, Faculty of Law, 2006.

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7

Pettman, Ralph. Reason, Culture, Religion. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403982353.

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8

Shuster, Martin, and Tarek R. Dika. Religion in Reason. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429026096.

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9

Stanesby, Derek. Science, reason & religion. London: Routledge, 1988.

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10

Reason and religion. Frankfurt: Ontos, 2013.

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Частини книг з теми "Public reason and religion"

1

Ungureanu, Camil, and Paolo Monti. "Public reason debated." In Contemporary Political Philosophy and Religion, 51–73. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351391757-2.

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Ungureanu, Camil, and Paolo Monti. "Political liberalism, public reason, and religion." In Contemporary Political Philosophy and Religion, 21–50. New York: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351391757-1.

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Tamimi Arab, Pooyan. "Rawls: Religious Forms and Public Reason." In Why Do Religious Forms Matter?, 87–121. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95779-7_4.

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Baur, Dorothea. "Public Reason." In NGOs as Legitimate Partners of Corporations, 71–82. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2254-5_7.

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Paletta, Douglas. "Public Reason." In Encyclopedia of Global Justice, 914. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9160-5_200.

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Sellers, M. N. S. "Public Reason." In The Sacred Fire of Liberty, 115–16. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371811_32.

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Sweetman, Brendan. "Public Reason." In The Crisis of Democratic Pluralism, 217–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78382-2_8.

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Trigg, Roger. "Reason and Freedom." In Religion in Public Life, 31–50. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199543670.003.0003.

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Sadurski, Wojciech. "Illicit Legislative Intentions in the Separation of State and Religion." In Constitutional Public Reason, 209—C7.N171. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192869678.003.0007.

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Abstract In many democratic constitutional systems, an idea of using illicit legislative purposes serves as the exclusive basis for the invalidation of statutes in the field of separation of state and religion. It is shown that in the case law of top courts in countries as different as the United States, Australia, Canada, South Africa, Germany, and Israel, legislative motives serve as the crucial factor for judicial decisions regarding state/religion relationship: either for upholding the law when wrongful motives are absent or for invalidating the law when prohibited purposes are detected. In all the landmark judgments discussed in this chapter, the religious motives for the legislation were either viewed as exclusive grounds for the judgment about unconstitutionality or otherwise dominated the effects of legislation as factors for the determination of a judicial outcome.
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Billingham, Paul, and Jonathan Chaplin. "Law, religion and public reason." In Research Handbook on Interdisciplinary Approaches to Law and Religion, 128–48. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781784714857.00016.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Public reason and religion"

1

Barton, Greg. "PREACHING BY EXAMPLE AND LEARNING FOR LIFE: UNDERSTANDING THE GÜLEN HIZMET IN THE GLOBAL CONTEXT OF RELIGIOUS PHILANTHROPY AND CIVIL RELIGION." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/exer7443.

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The Gülen movement, or hizmet, is often misunderstood, and this is in large measure because it is unlike anything else in the Muslim world, though the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama mass-based organisations of Indonesia do bear some resemblance. However, there is no good reason to limit comparisons to the Muslim world. As a social movement motivated by religious values and the ideals of selfless service, engaged in philan- thropic endeavour and active in the civil sphere, the Gülen hizmet deserves comparison with other such movements around the globe. This paper looks outside the geographic and cultural context of the Muslim world to demon- strate that the Gülen hizmet shares much in common with many Western, Christian, philan- thropic initiatives in education and public discourse of the past three centuries, particularly in North America. The utility of this comparison is that it helps us to understand better aspects of the Gülen hizmet that cannot be easily understood in the limited context of the Muslim world. It also helps break down some of the ‘us and them’ barriers that divide Christians and Muslims, and east and west, by allowing us to recognise common concerns, values and shared experiences. The paper also explores the concept of civil religion in the twenty-first century, examines ways in which religious philanthropic activity can contribute to the development of non- exclusivist civil religion and apply these insights to the Gülen hizmet to argue that the hizmet models an interesting modern Islamic alternative to Islamism.
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Scelsa, Jonathan A. "Atrium Politic / The Lost Models of Oversight in Semi-Public Space of Roman Antiquity." In 2018 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2018.17.

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The agency of the edge condition of public and private space, can be felt strongly in its ability to create personal, programmatic and spatial ambiguity. It is for this reason that semi-public space, during times of political and social shift, is the most precarious and vulnerable. Providing a means of oversight that our state-craft has lost, the atrium’s role as a juridical space was implemented within the work-life heart of the various members of public service, from senators, to religious and cult practices. While the atrium’s notoriety has been in its section, its politic is embedded in the plan relationship of its walls informing a technology of power and a smooth gradient threshold between the potentially abusive power of private domain and the all-seeing realm of the street.
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Katre, Poonman. "Lessons from adaptaation of local knowledge an traditional practices for urban public spaces as an effective tool for urban devleopment in hot cities." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/izoo6469.

