Готові списки джерел за темами / Populism in art

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Populism in art"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 27 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Populism in art"

1

Wright, Tony. "‘Decent populism’ where art thou?" Political Quarterly 88, no. 4 (September 15, 2017): 726–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12422.

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O'Callaghan, Simone. "Public art: Theory, practice and populism." Visual Studies 24, no. 2 (September 8, 2009): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725860903106245.

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Šešić, Milena Dragićević, and Mirjana Nikolić. "The Mediatization and Culturalization of Populist Political Communication." Cultural Management: Science and Education 4, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.30819/cmse.4-1.04.

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Анотація:
Researching the impact of populist political communication on media, art, and the cultural sphere in Serbia, the authors investigate various different phenomena that are rising under the pretext of market liberalisation and identity politics. Deregulation of media may have brought “independence” from power, but also complete market-dependence. In the cultural sphere, pressures on the arts from right-wing populism have lead to extreme nationalism in Serbian media and cultural practices while simulta-neously seeing a commercialisation of programming. “National discussions” regarding the status of real-ity show programmes on commercial television and accusations of anti-patriotism against most promi-nent Serbian artists have been lead by right-wing populists. At the same time, this research takes into account several forms of left-wing populism, mostly developed within the independent scene.
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4

Wodak, Ruth, and Michał Krzyżanowski. "Right-wing populism in Europe & USA." Right-Wing Populism in Europe & USA 16, no. 4 (September 13, 2017): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17042.krz.

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Abstract In recent years and months, new information about the rise of right-wing populist parties (RWPs) in Europe and the USA has dominated the news and caused an election scare among mainstream institutions and politicians. The unpredictable successes of populists (e.g. Donald Trump in the USA in 2016) have by now transformed anxieties into legitimate apprehension and fear. This Special Issue addresses the recent sudden upsurge of right-wing populism. It responds to many recent challenges and a variety of 'discursive shifts' and wider dynamics of media and public discourses that have taken place as a result of the upswing of right-wing populism (RWP) across Europe and beyond. We examine not only the nature or the state-of-the-art of contemporary RWP but also point to its ontology within and beyond the field of politics and argue that the rise and success of RWP is certainly not a recent or a momentary phenomenon.
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5

Zulianello, Mattia. "Varieties of Populist Parties and Party Systems in Europe: From State-of-the-Art to the Application of a Novel Classification Scheme to 66 Parties in 33 Countries." Government and Opposition 55, no. 2 (July 24, 2019): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2019.21.

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AbstractDespite the explosion of populism research, there is a shortage of comprehensive analyses of the ideational varieties of populist parties and of the different roles they play in contemporary party systems. In order to overcome such limitations, I provide a state-of-the-art review of the literature on the classification of populist parties and make three innovative contributions to populism research. First, by adopting a truly pan-European perspective to cover, in addition to EU member countries, contexts that are generally overlooked, including but not limited to Liechtenstein, Russia, Serbia and Ukraine, this review article provides an empirical application of the ideational approach to populism to 66 contemporary parties. Second, it highlights the major shortcomings of common approaches to the study of populist parties in contemporary party systems, which almost invariably treat them as ‘challengers’ or ‘outsiders’. Finally, it pushes the agenda further by providing a classification and empirical overview of the three interactive patterns characterizing the 66 populist parties under analysis: non-integration, negative integration and positive integration.
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6

Blokker, Paul. "Response to “Public law and populism”." German Law Journal 20, no. 2 (April 2019): 284–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.17.

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AbstractThe populist challenge to constitutional democracy—and constitutionalism as its modus operandi—is significant and raises deep questions regarding the nature of modern democracy. A crucial question pertains to the challenge that our existing (but eroding) democratic systems faces. The way we perceive this challenge is essential for our descriptive and prescriptive contributions. The first, perhaps most widely embraced view, is to perceive populism as a ‘disease’, ‘deviation’, or ‘pathology’ of existing democracy. A second view understands contemporary ‘neo-populisms’ rather as one particular instance of a rather profound, complex, and long-term set of transformations of democracy. Where we stand on this matter is of great importance, as the feasibility and potential success of our responses and solutions depend on our description of the problem. Many of the contributions to this special issue clearly go beyond the current state-of-the-art, in which populism and constitutionalism are often seen as mutually exclusive categories. The special issue provides ample reflection on intrinsic problems in constitutional democracy itself, and, taken as a whole, stimulates a self-reflexive and historically informed scrutiny of the modern projects of liberal democracy and constitutionalism, so as to provide due acknowledgement of the political and conflictive origins of the project, as well as of its current deficits.
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7

Hamilton, A. "Scruton's Philosophy of Culture: Elitism, Populism, and Classic Art." British Journal of Aesthetics 49, no. 4 (September 24, 2009): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aesthj/ayp035.

