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Статті в журналах з теми "Popular congresses":
1
Madey, N. M. "Congresses of Velehrad." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 23 (September 10, 2002): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.23.1358.
Анотація:
The desire for unity among Christians, called the popular term "ecumenism", has its origins. The split between the Byzantine and Catholic churches finally established itself in the minds of ordinary people after the Crusades and the capture of the Crusaders of Constantinople in 1204. Subsequent centuries were marked by unity competitions, but the Roman Catholic Church was the initiator of these competitions. In Catholic theology, all churches that were not under papal jurisdiction were considered to be objects of missionary activity. The result of such missionary unity was the deepening of the divide between the Catholic and Eastern churches. Segments of the latter proclaimed unity with Rome, beginning their existence as Uniate churches.
2
Souza, Ricardo Abussafy de, and Sonia Aparecida Moreira França. "Social medicine in brazil: an alliance between sanitary education and popular pedagogy." Psicologia & Sociedade 25, spe (2013): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-71822013000500009.
Анотація:
This study unfolds from the analysis of a set of documents collected during my doctoral research, which investigated the management of filth and its relationship with the governing of populations during the formation and development of modern cities. In this set, annals of Brazilian hygiene congresses, conducted during the first half of the twentieth century, a period characterized by the enlargement of techniques and practices of social medicine, were selected. Such annals of congresses and some laws of the time evidence the construction of an alliance between Sanitary Education and techniques of popular pedagogy, responsible for the population adherence to standards of conducts countersigned in social hygiene requirements. From Michel Foucault's writings on genealogical analysis, descent lines are described about healthy modes of conduct which, in turn, produce some effects in contemporary truth about personal and social hygiene.
3
Atwood, Christopher P. "The Mutual-Aid Co-operatives and the Animal Products Trade in Mongolia, 1913–1928." Inner Asia 5, no. 1 (2003): 65–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/146481703793647424.
Анотація:
AbstractFrom the first decade of Mongolian independence after 1911, nationalist publicists and officials denounced the dominance of foreign merchants and capital in the Mongolian economy. Officials and historians declared co-operatives to be the road for simultaneous improving the peoples' living standards and also strengthening national independence. Yet examination of statistics and the vigorous debates at the early party congresses and Great Khural meetings from 1924 to 1927 shows that the co-operatives were neither effective in their mandate nor popular with the herders they were intended to help. From the beginning, the co-operatives appear to have answered the needs of the new state more than those of the herding populace.
4
Pasichnyk, Natalya, Renat Rizhniak, and Hanna Deforzh. "Congresses of natural scientists and mathematicians in the “Bulletin of experimental physics and elementary mathematics” (1886–1917): Analysis of publications." History of science and technology 13, no. 2 (December 23, 2023): 280–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.32703/2415-7422-2023-13-2-280-310.
Анотація:
The article presents the results of a study of publications in the “Bulletin of Experimental Physics and Elementary Mathematics”, about the organization, conduct and results of domestic and foreign congresses of mathematicians and natural scientists, published in Kyiv and Odesa during 1886–1917. The magazine was an unofficial periodical printed publication of the mathematical department of the Novorossiysk Society of Naturalists. The research was conducted with the aim of carrying out a meaningful and quantitative analysis of the texts of journal publications, which highlights the materials of such meetings of scientists and teachers. The authors used scientific methods for meaningful analysis of the research subject, and in the process of quantitative analysis – text quantification, collection of empirical data, their generalization and mathematical and statistical processing. As a result of the research of the magazine’s materials on congresses of mathematicians and natural researchers during the entire period of its publication, the authors came to the following conclusions. The magazine’s materials on conventions and congresses for all the years of its publication accounted for slightly more than 4% of its total area. All National Congresses of Natural Scientists and Mathematicians, which met during the period of publication of the journal, were covered on its pages (this is almost 2/3 of the entire volume of information in the journal about such meetings of scientists and teachers). At the same time, the methods of presenting information and its volume differed significantly in different meetings, depending on the presence of motives of both members of the editorial board. The main motives for placing information were: a) the presence of a pedagogical component in the work of meetings; b) scientific (or pedagogical) significance of reports and meeting participants; c) availability of quality materials about meetings; d) availability of magazine space. International congresses were irregularly covered by the newspaper, the motives for placing information about such meetings in the magazine were similar. Starting in 1901, the editors of the Bulletin introduced the scheme developed during the previous years of the magazine’s existence into the practice of presenting materials about scientific and pedagogical congresses: a) announcement of the event; b) publication of the regulation (statute, program) of the event; c) description of preparation for the event; d) overview of the features of the event; e) presentation of the texts of important speeches. Such a scheme of presentation of meetings was introduced for the first time in popular science and educational periodicals of the Russian Empire. The pedagogical component was the most important motive for both staffs of the Bulletin editorial board when deciding on the features and scope of coverage of materials on the work of domestic and foreign congresses. The materials of Bulletin (and other similar publications of that time) covering the work of domestic and foreign congresses of teachers and researchers of nature and mathematics, which reveal the content of the educational activities of famous scientists and teachers, are an important element of the source base of biographical studies, which conducted by historians of science.
5
Snitkuvienė, Aldona. "Marija Rudzinskaitė-Arcimavičienė’s contribution to Egyptology (in commemoration of the 125th anniversary of the scholar’s birth)." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 10, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2009): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2009.3664.
Анотація:
M.K. Čiurlionis National Museum of Art The article is devoted to the contribution of Lithuania’s first professional Egyptologist, Marija Rudzinskaitė-Arcimavičienė (16 July 1885–4 May 1941), to the science of Egyptology. The discussion is centred around the formation of Rudzinskaitė-Arcimavičienė’s interest in Oriental studies, her academic activities at the University of Lithuania, her scholarly and popular publications, her scientific and organisational activities, her participation in international congresses of Orientalists, her collection of Egyptian antiquities, the most relevant trends in her scholarly research, and a general overview of her activities within the sphere of Egyptology.