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Historically, Hot cities around India have always relied on urban public spaces for its sociocultural as well as economic activities. They showed a greater capacity to adopt and sustain over time. The reason seems to be lying under its tendency to evolve and accommodate temporality and sustain with its constancy. These urban public spaces were strongly bonded with religions and customs rooted in nature and inbuilt into societal norms, there by emphasizing greater ecological consciousness and protection. But in the last century, globalization brought aesthetic & grand spectacle as deciding criteria for planning and designing of the urban public spaces. The result is, energy consuming, deserted, inaccessible and underutilized public spaces over a longer period as opposed to its short-lived fame. Urbanization has given rise to the new narrative for these urban public spaces which evolved in to hybrid versions conceptualized from global practices. This pose a threat in terms of loss of civic life and decreasing social cultural flows in the city. Cities with the highest temperature seems to be getting the worst of it, essentially due to two main reasons. First are the adopted global models being not responsive to the local context, failing to stay active over longer periods of time and second due to failure to reconceptualize our traditional practices and local knowledge associated with development of cities in to ongoing practices. Previous study of historic Indian public spaces in hot cities, highlights their nature as being symbolic, functionalist, political, performative, and cultural and hence proving to be contextually sensitive. These urban public spaces were designed to be a platform extension of their everyday outdoor life. This everyday outdoor life in hot cities have taken a shape in to various manifestation of forms. And emphasized more on organic development of public spaces. Now, the current system in India that is responsible for generating our urban public spaces are regulated and mandated by state and local guidelines such as, URDPFI guidelines etc. which only mentions about open spaces to be left per area per person or in terms of percentage or buildable area. Little to no consideration has been given to how that open space should be treated. The solution can be found in adaptation and reconceptualizing of these local knowledge and traditional practices suitable to today's spatial context. But a greater consideration needs to be given to the modern-day applicability and checking its suitability. With that consideration, the paper will try to analysis selective samples of urban public spaces before the industrialization in the hot cities depending upon the generic public places i.e., Access and linkage, Purpose and activities, comfort and image, sociability, (Project for public spaces), adaptability, Thermal comfort, User responsiveness. The results then will be tested to check its adaptability in present day context with the help of case study.
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Agustina Tuasela, Juliana. "Religion Evolution: The Study Of Religion Development From Evolution perspectives." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Religion and Public Civilization (ICRPC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icrpc-18.2019.29.

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Cretu, Vasile. "THE STUDY OF RELIGION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS OF ROMANIA." In 11th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2018.1734.

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Фантров, Павел Петрович, and Владимир Маркович Шинкарук. "BASIC DETERMINANTS CONDITIONING THE PERFORMANCE YOUTH PUBLIC CALLS FOR EXTREMIST ACTIVITIES." In Сборник избранных статей по материалам научных конференций ГНИИ «Нацразвитие» (Санкт-Петербург, Август 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/aug319.2021.22.94.004.

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В статье описаны основные причины, побуждающие молодежь к публичным призывам к осуществлению экстремистской деятельности. Авторы статьи выделяют следующие из них: социально-экономические, политические, идеологические и религиозные. В целях обеспечения общественной безопасности необходимо нивелирование экстремистских настроений в молодежной среде. The article describes the reasons prompting young people to make public calls to carry out extremist activities. The authors of the article highlight the following of them: socio-economic, political, ideological and religious. In order to ensure public safety, it is necessary to level out extremist sentiments in the youth environment.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Primaningtyas, Widana, Heni Hastuti, and Anak Agung Alit Kirti Estuti Narendra Putri. "THE ASSOCIATION BETWEEN BODY MASS INDEX, RELIGION INDEX, MEDIA, AND BODY IMAGE IN ADOLESCENTS." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON PUBLIC HEALTH. Graduate Studies in Public Health, Graduate Program, Sebelas Maret University Jl. Ir Sutami 36A, Surakarta 57126. Telp/Fax: (0271) 632 450 ext.208 First website:http//:s2ikm.pasca.uns.ac.id Second website: www.theicph.com. Email: theicph2016@gmail.com, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.26911/theicph.2016.003.

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Dandirwalu, Resa. "Church Sasi: beyond Religion Boundaries Study of Religious Anthropology." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Religion and Public Civilization (ICRPC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icrpc-18.2019.30.

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Dubovetskaia, Ekaterina Leonidovna. "Dynamics of public opinion towards Islamists in the Arab Republic of Egypt at the beginning of the 21st century." In All-Russian Scientific Conference. Publishing house Sreda, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-105446.