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Way, Lyndon C. S. "Protest music, populism, politics and authenticity." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 4 (October 7, 2016): 422–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.4.03way.

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Анотація:
Abstract Political discourses are found not only in speeches and newspapers, but also in cultural artefacts such as architecture, art and music. Turkey’s June 2013 protests saw an explosion of music videos distributed on the internet. This paper uses these videos as a case study to examine the limits and potential of popular music’s articulation of popular and populist politics. Though both terms encompass what is “widely favoured”, populism includes discourses which construct “the people” pitted against “an elite”. Past research has shown how popular music can articulate subversive politics, though these do not detail what that subversion means and how it is articulated. This paper uses specific examples to demonstrate how musical sounds, lyrics and images articulate populist and popular politics. From a corpus of over 100 videos, a typical example is analysed employing social semiotics. It is found that popular music has the potential to contribute to the public sphere, though its limits are also exposed.
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Protas, Maryna. "Critique of Cultural Populism: An Overview of Reflections on the Western Analytical Thought." ARTISTIC CULTURE. TOPICAL ISSUES, no. 19(1) (June 13, 2023): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31500/1992-5514.19(1).2023.283135.

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Анотація:
The postmodern age, which, like the age of contemporary art, is considered by most analysts to have started in the period after Second World War, can be viewed as an umbrella term that encompasses many competing paradigmatic stratagems and diatribe definitions, including the terminologically instable definitions of“postmodernism,” “post-postmodernism,” “metamodernism,” which some critics prefer to consider “high,” “late,” “distorted,” “pseudo-modernism” or “digi-modernism.” In the process of this ongoing discussion, society is periodically informed about the “death” or “end” of art and art criticism. In this context of raging discourses that openly compete with each other, there is one rather significant contextual layer related to the critique of cultural populism, the subject of which is the confrontation between two social constructs: democracy and biopower. The acuteness of the discussion is amplified by the situation of almost total crisis of the modern cultural activity, in particular, of the neoliberal visual practices, which since the millennium have come under the strict patronage of the transnational art business, whose creative projects are corrected by market and benchmarking policies. The latter has completely supplanted/replaced the politics of aesthetics, so all this has a negative impact on the current development of global art, calling into question the future of the national image of Ukraine, which can be annihilated in the “post-ethnic” substratum of global public art. Therefore, in the difficult conditions of resistance to the Russian invasion, Ukrainian humanities and art must thoroughly study this huge cluster of problems, in particular in the context presented by Western European analytical thought, in order to strengthen its own self-identification potential of the cultural and artistic narrative, offering the West its own position and vision of creative liberation activity from the manipulative pressure of the culture industry.
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10

Maurer, Peter, and Trevor Diehl. "What kind of populism? Tone and targets in the Twitter discourse of French and American presidential candidates." European Journal of Communication 35, no. 5 (March 6, 2020): 453–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323120909288.

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Insurgent candidates from across the political spectrum are increasingly turning to social media to directly engage the public. Social media offer a platform that favours affect and personality, both key components of populist-style rhetoric, a label that is often attached to politicians outside the political establishment. Despite noteworthy exceptions, few cross-national studies of high-profile candidates’ use of social media exist, and even less is known about how candidates representing various political ideologies employ affect alongside populism. To advance the state-of-the-art, this study examines the sentiment and rhetorical targets of attack in the Twitter feeds ( N = 25,825 tweets) of six presidential candidates in the United States and French election campaigns of 2016 and 2017. Employing dictionary-based quantitative analysis, the study finds variation among the candidates’ rhetoric in terms of how they employ populist themes, affect and ideology. The findings suggest that scholars should consider a more nuanced approach to populism in late-modern democracies.
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Дисертації з теми "Populism in art"

1

Turvey, Gerry. "A painter for the people : Stanley Spencer, art, politics and populism." Thesis, University of East London, 1997. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/1243/.