6
Yushchuk, Tetiana. "KEY DIRECTIONS OF SCIENTIFIC AND ORGANIZATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF THEODOR MACKIW." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 34 (March 30, 2023): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2023-34-74-79.
Анотація:
The article describes the critical directions of the scientific and organizational activity of Theodor Mackiw (1918–2011), a well–known Ukrainian historian who worked in the conditions of foreign (diasporic) Ukrainian historiography. A personal contribution to the organization and holding of scientific publications, congresses, conferences, and events devoted to the study of the history of Ukraine was determined. It was determined that one of the key areas of scientific and organizational activity of T. Maсkiw was his work as a member of the editorial board of «Ukrainian Historian» in the Ukrainian Historical Society, he was responsible for publications on the history of the Cossacks of the 17–18 centuries and Ukrainian–Polish relations. He was an active participant in most scientific events and their co–organizer, organized not only by the UHS independently, but also in cooperation with other Ukrainian diaspora societies and organizations. His active participation in various scientific activities and the establishment of interpersonal relationships between researchers positively impacted the results of the work of the UHS and other organizations of which he was a member. Despite the active organizational activity at the UHS, the historian supported the holding of joint congresses to establish connections between various scientific institutions. While teaching and working on scientific research, Professor T. Mackiw decently represented Ukrainian historical science abroad, paid a lot of attention to public and public–scientific work, and tried to spread knowledge of the history and culture of Ukraine not only at scientific forums, in particular, he organized an evening of Ukrainian music in Seton Hall University, published popular science articles in the press, hosted Ukrainian studies programs on the radio. The scientist helped Ukrainian dissidents. T. Mackiw participated in the most representative forum of the world–historical science–the International Congresses of Historical Sciences in the post–war period. Participation in four congresses is evidence of a high level of awareness and purposefulness. The historian communicated and expressed his thoughts on various historical topics, becoming a part of world historical science, and bringing Ukrainian historiography to the international level.
7
Elena, Alberto, and Javier Ordóñez. "History of Science in Spain: A preliminary survey." British Journal for the History of Science 23, no. 2 (June 1990): 187–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087400044757.
Анотація:
It can certainly be said that history of science has experienced a large growth in recent decades in Spain. This has occurred despite the generic term ‘history of science’ covering activities of a very varied nature and lacking an intimate relation between each other, in research as well as instruction. At present the number of publications which could fit into the frame of this branch of learning has increased remarkably and commercial publishing houses have opened their editorial lists to the publication of classics as well as to monographs on the history of science. Moreover, new specialized journals on these subjects have become popular and have joined the small number of journals which already had a certain tradition. The number of participants in the periodical congresses of the Sociedad Española de Historia de las Ciencias y de las Técnicas [SEHCYT] has risen and the number of congresses and symposia that have been held in Spain and have assembled Spanish as well as foreign historians has also increased. As another recent promising detail, we could quote the presence of history of science in the curricula of Spanish university programmes, a presence that tends to increase progressively.
8
Chvátalová, Kateřina. "MICE v době (po)koronavirové: Přechodný stav nebo trvalá redefinice oboru?" Trendy v podnikání 11, no. 3 (2021): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/jbt.2021.11.3.43_55.
Анотація:
This article aims to describe and analyze the situation in the MICE part of the tourist business. MICE is struggling because of the coronavirus pandemic leaving many suppliers and parts of the industry on the verge of survival. MICE is a complex ecosystem that was able to generate significant economic benefits to business destinations before 2020. For instance Prague, one of the top 10 world most popular congress destinations in 2019, experienced an enormous decline in 2020 due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Compared to year 2019, 78.9% fewer congresses, conferences and other MICE events took place in the Czech capital city (Muška, 2021). The industry is trying to restart itself, but it is necessary to define the possibilities of implementing large-scale mass business events, new hygienic rules and conditions, legal description of the situation and support at the governmental as well as supranational level. The description of the current state and the reflection of the measures taken so far and the possibilities of implementing actions during the pandemic will answer the question of whether it is possible to return to MICE in pre-coronavirus state or if it is necessary to redefine the industry as such.
9
Smoła, Marek. "Popularization of health in Polish philately." Health Promotion & Physical Activity 24, no. 3 (December 20, 2023): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55225/hppa.513.
Анотація:
The promotion of health and its protection is carried out in various ways. Philately, collecting, and professional knowledge, not limited to stamps, also utilize objects that were once very popular and commonly used in correspondence — postcards. The article compiles information on the issuance of postcards by the Polish Post from 1919 to 2022, related to the broadly understood issue of health. There is room here for figures such as doctors, researchers, and discoverers of modern methods and phenomena, for the celebrations of institutions dedicated to protecting health, for important events (congresses, first surgeries and procedures), and for social phenomena. Referring to them is intended to raise awareness and expand human knowledge, for example in the field of prevention.
10
Shpyrnya, O. V. "Review of business tourism market development in the Russian Federation." Scientific bulletin of the Southern Institute of Management, no. 4 (January 28, 2020): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31775/2305-3100-2019-4-109-112.