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The article describes the process of restructuring the Egyptian political field in the context of confrontation between representatives of the military elite and religious political movements in Egypt on the eve and after the events of the Arab Spring. The data of sociological surveys conducted by the Arab Barometer Center on the attitude of citizens towards Islamist parties and religious leaders in the MENA are analyzed. As a result of a comparative analysis of data for 2012–2014 with data obtained in 2018–2019, conclusions were drawn about a decrease in the level of trust of the population of the region in Islamists and a decrease in the level of religiosity in general. As a result of the historical analysis, the reasons that influenced this process are named, including the unsuccessful reforms of the Islamists and the rise of the extremist movement.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Public reason and religion"

1

Berman, Eli, and David Laitin. Religion, Terrorism and Public Goods: Testing the Club Model. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13725.

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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Religion as Science, Science as Religion, and an Unwelcome Reformation: Science and Religion in the Public Square during COVID-19 – a Greek Orthodox Case Study. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-1-mitralexis.

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The present paper comments upon certain (mis)understandings concerning science and religion in Greece’s public discourse during 2020 and 2021. The first half consists of a theoretical commentary on what transpired in Greece, focusing on ‘science’ and ‘religion’ morphing into one another in the public square apropos the pandemic—with religion presenting itself as science, science presenting itself as religion, and an unwelcome ‘Reformation’ in science emerging out of dissent. The second half of the paper provides a report on Greece’s public square during the pandemic, on the basis of which the theoretical part was formed.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris, and Milan Đorđević, eds. COVID-19, Science & Religion, and the Public Square — in Greece, Serbia, Romania, and Bulgaria. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/analogia17-2023.

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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris, and Milan Đorđević, eds. Science & Religion in the Public Square during COVID-19: Dispatches from Greece, Serbia, Romania, and Bulgaria. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-2023.

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Mitralexis, Sotiris, and Milan Đorđević. Editorial | Science & Religion in the Public Square during COVID-19: Dispatches from Greece, Serbia, Romania, and Bulgaria. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-editorial.

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Loudovikos, Nikolaos. Note from the Senior Editor. Analogia 17 (2023), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/17-0-editorial.

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Tadros, Mariz, Sofya Shabab, and Amy Quinn-Graham. Violence and Discrimination Against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Iraq. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.025.

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This volume is part of the Intersections series which explores how the intertwining of gender, religious marginality, socioeconomic exclusion and other factors shape the realities of women and men in contexts where religious inequalities are acute, and freedom of religion or belief is compromised. This volume looks at these intersections in the context of Iraq. Its aim is to amplify the voices of women (and men) whose experiences of religious otherisation have accentuated the impact of the intersections of gender, class, geography and ethnicity. At time of publication, in December 2022, the country is going through a particularly turbulent phase, prompting some to wonder why now? Isn’t it bad timing to focus on the experiences of minorities, let alone inter- and intra-gender dynamics? Iraq is caught in the middle of geo-strategic struggles of tectonic proportions but this is all the more reason to understand the dynamics of micro-politics through a gender-sensitive lens. Doing so sheds light on the interface between global, regional and local power struggles in tangible and concrete ways.
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Siebert, Rudolf J., and Michael R. Ott. Catholicism and the Frankfurt School. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4301.

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The paper traces the development from the medieval, traditional union, through the modern disunion, toward a possible post-modern reunion of the sacred and the profane. It concentrates on the modern disunion and conflict between the religious and the secular, revelation and enlightenment, faith and autonomous reason in the Western world and beyond. It deals specifically with Christianity and the modern age, particularly liberalism, socialism and fascism of the 2Oth and the 21st centuries. The problematic inclination of Western Catholicism toward fascism, motivated by the fear of and hate against socialism and communism in the 20th century, and toward exclusive, authoritarian, and totalitarian populism and identitarianism in the 21st. century, is analyzed, compared and critiqued. Solutions to the problem are suggested on the basis of the Critical Theory of Religion and Society, derived from the Critical Theory of Society of the Frankfurt School. The critical theory and praxis should help to reconcile the culture wars which are continually produced by the modern antagonism between the religious and the secular, and to prepare the way toward post-modern, alternative Future III - the freedom of All on the basis of the collective appropriation of collective surplus value. Distribution and recognition problems are equally taken seriously.
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Gedi,, Zeri Khairy. “Freedom Belongs to Everyone”: The Experiences of Yazidi Women in Bashiqa and Bahzani. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.009.

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This CREID Policy Briefing provides recommendations to address the marginalisation, discrimination and exclusion faced by Yazidi women in Bashiqa and Bahzani. Yazidi women in Bashiqa and Bahzani today are still living through the trauma and consequences of the genocide committed by the Islamic State (ISIS). In addition, they face a range of further challenges as marginalised women from a minority religion. While more Yazidi girls and young women are progressing in education, harmful social norms, customs and practices – originating from both wider Iraqi society and the Yazidi community itself – create barriers for Yazidi women who want or need to work outside of the home, access healthcare or engage in public life. Widows and divorced women face specific challenges as they are seen as without male protection. Yazidi women also face the stigma that comes from being a former captive of ISIS, and the discrimination that comes from being judged an “infidel” due to their religion.
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