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This thesis is a study of the paintings of Stanley Spencer (1891-1959) and is designed to challenge received accounts of his work. Its theoretical perspective is that of 'cultural materialism' and its purpose is to place Spencer and his pictures within the social, cultural and political history of their time. It begins by outlining the four critical constructions of 'Stanley Spencer' that it challenges and by describing Spencer's somewhat oppositional location in the institutional complex of the artistic field. Then, rather than adopt a conventional chronological narrative, sets of paintings are studied in relation to their social context or historical moment. Here, several fresh arguments are advanced about particular aspects of Spencer's work. Thus, features of his landscape output are interpreted as at odds with a mainstream tradition sponsoring dominant notions of 'Englishness'; his original and politically charged solution to the problem of representing industrial labour is discussed; he is claimed as a Realist painter and his role, alongside others, as a sympathetic investigator of everyday life is examined; the 'stoic response' to the First World War of Spencer and his peers is identified and differentiated from the 'traditionalist response' of the powerful and the better known 'radical response' of the war poets; his libertarian sexual politics is specified and the utopian dimension of his erotic pictures clarified; his paintings of Christ and resurrection are then placed in the context of radical Protestant traditions. Thus, rather than limiting itself to the biographical reductionism of earlier accounts or the narrower art-historical approach of more recent 'revisionist' writing, this study offers a way of understanding Spencer's work which emphasises its populist, radical and, in effect, political dimensions. His art emerges as a profoundly public one - offering ordinary life and experience as worthy of representation in forms aspiring to public display and soliciting a new reading practice from viewers confronting them.
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2

Kenny, John. "The Chicano Mural Movement of the Southwest: Populist Public Art and Chicano Political Activism." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2006. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/492.

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Анотація:
This work examines an art movement that was a direct outgrowth of a populist civil rights movement of the late 1960’s in the Southwest United States. This art, the Chicano Murals created as part of el Movimiento in San Diego, California was intended primarily as a didactic communication medium to reach into the barrios and marginalized neighborhoods for the primary purpose of carrying a resistance message to the semiliterate mestizo population within. Its secondary purpose was to bring a message from within these minority neighborhoods outward to the privileged elite, both Anglo and Hispanic, that within the confines of the barrio there exists a culture and heritage that has value. The Chicano Murals were ubiquitous throughout the southwest United States with concentration of the art in those areas adjacent to the Mexican border. This work examines some of the murals, and the politics associated with their creation principally in San Diego, California, and some activities in Los Angeles, and Santa Fe, New Mexico. This dissertation posits that it has been well established that art in public space is often a contentious matter and when it also carries a contra message, as did the Chicano murals, it may be considered intrusive and abrasive. The social environment into which these murals were insinuated--the public sphere, the intellectual territory of high art and the elite system of private and government cultural patronage, are examined in the context of their effect upon the mural content and conversely, the effects of these murals upon diversity in the high art and museology of the United States.
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3

LaVigna, Claire. "Anna Kuliscioff : from Russian populism to Italian socialism /." New York : Garland, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36662219x.

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4

Azri, Wassim. "Mécanismes moléculaires de la graviperception chez le peuplier (Populus tremula x Populus alba)." Phd thesis, Université Blaise Pascal - Clermont-Ferrand II, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00725935.

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Анотація:
Le redressement du peuplier suite à une stimulation gravitationnelle implique un processus de courbure locale lié à une élongation différentielle dans les zones en croissance primaire et un processus de courbure lié à la différenciation du bois de réaction dans les zones en croissance secondaire. Ces modifications morphogénétiques sont détectées au niveau de la région basale et apicale de la tige de peuplier inclinée. La région basale a développé le bois de tension une semaine après l'inclinaison, alors que la région apicale est réorientée 24 h après l'inclinaison. Ceci implique que les tissus de la région basale et apicale de la tige répondent de façon différente à l'inclinaison. Une étude d'expression menée au niveau du transcriptome a été réalisée à partir des ARNm extraits de tiges ayant été ou non inclinées pendant 45 min. En 45 min., la plante ne s'est pas redressée, mais a perçu le signal. Cette approche a permis d'identifier des transcrits de gènes impliqués dans la graviperception. L'étude de la régulation du transcriptome a été élargie par une analyse de la variation de l'accumulation des protéines extraites de tiges inclinées ou non. Les profils d'électrophorèse bidimensionnelle des conditions non stressées et stressées de la région basale et apicale ont montré une variation dans l'accumulation des protéines. Une analyse par RT-PCR quantitative de certaines protéines différentielles dont l'activité est potentiellement régulée par la thioredoxine (Trx) montre une accumulation de transcrits variable entre la région apicale et basale et des changements d'expression rapides et transitoires. Une étude complémentaire sur 2 thiorédoxines (Trx) (western blot, immunolocalisation in situ) a permis de montrer d'une part l'expression de Trx h1 une semaine après l'inclinaison et d'autre part la localisation de Trx h1 et Trx h2 au niveau des amyloplastes. L'ensemble de ces résultats a conduit à suggérer que les évènements moléculaires conduisant à la réorientation de la tige sont différents selon le tissu analysé. Probablement, chaque partie de la tige reçoit et répond différemment au signal gravité.
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5