Анотація:
This article provides a detailed analysis of the development of the business tourism industry as the fastest growing economy in the world. Currently, about 65% of events with the participation of entrepreneurs are held in Europe, approximately 22% – in Asia. The share of Asian countries in this business is expected to grow at a faster pace. The business tourism sector will grow accordingly. The article considers the competitive advantages of the Russian Federation as a center for the development of the international business tourism industry. It is noted that traditionally the most popular venue for events is Moscow, where the infrastructure for business tourism is most developed. Business trips to St. Petersburg are in demand. High business activity are distinguished by Samara and Yekaterinburg, the Volga region, primarily Kazan.In the course of the analysis, it was revealed that 165 cities of the Russian Federation have the ability to hold major events, congresses and conferences. Modern congress venues are now actively developing in Kazan, Yekaterinburg, Krasnoyarsk, Novosibirsk. It was noted that according to official estimates, Russia’s share in the world market of international congress events is less than 1%. This is very small, given that we occupy a share of approximately 3% in world trade. As a result, it was concluded that the presence of the Russian Federation in the international business tourism market is insufficient, as well as the need for certain decisions in this area.
Дисертації з теми "Popular congresses":
1
Barros, Joana da Silva. "Participação popular em Belém: a experiância do congresso da cidade e do orçamento participativo e a sociabilidade política brasileira." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-12062013-094527/.
Анотація:
Esta tese reconstitui a experiência de participação popular ocorrida em Belém do Pará, durante os anos 1997-2004, através de dois mecanismos de gestão pública, a saber, o Orçamento Participativo (1997-2000), dedicado prioritariamente à discussão do orçamento municipal, e o Congresso da Cidade (2001-2004), uma forma mais abrangente de planejamento participativo que pretendia discutir não só o orçamento, mas também as políticas públicas de Belém. Argumenta-se aqui que essa experiência de gestão pública belenense apresenta singularidades em relação à história recente das experiências participativas brasileiras , tanto no que diz respeito à proposta política que a embasou quanto ao desenho e ao mecanismo político que ela introduziu na cidade. Procurara-se demonstrar como, ao trazer para o centro do debate expressões culturais e formas de organização de grupos e povos que durante a constituição de Belém (e quiçá do Brasil) estiveram à margem de seu processo de decisão política, a cidade, a memória e a cultura desses grupos e setores populares elementos potencializadores e desveladores dos conflitos e disputas políticas que se entretecem na cidade e pelos sentidos desta tiveram papel fundamental na elaboração política que ali se estabeleceu. Os temas e questões propostos no Congresso da Cidade revelam as tensões vividas nos anos 1990, entre o processo de democratização do Estado brasileiro, caudatário das lutas e movimentos dos anos 1980, e a reconfiguração da economia brasileira que transformou a ação estatal no que concerne às políticas públicas e sociais. A partir da análise do Congresso da Cidade da experiência política que fomentou e dos grupos, movimentos e sujeitos que ele articulou , argumenta-se ser possível interrogar as formas de sociabilidade política brasileira e, especialmente, a maneira como a contribuição popular e seu papel político são lidos na formação social brasileira.This thesis portrays an experience with peoples participation in Belém, Pará, during the period from 1997-2004, through two forms of public administration structured around the Participatory Budget (1997-2000), focused mainly on debating the municipal budget, and the City Congress (2001-2004), which became a broader form of participatory planning that discussed both the citys budget and its public policies. We argue that, compared to other recent participatory experiences in Brazil, this one had singularities related to the citys own configuration and to underlying political intentions. The new design and the political mechanisms introduced in Belém sought to focus public debate on cultural expressions and organizational approaches for groups and sectors of the people who had been left out of decision making during the constitution of Belém (and perhaps of Brazil). To that end, the city and the groups and sectors memory and culture played a fundamental role in the policy-making process that emerged, as they intensified and highlighted political conflicts and disputes long interwoven into the city and its meanings. The themes and issues raised at the City Congress revealed tensions prevailing in the 1990s, between Brazils overall process of democratization, coming out of struggles and movements through the 1980s, and the reconfiguration of its economy, which redefined the role of the state vis-à-vis public and social policies. Our analysis of the City Congress, of the political experience it provided and of the groups, movements and players it mobilized sheds light on issues such as forms of political sociability in Brazil and, particularly, how the contribution and the political role of peoples movements are interpreted as part of Brazils social formation.
2
Bettamio, Rafaella Lúcia de Azevedo Ferreira. "Brazil's Popular Groups: história e significados de uma coleção da Library of Congress." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/24213.
Анотація:
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“Brazil’s Popular Groups: a Collection of Materials Issued by socio-political, Religious, Labor and a Minority Grass-roots Organizations” (BPG) é uma coleção microfilmada que reúne grande variedade de documentos impressos relacionados a grupos populares brasileiros, publicados desde a década de 1960 até a atualidade. Reunidos a partir de meados da década de 1980 pelo escritório de representação da Biblioteca do Congresso norte-americano no Rio de Janeiro – inaugurado em 1966 –, os materiais na BPG estão divididos por períodos e organizados sob diferentes categorias. Mais de trinta bibliotecas dos Estados Unidos, além de instituições de memória e pesquisa da Europa e do Brasil – entre elas a Biblioteca Nacional – possuem microfilmes desta coleção. Interessada em investigar as condições socio-históricas que permitem a constituição de coleções que ganham dimensão pública e os lugares que ocupam tais artefatos, a pesquisa analisa a BPG a partir de sua relação com contextos politicos norte-americanos e brasileiros, atentando para distintas temporalidades e subjetividades que marcaram a sua produção, bem como para sua circulação. O objetivo é dar visibilidade à historicidade da coleção, à construção narrativa de seu colecionador e a alguns dos significados e lugares que lhe foram atribuídos ao longo de sua existência.
Brazil’s Popular Groups: a Collection of Materials Issued by socio-political, Religious, Labor and a Minority Grass-roots Organizations (BPG) is a microfilmed collection that brings together a wide variety of printed documents related to Brazilian popular groups, published since the 1960s until the present time. Gathered for the first time in the mid-1980s by the representative office of the Library of Congress in Rio de Janeiro – inaugurated in 1966 – BPG materials are divided by periods and organized under different categories. More than thirty libraries in the United States, as well as memory and research institutions in Europe and Brazil – including the National Library – have microfilms of this collection. Interested in investigating the socio-historical conditions that allow the constitution of collections that gain public dimension and the places that occupy such artifacts, the research analyzes the BPG from its relation with North American and Brazilian political contexts, paying attention to different temporalities and subjectivities that marked its production, as well as its circulation. The aim is to highlight the historicity of the collection, the dynamics of the process of narrative construction of its collector, and some of the meanings and places that have been attributed to it throughout its existence.
3
Selby, Shawn M. "Congress, Culture and Capitalism: Congressional Hearings into Cultural Regulation, 1953-1967." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1212766295.
4
Damodaran, Vinita. "Unfilled promises : popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar, 1937-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272730.
5
Szymczak, Robert. "From popular front to Communist front : The American Slav Congress in War and Cold War, 1941-1951." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514418.
6
Farias, Rosa Sulaine Silva. "Planejamento e gestão participativo em Belém-PA : o congresso da cidade (2001-2004)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/7215.
Анотація:
Esta dissertação estuda a experiência do Congresso da Cidade, promovida pela prefeitura de Belém-Pa durante o período de 2001-2004: um modelo de planejamento municipal caracterizado pela participação da população na discussão e elaboração de políticas e projetos de desenvolvimento para a cidade. O objetivo do estudo é verificar de que forma a experiência do Congresso da Cidade de Belém se apresenta como um novo processo de planejamento e representa uma ruptura com a cultura tradicional-tecnocrática do planejamento no Brasil. O estudo conclui positivamente que a experiência vem contribuindo para a formação de uma nova cultura de planejamento no país.
7
Maia, Clarissa Fonseca. "Jurisdição e soberania popular : uma abordagem normativa de diálogo institucional entre a Justiça Eleitoral e o Congresso Nacional." Universidade de Fortaleza, 2016. http://dspace.unifor.br/handle/tede/100882.
Анотація:
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Previous issue date: 2016-12-19The thesis suggests a normative solution for the inter-institutional dialogue between the National Congress and the Superior Electoral Court / Supreme Federal Court in the construction of electoral-constitutional decision is instrumented by the use of Resolutions and responses to the Electoral Consultations by the Judiciary; and of the Legislative Decree to support the effects of administrative manifestations of the Superior Electoral Court, whose consequences exorbit its secondary normative function. First, the narrative is about the dominant judicial role that presents itself as a singular element to the contemporary constitutional democracies before the advance of the constitutional jurisdiction and the judicialization of politics. The centrality of the Courts as a forum of principles and qualified public instance to rational political production is being analyzed, on a substantive basis in modern theories about justice. This perspective is examined in view of the consequences of the impairment of the political institutions of the State, notably the Legislature, considering that the centrality of the Courts of Justice is revealed in judicial activism, an action that invades Parliament's primary legislative competence. Thus, the reasons for the global and Brazilian judicial expansion are investigated - which is presented, in a paradigmatic way, in the change of behavior of the Judiciary after the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988 -. The judicial role is then examined in relation to the electoral jurisdiction that, by strictly covering political-electoral issues, evidences the critique of judicial supremacy confronted with democracy. The issue becomes more problematic when it is observed that the Electoral Justice stands out as a moral reserve of politics, because the idea of jurisdictional infallibility can empty the public debate, relieve the responsibility of the political authorities and cause the infantilization of the voter. In addition, supported by the model of judicial governance of the elections, the Electoral Justice system has special regulatory and consultative functions, whose practice disassociated with the theory of legal sources has been promoting the denounced judicial activism. The work, then, is directed to the critical analysis of the potentialities, responsibilities and recognition of the fallibility of the instituted powers, questioning the supremacy of the one to which is attributed by refundable premises the mastery over the solution of a constitutional question, in casu, constitutional-electoral. It is stood up for the arguments in favor of the Legislative or the Judiciary are not exclusionary, but complementary, therefore, are gained through the interaction between these two spheres. The inclined stance is of mature fruits reached by debate between institutions and this with the public opinion, through inter-institutional rounds in which the argumentation will be allowed, since it will not succumb to the summary argument of the "separation of powers". Keywords: Judicial role. Democracy. Constitutional-electoral jurisdiction. Inter-institutional dialogue with powers.