Azri, Wassim. "Mécanismes moléculaires de la graviperception chez le peuplier (Populus tremula x Populus alba)." Phd thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009CLF21915.

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Анотація:
Le redressement du peuplier suite à une stimulation gravitationnelle implique un processus de courbure locale lié à une élongation différentielle dans les zones en croissance primaire et un processus de courbure lié à la différenciation du bois de réaction dans les zones en croissance secondaire. Ces modifications morphogénétiques sont détectées au niveau de la région basale et apicale de la tige de peuplier inclinée. La région basale a développé le bois de tension une semaine après l'inclinaison, alors que la région apicale est réorientée 24 h après l'inclinaison. Ceci implique que les tissus de la région basale et apicale de la tige répondent de façon différente à l'inclinaison. Une étude d'expression menée au niveau du transcriptome a été réalisée à partir des ARNm extraits de tiges ayant été ou non inclinées pendant 45 min. En 45 min. , la plante ne s'est pas redressée, mais a perçu le signal. Cette approche a permis d'identifier des transcrits de gènes impliqués dans la graviperception. L'étude de la régulation du transcriptome a été élargie par une analyse de la variation de l'accumulation des protéines extraites de tiges inclinées ou non. Les profils d'électrophorèse bidimensionnelle des conditions non stressées et stressées de la région basale et apicale ont montré une variation dans l'accumulation des protéines. Une analyse par RT-PCR quantitative de certaines protéines différentielles dont l'activité est potentiellement régulée par la thioredoxine (Trx) montre une accumulation de transcrits variable entre la région apicale et basale et des changements d'expression rapides et transitoires. Une étude complémentaire sur 2 thiorédoxines (Trx) (western blot, immunolocalisation in situ) a permis de montrer d'une part l'expression de Trx h1 une semaine après l'inclinaison et d'autre part la localisation de Trx h1 et Trx h2 au niveau des amyloplastes. L'ensemble de ces résultats a conduit à suggérer que les évènements moléculaires conduisant à la réorientation de la tige sont différents selon le tissu analysé. Probablement, chaque partie de la tige reçoit et répond différemment au signal gravité
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6

Heine, Martin. "VERSUS THE VOX POPULI Reflections on the practice of art as a quest for liberation." University of Sydney. Sydney College of the Fine Arts, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/640.

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This dissertation is an attempt to define the constellation of circumstances and ideas, which has determined my strategy in the paintings and performances submitted for examination. Unlike many artists I do not accept the fact of postmodernity. On the contrary, art and life remain suspended between the future and the past, the essential modernist condition. I argue for this in the introduction and the first two chapters, through a description of the performance work of Joseph Beuys and on my reaction to it in a performance in which I attempted to examine the practical paradoxes of art making in late modernity. I take my position largely from the Frankfurt school and succeeding debates about their work up to Zizek. For, while we remain in modernity we cannot regard it simply as an unfinished project. It is no longer possible to adopt an avant-garde position in one�s practice. The central section of the thesis contains a series of studies of the careers of major artists who have faced up to the paradoxes of modernity from Picasso to Richter and Parr. Through their successes, failures and sometimes duplicity, a practical profile emerges � a guide to the limits of contemporary practice. The last chapter concerns my paintings as a response to this profile.
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Heine, Martin Alfons. "Versus the vox populi reflections on the practice of art as a quest for liberation /." Connect to full text, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/640.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2004.
Title from title screen (viewed 5 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Sydney College of the Arts. Degree awarded 2004; thesis submitted 2003. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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8

Bauhs, James Anthony. "George Orwell As Social Conservative: Populism, Pessimism, and Nationalism in an Organic Community, 1934-43." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278361/.

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This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.
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Gaget, Mireille. "Incompatibilité interspécifique chez Populus effet Mentor /." Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb376137487.