A tese sugere uma solução normativa para o diálogo interinstitucional entre o Congresso Nacional e o Tribunal Superior Eleitoral/ Supremo Tribunal Federal na construção de decisão eleitoral-constitucional instrumentalizado pelo uso de Resoluções e respostas às Consultas eleitorais por parte do Judiciário; e do Decreto-Legislativo para sustação dos efeitos de manifestações administrativas do TSE, cujas decorrências exorbitem a sua função normativa secundária. De início, a narrativa versa sobre o protagonismo judicial dominante que se apresenta como elemento singular às democracias constitucionais contemporâneas diante do avanço da jurisdição constitucional e da judicialização da política. Analisa-se, com base substantiva nas teorias modernas sobre justiça, a centralidade dos Tribunais como fórum de princípios e instância pública qualificada à produção racional política. Examina-se esta perspectiva ante as consequências advindas do enfraquecimento das instituições políticas do Estado, notadamente do Poder Legislativo, haja vista que a centralidade das Cortes de Justiça se revela em ativismo judicial, ação que invade a competência legislativa primária do Parlamento. Assim, investigam-se as razões da expansão judicial global e brasileira ¿ que se apresenta, de forma paradigmática, na mudança de comportamento do Poder Judiciário após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 ¿. O protagonismo judicial é, então, examinado em relação à jurisdição eleitoral que, por veiculação estrita a temas político-eleitorais, evidencia a crítica da supremacia judicial confrontada à democracia. A questão torna-se mais problemática quando se observa que a Justiça Eleitoral se destaca como reserva moral da política, pois a ideia de infalibilidade jurisdicional pode esvaziar o debate público, desonerar a responsabilidade das instâncias políticas e provocar a infantilização do eleitor. Soma-se ainda o fato de que, amparada pelo modelo de governança judicial das eleições, a Justiça eleitoral detém funções regulamentar e consultiva especiais, cuja prática dissociada à teoria das fontes do direito vem promovendo o denunciado ativismo judicial. O trabalho, então, direciona-se à análise crítica das potencialidades, responsabilidades e reconhecimento da falibilidade dos poderes instituídos, questionando-se a supremacia daquele ao qual se atribui por premissas refundáveis o domínio sobre a solução de uma questão constitucional, in casu, constitucional-eleitoral. Defende-se que os argumentos em prol do Legislativo ou do Judiciário não são excludentes, mas sim complementares, portanto, ganha-se com a interação entre essas duas esferas. A postura que se inclina é de frutos maturados alcançados por debate entre instituições e desta com a opinião pública, por meio de rodadas interinstitucionais em que a argumentação será permitida, já que não irá sucumbir ao argumento sumário da ¿separação de poderes¿. Palavras-chave: Protagonismo judicial. Democracia. Jurisdição constitucional-eleitoral. Diálogo interinstitucional de poderes.
8
Alssadek, Mohamed. "Notion et pratique de la démocratie en Libye sous l'ère Khadafi." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris Cité, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023UNIP7162.
Анотація:
La démocratie est un mot grec étymologiquement composé de deux mots : peuple et pouvoir. Depuis l'émergence du terme, sa définition a pu varier mais globalement, la plupart des politologues et philosophes actuels le définissent comme un mode de gouvernement lié à l'état de droit et aux libertés fondamentales. La démocratie est définie par les Nations Unies et par les organisations internationales comme étant un ensemble de Valeurs Universelles.Toutefois , ce n'est pas la démocratie que choisit la Libye, lorsqu'elle devient indépendante en 1951 : elle opte alors pour un régime monarchique, sous forme fédérale, héréditaire - le Roi en étant Mohammad Idris al-Senussi comme le stipulait la constitution rédigée avec la forte implication d'Adrian Pelt en tant que représentant des Nations Unies en Libye. Cette Constitution prévoyait également un Parlement composé de deux chambres, et assurer la séparation des pouvoirs. En 1963 , la Constitution est amendée pour que la Libye devienne un État unifié. En septembre 1969, un groupe de jeunes officiers dirigé par Mouammar Kadhafi s'empare du pouvoir, déclare la chute de la monarchie et proclame la naissance de la République Arabe Libyenne. La chute de la Monarchie est alors suivie par la chute des institutions constitutionnelles; le Roi est remplacé par un Conseil de Commandement Révolutionnaire (CCR) ; et de l'Union socialiste arabe, et l'application de l'idéologie nassérisme jusqu'à ce que ce que l'on appelle la Révolution culturelle ait lieu en avril 1973. Le Conseil abandonne toutes les lois et les remplace par le (Coran). Le 2 mars 1977, un nouveau régime unique en son genre est adopté. Kadhafi a rédigé son «Livre vert » , où il expose sa « Troisième Théorie Universelle », qui donne le pouvoir au peuple. La Libye est alors officiellement nommée « État de la Grande Jamahiriya Arabe Libyenne Populaire Socialiste ».Sur le plan théorique, cette idéologie combine un ensemble de critiques du système communiste aussi bien que du libéralisme avec une critique du système représentatif par les parlements, les gouvernements, la constitution, les référendums, les partis et la classe politique. Kadhafi propose une solution alternative: une démocratie directe à travers les congrès populaires, les comités populaires, les syndicats et les associations professionnelles, qui sont des outils basés sur l'unité du pouvoir, où tout citoyen de plus de dix-huit ans devient automatiquement membre des congrès. Mais du point de vue pratique, il s'agit également d'un régime représentatif: le processus de nomination des hauts fonctionnaires et le processus législatif ne se déroulent pas de manière directe. Le taux de participation est faible par rapport à la population et on observe une absence de renouvellement des élites. La situation en Libye s'est poursuivie ainsi jusqu'en 2003, sous le nom de « Phase des Réformes » et le programme « Libye de demain» , un projet dirigé par Saïf Al-Islam Kadhafi, fils de Mouammar Kadhafi, a été mis en oeuvre. Le développement, la libération des prisonniers politiques et la rédaction d'une nouvelle constitution ont été perturbés par le déclenchement de la guerre civile en 2011. La situation s'est aggravée ; le pouvoir et l'influence des milices et des groupes terroristes ont grandi et ont gâché le processus de transition démocratique. En conséquence : la Libye n'a jamais connu de véritable démocratie, ni à l'époque de la Monarchie, ni à l'époque de Kadhafi, ni au cours de la dernière décennieDemocracy as a term is derived from the Greek word "d¿mokratia", which was coined from d¿mos ("people") and kratos ("rule or authority"). Since the emergence of the term, it has not had a comprehensive definition, but currently most authors and philosophers have identified it as a system of government linked to the rule of law and fundamental rights and freedoms. It was considered by the United Nations and international organizations as; a set of universal values. Since its independence in 1951, Libya has had a different style of democracy. It had adopted a hereditary monarchy system in federal form, a written constitution stating that Muhammad Idris al-Senussi is the king, and a parliament consisting of two chambers, which also demanded the separation of powers. The United Nations committee, led by Arian Belt, helped in establishing Libya, and the constitution was amended to make Libya a federal state in 1963. In September 1969, a group of young army officers led by Muammar Gaddafi seized power and announced the fall of the kingdom and the establishment of the Libyan Arab Republic. The fall of the Kingdom was followed by the dissolvement of the constitutional institutions, the establishment of the Revolutionary Command Council and the Arab Socialist Union, and the application of Nasser's ideology until the Cultural Revolution took place in April 1973. The Revolutionary Command Council abolished all laws and replaced them with the Qur'an. On March 2, 1977, a new unique system was adopted. Gaddafi wrote a theory called the Third International Theory in the Green Book, and the Declaration on the Establishment of the Authority of the People was declared. Since then, the name of the state has become the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. From a theoretical perspective, this ideology is a set of criticisms of the communist and liberal systems. Because he criticized the system of representative governance across parliaments, governments, the constitution, referendums, parties, and the political class. He proposed alternative solutions, which are direct democracy through the General People's Congress, the General People's Committee, unions, and professional associations, which are tools based on unity of power, where everyone over the age of 18 is a member of the congresses. But on the practical side, it is also a representative system, so we noted that the process of naming officials and the process of enacting legislation does not take place in a direct manner. The participation rate in it is also low compared to the population, and there is a lack of elite renewal processes. The situation continued in Libya until 2003, which was known as the phase of reforms, when the Libya Al-Ghad project led by Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, son of Muammar Gaddafi, was implemented. Development began, prisoners were released, and a new constitution was written, but the path was disrupted after the outbreak of the civil war in 2011. The situation worsened, and the power and influence of militias and terrorist groups increased, corrupting the process of democratic transition. In conclusion, Libya has not experienced true democracy either during the monarchy period, the Gaddafi era, or the last two decades
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Muftah, Abdusalam. "La protection des droits de l'homme en libye : garanties législatives et juridictionnelles (1969-2011)." Thesis, Toulon, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOUL0082.
Анотація:
En septembre 1969, un coup d’État mené par Kadhafi et ses compagnons donnera lieu à un modèle de gouvernement fondé sur la notion de la Jamahiriya qui trouve ses références théoriques dans le contenu du Livre Vert de Kadhafi. L’avènement de la Jamahiriya, qualifié de « Révolution », prétend mettre en œuvre l’exercice du pouvoir directement par le peuple (jamahir), à travers des congrès et des comités populaires. De fait, la première question qui se pose à nous est de cerner le type d’État en vigueur en Libye. Soulever ce point, c’est aussi s’interroger sur la place occupée par les droits de l’homme dans l’architecture institutionnelle libyenne. Et sous cet angle, l’idée qui s’impose est que l’organisation les droits et libertés relèvent de documents successifs : Déclaration de 1969 ; Charte verte des droits de 1988, loi de consolidation des libertés de 1991. Aussitôt surgit la question de la valeur juridique de ces textes dans la hiérarchie des normes, étant entendu qu’il n’existe pas en Libye une constitution proprement dite. C’est là une problématique essentielle, puisque de cette qualification dépend le degré de garantie des droits et libertés. On mesure alors l’importance d’une étude des principaux traits de la législation libyenne. Reste à ajouter que la reconnaissance des droits théoriquement affirmés, est tributaire de l’ordre « révolutionnaire » qui impose l’obligation de respecter et de protéger la Jamahiriya. Aborder ce point, c’est montrer les entraves que peut constituer le régime politique quant à la protection des Droits ; c’est également s’interroger sur le rôle du juge en tant que gardien des libertés. L’analyse de cet aspect implique une approche de l’étendue et des limites du contrôle des actes de l’État, qu’il soit un contrôle administratif ou un contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois, sachant que la combinaison de ces deux techniques sert en principe à offrir aux citoyens une garantie et l’assurance d’exercer pleinement leurs droits et libertés. Or, là encore, les moyens juridictionnels conçus pour assurer la protection des droits fondamentaux risquent de se heurter à la nature du régime qui met en avant la protection de la « révolution » au dépend de toute autre liberté. C’est autrement soutenir que le système institutionnel dans son entier constitue une restriction à la protection des Droits. Évoquer cette réalité, c’est éclairer les entraves relevant de la pratique même du pouvoir. En définitive, la nature du régime et l’idéologie de la Jamahiriya conditionnent la forme d’expression des droits fondamentaux. C’est là tout l’enjeu du rapport entre pouvoir et libertés publiques que nous proposons d’étudier dans le cadre de ce travailIn September 1969, a coup led by Gaddafi and his companions will result in a model of government based on the concept of the Republic which finds it’s theoretical references in the content of the Green Book of Gaddafi. The advent of the Republic, also called "Revolution", claimed to implement the exercise of power by the people (Jamahir) through congresses and people's committees. In fact, the first question that faces us is to identify the type of state force in Libya. Raising this point is also questioning the place of human rights in Libya's institutional architecture. And in this light, the idea must be that the organizations of human rights and freedoms are relieving from successive documents: Declaration of 1969; Green Charter of Human Rights of 1988, Freedoms Consolidation Act 1991. Soon after arose the question of the legal status of these texts in the hierarchy of norms, provided there is no constitution in Libya itself. This is a key issue, since from this qualification depend the degree of guarantee of rights and freedoms. The importance of a study of the main features of Libyan legislation is measured. It remains to add that the recognition of the rights affirmed in theory, depends on the order "revolutionary" which imposes the obligation to respect and protect the Republic. Address this point is to show the obstacles that may be the political regime on the protection of rights; it is also questioning the judge's role as a guardian of freedom. The analysis of this aspect involves an approach to the scope and limitations of the control of state action, whether administrative supervision or control of the constitutionality of laws, knowing that the combination of these two techniques are used in principle to provide citizens with a warranty and insurance to fully exercise their rights and freedoms. Yet again, the judicial remedies designed to ensure the protection of human rights are likely to face the kind of diet that emphasizes the protection of the "revolution" at the expense of all other freedoms. It is in another way to support that the institutional system as a whole constitutes a restriction on the Protection of the Rights. Discussing this reality is exposing the barriers within the same practice of power. Ultimately, the nature of the regime and the ideology of the Libyan determine the form of expression of fundamental rights. That's the whole point of the relationship between public power and freedoms that we propose to study in the context of this work
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Augusto, Luís Gustavo Henrique. "Participação social no processo legislativo federal: um estudo da Comissão de Legislação Participativa (CLP), da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Legislação Participativa (CDH) e da iniciativa popular de lei." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13706.