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10

Carawan, James T. (James Terry). "Populism and the Poll Tax: the Politics and Propaganda of Suffrage Restriction in North Texas, 1892-1904." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1997. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278757/.

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This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.
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Книги з теми "Populism in art"

1

Espacio Santa Clara (Seville, Spain), Sala Atín Aya, and CICUS, Centro de Iniciativas Culturales de la Universidad de Sevilla, eds. Aplicación Murillo: Materialismo, charitas, populismo = Murillo aplication : materialism, charity, populism. Sevilla: Instituto de la Cultura y las Artes de Sevilla (ICAS), Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 2019.

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2

editor, Perrier Danièle, and Goodrow Gérard A. translator, eds. Art criticism in times of populism and nationalism: Proceedings of the 52nd International AICA Congress, Cologne-Berlin 1-7 October 2019. [Heidelberg]: Arthistoricum.net, Heidelberg University Library, 2021.

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3

Pirkl, Bernhard. Der Alt-Right-Komplex: Über Rechtspopulismus im Netz = The alt-right complex : on right-wing populism online. Dortmund: HMKV, Hartware MedienKunstVerein, 2019.

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4

Rotterdam, Kunsthal, ed. Respectabel populisme: Kunsthal Rotterdam. Zwolle: Waanders, 2003.

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5

London College of Printing and Distributive Trades. BTEC HND in Typographic Design special study: Is film art, populist and arty. London: LCPDT, 1992.

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6

Sala de Exposiciones del Canal de Isabel II., ed. Roma S.P.Q.R.: Senatus Populus Que Romanus. [Madrid]: Canal de Isabel II, 2007.

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7

Sala de Exposiciones del Canal de Isabel II., ed. Roma S.P.Q.R.: Senatus Populus Que Romanus. [Madrid]: Canal de Isabel II, 2007.

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8

Sala de Exposiciones del Canal de Isabel II., ed. Roma S.P.Q.R.: Senatus Populus Que Romanus. [Madrid]: Canal de Isabel II, 2007.

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9

Ashin, G. K. V tiskakh dukhovnogo gneta: Chto populi□a□rizirui□u□t sredstva massovoi□ informat□s□ii SShA. Moskva: "Mysl"□, 1986.

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10

Wolf, Gerhard. Salus populi romani: Die Geschichte römischer Kultbilder im Mittelalter. Weinheim: VCH Acta Humaniora, 1990.

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Частини книг з теми "Populism in art"

1

Patch, Justin. "Populist Art and Expressionism." In The Art of Populism in US Politics, 70–98. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320937-4.

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2

Khurana, Sanchita. "Art and New Populisms." In Encyclopedia of New Populism and Responses in the 21st Century, 1–4. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-9859-0_431-1.

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Driver, Duncan. "John Lennon, Yoko Ono, Art, and Populism." In Encyclopedia of New Populism and Responses in the 21st Century, 1–6. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-9859-0_52-1.

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Devika, B. "New Populism v/s Elitism in Contemporary Art." In Encyclopedia of New Populism and Responses in the 21st Century, 1–3. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-9859-0_327-1.

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Clements, Paul. "Populism and Elitism: Hybrid, Marginal and Post-Autonomous Art." In Art, Elitism, Authenticity and Liberty, 116–33. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003315315-7.

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Patch, Justin. "Art and the Political Economy of the DIY Aesthetic." In The Art of Populism in US Politics, 43–69. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320937-3.

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Patch, Justin. "Waving Populist Flags on January 6th." In The Art of Populism in US Politics, 1–23. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320937-1.

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Patch, Justin. "Nu Metal." In The Art of Populism in US Politics, 150–72. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320937-7.

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Patch, Justin. "Introduction." In The Art of Populism in US Politics, 24–42. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320937-2.

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Patch, Justin. "Parody, Appropriation, and Editing for Affect." In The Art of Populism in US Politics, 99–125. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003320937-5.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Populism in art"

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Lyu, Yiyang. "Cyberbully and Cyber Populism in China’s Social Media." In 2021 International Conference on Education, Language and Art (ICELA 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220131.125.

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Swiecicki, Klaudiusz. "THEATRE AGAINST NON-HUMAN REALITY A FEW SENTENCES ABOUT THE THEATRE OF THE EIGHTH DAY." In 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on ART and HUMANITIES - ISCAH 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscah.2023/vs08.11.