Анотація:
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This research aims to determine whether the Participative Legislation Committees of the Câmara dos Deputados and the Senado Federal facilitated social participation in legislative process comparing to the traditional institute of the Law Popular Initiative. To provide the basis that guide the investigation of these mechanisms of participation was undertaken a dogmatic study of the federal legislative process; investigation of how social participation is prescribed in the Constitution and Bylaws of the Legislative Houses, aiming to see how political participation is implemented in legislative procedures; besides the study of the relationship between representation and participation. For this were used the literature review, document analysis, data collection, case studies and interviews. According to the study the Committees facilitated social participation in the legislative process with regard to the disposal of part of the formal requirements that hamper the participation via Popular Initiative; besides expanding the types of legislative proposals that society can provide. However, these new mechanisms reproduced other limitations that the Popular Initiative has, in addition to disregard, in their structure, essential elements to achieve a legislative process effectively participatory, which are covered by the traditional institute, allowing then to say that the Committees are institutional innovations limited front of the institute of Popular Initiative.
Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar se as Comissões de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal facilitaram a participação social no processo legislativo frente ao tradicional instituto da Iniciativa Popular de lei. Essa investigação será pautada pelo estudo dogmático do processo legislativo federal; pela investigação de como a participação social está prescrita na Constituição Federal e nos Regimentos Internos das Casas do Legislativo, visando constatar como a participação política se implementa no processo de produção legislativa; ademais do estudo sobre a relação entre representação e participação. Para tanto, foi utilizada revisão bibliográfica, análise documental, levantamento de dados, estudo de caso e entrevistas. A pesquisa realizada permite afirmar que as Comissões facilitaram a participação social na produção legislativa no que se refere à eliminação de parte dos requisitos formais que a obstaculizavam via Iniciativa Popular; além de ampliar o rol dos tipos de proposições legislativas que a sociedade pode apresentar. Entretanto, esses novos mecanismos reproduziram limitações que a Iniciativa Popular apresenta, ademais de desconsiderar na sua estruturação elementos essenciais à consecução de um processo legislativo efetivamente participativo, os quais são contemplados pelo instituto tradicional, permitindo, então, afirmar que as Comissões são inovações institucionais limitadas frente ao instituto da Iniciativa Popular.
Книги з теми "Popular congresses":
1
Pedagógico, Congreso. Educación popular hoy. Buenos Aires: EUDEBA, 1986.
2
Alagoas (Brazil). Secretaria da Cultura. and Seminário de Cultura Popular (1984 : Maceió, Brazil), eds. Cultura popular. Maceió: Secretaria da Cultura, 1985.
3
Mesa, Redonda de Folklore y. Etnomusicología (1st 1982 Zamora Michoacán de Ocampo Mexico). Sabiduría popular. 2nd ed. Zamora, Mich: El Colegio de Michoacán, 1997.
4
Celso, Scocuglia Afonso, and Melo Neto, José Francisco de., eds. Educação popular: Outros caminhos. João Pessoa: Editora Universitária UFPB, 1999.
5
Luis, Exeni R. José, and Instituto Latinoamericano de Investigaciones Sociales., eds. Democracia y participación popular. La Paz, Bolivia: ILDIS, 1996.
6
Coloquio Salvadoreño de Religiosidad Popular (1st 2013 Museo Nacional de Antropología Dr. David J. Guzmán). Religiosidad popular salvadoreña. San Salvador: Secretaría de la Cultura de la Presidencia, Dirección Nacional de Investigaciones en Cultura y Arte, 2015.
7
van, Voss Lex Heerma, Holthoon Frits van, and British-Dutch Conference on Labour History, (5th : Amsterdam, Holland), eds. Working class and popular culture. Amsterdam: Stichting Beheer IISG, 1988.
8
1936-, Kohut Karl, Katholische Universität Eichstätt. Zentralinstitut für Lateinamerika-Studien., and Tagung "Volksreligiositat in Lateinamerika" (28.-31. Mai 1985 : Katholische Universitat Eichtatt), eds. Religiosidad popular en América Latina. Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert, 1988.
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PROCEP (Organization). Encuentro de Procepistas. Interculturalidad y educación popular. La Paz, Bolivia: PROCEP, 1995.
10
Colóquio Literatura Popular Portuguesa, Teoria da Literatura Oral-Tradicional-Popular (1987 Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian). Literatura popular portuguesa: Teoria da literatura oral, tradicional, popular. [Lisbon]: ACARTE, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1992.
Частини книг з теми "Popular congresses":
1
Garza, Oscar Yllan, Angelo Jean Carlo Ovando Franco, Héctor Ceballos, and Francisco Cantú. "Sentiment Analysis About the Popular Soccer Player Mbappe on Social Media and Newspapers." In Proceedings of Eighth International Congress on Information and Communication Technology, 551–60. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-3043-2_43.
2
Veit, Alex. "Class-Based Communities: The Postcolonial Reform of School Education in South Africa." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 131–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_11.