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The Theatre of the Eighth Day from Poznan has been the phenomenon of the Polish independent theatre. It was founded in 1964 by students of the University of Adam Mickiewicz in Poznan. As the students theatre of poetry, for the first few years it operated under the direction of Tomasz Szymanski. The change of the stage form began two years after the group was founded, when Zbigniew Osinski became involved with him. He brought fascination of the Grotowski's method. The Theatre of the Eighth Day marked their disagreement with the communism reality. Stanislaw Baranczak, one of the most talented poets of the Generation'68, joined the group. In the 1970s he was an activist of the anti-communist opposition. For last years, liberal, pro-European Poland has been experiencing an identity crisis. It seems that the demons have put in the forefront: religious obscurantism, anti-Semitism, xenophobia and sexism. Cultural and intellectual openness is replaced by populism and nationalism. The Theatre of the Eighth Day does not remain indifferent to these processes. As in the days of communism takes the side of the open society. The research methods adopted in the article are: analysis of performances, archival materials, photographs and documentary films. Interviews with actors were also conducted.
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Kapanadze, Lali. "INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7244.

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According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.
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Chupeska, Ana. "FROM ETHNOPOPULISM TO SECURITY RISKS." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.6.22.p13.

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Erin Jenne (2018), in her highly instructive article dedicated to ethnopopulism: Is Nationalism or Ethnopopulism on the Rise Today?, defines ethnopopulism as a “discourse that equates ‘the people’ with ‘the nation’ and holds that sovereignty should be an expression of the will of the ‘nation-people”30. She refers to Mudde’s notion of the populist radical right31, denoting the moment when he draws attention to the fact that in recent decades nationalist parties are experiencing their rise and most of these parties are taking on an ethnopopulist form.32 Populism33, as such, it is worth mentioning, according to Mudde, is an antagonistic ideology, i.e. an ideology that considers that society is divided into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, "pure people" versus "corrupt elite" and politics should be an expression of the volante general of the people’ / or general will of the people (Mudde, 2004)34. Later, in line with Stavrakakis and De Cleen, Jenne puts an eye on the notion that populism and nationalism both serve to inscribe the boundaries of the idealized sovereign community more restrictively - excluding elites and “national others”, and also that nationalism is an antagonistic in-out discourse that excludes non-nationals, while populism is an antagonistic up-down discourse that excludes elites or the political establishment (De Cleen 2017; De Cleen and Stavrakakis 2017; De Cleen et al. 2020; Jenne 2022)35. She elaborates: ….” What happens when nationalism is co-articulated with populism in a single political system? The answer lies within the mobilizational logic of each. Nationalist politicians use symbols to mobilize the population against perceived foreign or domestic threats related to the ethnos.
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Rakowski, Roman. "POPULISM AND DEMOCRACY." In 4th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2017. Stef92 Technology, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2017/hb11/s01.022.

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Fraštíková, Simona. "Difference as the Source of Polarization Among Right-wing Populist Parties." In – The Kyoto Conference on Arts, Media & Culture 2020. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2436-0503.2021.6.

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Gabajova, Martina. "POPULISM AS A TOOL IN CREATION OF COMMON FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY OF EUROPEAN UNION." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.031.

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Klincakova, Gabriela. "THE NATIONALIST POPULISM AND RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AS A THREAT OF ESTABLISHED DEMOCRACY IN SLOVAKIA." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.051.

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Freitas, Daive Cristiano Lopes de. "Salles Dounner: art-nula – desenhos, um livro para além das imagens." In Encontro de História da Arte. Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/eha.8.2012.4202.

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Neste trabalho pesquisamos sobre os primeiros anos de vida do artista plástico e poeta francano Salles Dounner até a idade adulta e suas experiências relatadas pelo próprio artista e por familiares e amigos. Este funde um breve histórico do desenvolvimento econômico e social de Franca com o desenvolvimento da cultura artística local disseminada pelos estilos acadêmico e moderno. Neste captamos os anos de vivência de Salles enquadrando-o desde fim do período populista, o regime militar até a nova democracia no Brasil. Também conheceremos o ciclo artístico de Salles Dounner em Franca em suas fases dos anos setenta, oitenta e início dos noventa como o artista marginalizado que se apresentava.
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Demollari, Elton. "THE EUROPEAN UNION TOWARDS DISSOLUTION?" In 10th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2023. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2023/sv01.01.

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The beginnings of the European Union were very vigorous, because all the European politiciansliked this brilliant idea very much, according to them, and they were all extremely excited by thisnew "populist" attitude. This idea was prepared to withstand the pressures and strong Americaninfluence. They wanted to create a third pole in the bipolar situation of international relations,namely USA � BS. This would give the Europeans a common European position in the field ofinternal and external politics, a common European economic, social and social development.Understanding and agreement should have been the watchword of the United Europe, but thesituation after the formation of the EU brought a series of problems and misunderstanding issuesfor the European camp, where everyone thought that the past and its problems between theEuropean states had been forgotten and that it was thought that they were walking on the righttracks, but these are prevailing a lot in bilateral and multilateral relations between European states.The exit of Great Britain from the EU has greatly confused this confusing situation, where othercountries, such as: Poland, Hungary, Sweden, are seeking exit from this union, which wouldpractically lead to the total collapse of the EU . Therefore, in my article I will talk extensivelyabout the reasons for this fear and the ways that can lead to the salvation of the EU. It will alsotalk about the progress of the political trend of populism in Europe, the coming to power ofpopulist parties and how this can be prevented in the future. This could be fatal for the future ofthe European Union and Europe in general, because it could result in the disintegration of the EU.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Populism in art"

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Gender Populism: Civilizational Populist Construction of Gender Identities as Existential Cultural Threats. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0023.

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In the Islamist version of civilizational populism, the emotional backlash against the rise of secularism, multiculturalism, progressive ideas, and ‘wokeness,’ has been skillfully employed. While for the populists, populist far right and civilizational populists in the West, usually the Muslims are the civilizational other, we argue in this article, in the Islamist civilizational populism, the list of civilizational enemies of the Muslim way of life also includes feminists and LGBTQ+ rights advocates.Gender populism is a relatively new concept that refers to the use of gender symbolism, language, policy measures, and contestation of gender issues by populist actors. It involves the manipulation of gender roles, stereotypes, and traditional values to appeal to the masses and create divisions between “the people” and “the others.” This paper looks at the case study of gender populism in Turkey, where the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been in power for over two decades. The AKP has used gender populism to redefine Turkish identity, promote conservative Islamism, and marginalize women and the LGBTQ+ community. The paper also discusses how gender populism has been used by the AKP to marginalize political opponents.
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Brummel, Lars. Referendums, for Populists Only? Why Populist Parties Favour Referendums and How Other Parties Respond. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4302.

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Populists are generally known as supporters of referendums and several populist parties have promoted direct democracy in recent years. To deepen our understanding of the populism referendum link, this study analyses how populist parties in Austria, Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands defend a greater use of referendums and how their non-populist counterparts respond to this populist call for referendums. An analysis of election manifestos shows that populist parties justify their referendum support by characterizing referendums as a purely democratic ideal, by presenting it as an alternative to decision-making by ‘bad’ political elites or by promoting referendums as a tool to realise their preferred policy decisions. Populist referendum support is thus related to people-centrism and ant-elitism, as elements of a populist ideology, but also to strategic considerations. These lines of argument are used by both populists on the right and the left, but anti-elitism is particularly prominent in manifestos of radical rightwing populist parties. Populists are not the only supporters of direct democracy – however, there is no evidence that non-populist parties did become more favourable towards referendums to adapt to the populist call for a greater referendum use.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Manufacturing Civilisational Crises: Instrumentalisation of Anti-Western Conspiracy Theories for Populist Authoritarian Resilience in Turkey and Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0014.

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This paper looks at the importance of ‘crisis events’ used by leaders employing populist civilisational populism in Muslim democracies. While populism is widely acknowledged and studied as part of early twentieth century political developments, various aspects remain unexplored. One feature is how populists make use of a crisis. While populists do benefit from social and political rifts, this paper goes a step further and argues that civilisationalist populists create imaginary and exaggerated ‘crises’ to sustain and prolong their relevance/position in power as well as justify their undemocratic actions. Using the case studies of Turkey (Recep Tayyip Erdogan) and Pakistan (Imran Khan) allows for a comparison to be drawn between two different leaders seeking to maintain power by using their position to either create civilizationalist crises or to frame ordinary crises as civilisational. The findings highlight that despite different political scenarios and outcomes, both these populist leaders gained political support by creating crises. We find that in most cases, populists exaggerate pre-existing insecurities and events to their benefit. The overblown claims and conspiratorial scenarios aid populists in creating a niche for their narratives by reaffirming their populist categorisation of societies. At the same time, the findings bring forth the troubling issues of the social-political cost of these Islamist civilisationalist populists.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Raja M. Ali Saleem. Military and Populism: A Global Tour with a Special Emphasis on the Case of Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0010.

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Although populism has become a focus of research in the last decade, there hasn’t been much academic work on how militaries around the world have reacted/acted to the rise of populist leaders. There is some timeworn research on the relationship of militaries in Latin America with various left-wing populist governments and leaders from the 1930s to 1970s. Given that populism was largely understood in the context of left-wing politics, with the rise of right-wing populism, the literature on the military and populism needs to be advanced by studying the relationship between right-wing populism and the military. This article aims to address this gap by looking at the right-wing populism case study of Pakistan, where the military has actively participated in the rise of a religious populist leader. To situate the case study within the larger literature of the military and populism, the dynamics and history of military associations with populism and populist leaders are revisited in the article’s first part.
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Ozturk, Ibrahim. Before the last exit: Chance for Lula to save democracy and market in Brazil. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0021.

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After the Cold War, not only the economic discontent created by capitalism and globalization went to the extreme, leaving the environment at the mercy of multinational corporations, but also the perception that the sovereignty, autonomy and independence of nations, and with them, the right to self-determination was increased to a limited extent. In particular, as the global crises of 2008-2009 hit people’s lives hard, the sense of "being left behind" prepared the ground for the demand and supply of populist politics. However, populist governments not only failed to achieve any progress on the main problems complained about, rather the contrary, but primarily right-wing authoritarian-populist governments also worsened the situation by threatening multilateralism, democracy, human rights and the free market economy worldwide. Besides, the Covid-19 pandemic since 2020 posed quite mixed results for the future of populism. While the populists gained strength in the opposition, the right-wing populists in government began to lose power. Therefore, in such an environment, in Brazil, the rise of Lula’s left-wing (and to some extent populist) government to power after defeating a right-wing authoritarian government has potential implications for the future of democracy, human rights, the market economy, and multilateralism. If the Lula government takes a reformist, transformative, and progressive path, it can become a positive role model for other countries under populism threat. However, this article questions the possibility of that under local and global constraints.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.

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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Zahid Ahmed, Galib Bashirov, Nicholas Morieson, and Kainat Shakil. Islamist Populists in Power: Promises, Compromises and Attacks on Democratic Institutions. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0013.

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This paper comparatively examines the ruling religious populist governments in Turkey and Pakistan through a theoretical framework that focuses on populists’ promises, their compromises, and their attacks on democratic institutions. Through our three-legged framework, we examine how these religious populists behave in power and how strategic necessities, the realities of governing, and structural constraints shape their policies. Similar to the other populists in other parts of the world, before coming to power, Islamist populists make sweeping promises to the people and quick fixes to major problems of the country—most famously, quick and substantial economic development. While they may want to retain their uncompromising style and lofty goals, the realities of governing force populists to make serious compromises to their designated ‘enemies’ and on their values once they are in power. Finally, like other authoritarian politicians, Islamist populists attack formal institutions of democracy such as the judiciary, the media, and civil society; they politicize them, evacuate them, and eventually capture them from within. Keywords: Religion, populism, Islamism, authoritarianism, populists in power, democratic backsliding, Turkey, Pakistan
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Ivaldi, Giles, and Emilia Zankina. Conclusion for the report on the impact of the Russia–Ukraine War on right-wing populism in Europe. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0035.

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This report illustrates the populist performance of the Ukrainian crisis and how Radical Right populists across Europe may have seized the opportunity of the war to instrumentalize war-related economic anxieties and propagate anti-elite and anti-establishment rhetoric. Emphasizing domestic socioeconomic issues did not preclude populist Radical Right parties from using the war as an opportunity to reinforce nationalist sentiment and national pride. Many parties drew parallels between the heroism and sacrifice of the Ukrainian people in defending their nation and nationalist attitudes and devotion to the nation at home. Many parties further portrayed the war as an existential threat to the nation, calling for a strong and immediate response, including strengthening military capability. At least in one case, this renewed nationalist discourse drew mainstream parties to the right and into support for nationalist policies. The repertoire of strategies and responses to war has demonstrated the ability of the populist Radical Right to adapt quickly, adopt new issues and discourses and put them through a populist Radical Right prism. Changes that we observe in attitudes of radical right-wing populist parties towards Russia illustrate the malleability of populism and its “chameleon-like” characteristic, suggesting a good deal of adaptability and those parties’ capacity to “read the room” and quickly adapt to shifts in public opinion.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Анотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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