Анотація:
AbstractWhen the African National Congress (ANC) assumed governmental powers in South Africa in 1994, it needed to confront the enormous educational disparities created by apartheid and colonial rule. However, remaining true to the ideals of the democratic struggle while also following neoliberal prescriptions of fiscal austerity presented a massive contradiction. To appease anxious white middle-class parents and offer new opportunities to its non-white constituency, the new government adopted the language of communitarianism, popular throughout the Anglophone world. The concept of community-run schools served to reconcile the contradictory demands of economic neoliberalism and political deracialisation. However, the poor and overwhelmingly non-white population was effectively still excluded from the elite, formerly white schools.
3
El-Shamy, Hasan. "The Shipwrecked Sailor." In Popular Stories Of Ancient Egypt, 81–88. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195173352.003.0005.
Анотація:
Abstract The Papyrus that contains this story belongs to the Imperial Egyptian Museum of the Hermitage, St. Petersburg. It was discovered in 1880 by W, Golenischeff, and by him brought to the notice of the scholars who took part in the fifth International Congress of Orientalists, at Berlin in 1881. He did not then edit the text, but he has published a translation in French; Sur un ancien conte egyptien. Notice Jue au Congres des Orientalistes a Berlin, per W. Golenischeff, 1881, without publisher’s name, large 8vo, 21 pp. Breitkopf and Hartel, Leipzig. It was inserted in the Verhandlungen des Internationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Berlin, 1882, 21es Theil, Erste Halfte, Africanische Section, pp. roo---122. This is the version I repr duced in the two first editions of this work, modifying it slightly on certain points, and it was from it that a Russian translation was made by Wladimir Stasow: Jegipetskajaskarka otkrytaja w Petersburgskom Ermitaze (An Egyptian tale discovered at the Hermitage of St. Petersburg) in the review Westnikjewropy (the Messengers of Europe), 1882, vol. i, pp. 580---602, and the two English translations given by Griffith in W. Flinders Petrie, Egyptian Tales, 1895, London, 12mo, vol. i, pp. 81---96, and F. LL Griffith, Egyptian Literature, in Specimen Pages of a Library of the World’s Best Literature, 1898, New York, 4to, pp. 5233---5236.
4
Chinnici, Joseph P. "Religious Renewal in the Context of Secularism." In American Catholicism Transformed, 27–52. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197573006.003.0002.
Анотація:
When public identity focuses on the convergence between Catholicism and the American way of life, markers of Catholic identity migrate to unique religious practices: popular devotions, sacramental attendance, obedience to disciplinary laws. Episcopal statements and the reflections of clerical and lay leaders note the growing split between religion and daily life. “Secularism” within the Church is identified in the analysis of John Courtney Murray, the Grail Movement, and in the pages of Catholic Action. In response to this “schizoid culture,” significant leaders network with affinity movements throughout the world. International congresses of the laity set the stage for the Council. Movements of Specialized Catholic Action join with the mainstreaming of scripture reading, catechetical reform, participative political processes, and the liturgical movement to foster a reconfiguration of clergy-lay relations. The bishops themselves begin to sponsor both liturgical change and Specialized Catholic Action even before the Council begins.
5
Heimann, Mary, and Cara Delay. "Saints and Devotional Cultures." In The Oxford History of British and Irish Catholicism, Volume V, 146—C7S2. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844310.003.0008.
Анотація:
Abstract This chapter examines Catholic spirituality and devotion across the British and Irish isles in the twentieth century, a time of profound change in the devotional life of the Catholic Church. The chapter opens with an examination of the intensely devotional and minutely organized world of cradle-to-grave Catholicism which prevailed until the Second Vatican Council (1962‒5). The authors show how distinctively Catholic beliefs, practices, and attitudes—including Marian piety, Eucharistic devotion, and popular devotions to the saints—were transmitted, practised, and supported, in Church, at home, in the parish, and in the landscape, both officially and unofficially. Two landmark Eucharistic congresses held in London (1908) and Dublin (1932) offer snapshots of approved pre-conciliar devotion. The Second Vatican Council, together with the wider social changes of the 1960s and 1970s, gradually replaced the Catholic ‘ghetto’ with today’s eclectic mix of traditionalist, revivalist, populist, official and unofficial devotions, prayers, and practices.
6
Blechman, Barry M. "Arms Control." In The Politics Of National Security, 63–111. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195077056.003.0003.
Анотація:
Abstract For all its closer attention to weapon programs and military spending, the Congress's role in U.S. defense policy has changed most dramatically with respect to efforts to control arms. As Vietnam stimulated greater congressional activism in defense policy in the 1970s, the stalemate in nuclear negotiations at the start of the 1980s led to renewed congressional initiatives. The analogy is striking. In both cases, growing popular concerns about international events catalyzed grass-roots political movements that, in tum, induced the Congress to change executive branch policies. In both cases, the popular political pressures overwhelmed the bureaucracy's resistance.
7
"LOWEY FOR CONGRESS:." In Vox Populi, 388–91. Fordham University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt14bs06b.83.
8
"Popular Sovereignty." In Proceedings of the XXII World Congress of Philosophy, 711–19. Philosophy Documentation Center, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/wcp22200850132.
9
Hasan, Zoya. "Conclusion." In Ideology and Organization in Indian Politics, 181–90. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863416.003.0008.
Анотація:
Abstract The chapter concludes the arguments of the book by highlighting the three structural challenges faced by Congress in a political conjuncture defined by the shift to the Right and the polarization produced by it. It has to agree or elect a leader who can keep the Congress united; reconstruct its organizational structure across the states; and, finally, project and propagate a clear alternative ideological narrative to the BJP. Unlike conventional wisdom that highlights the leadership crisis, this book argues that the deficit in Congress is principally a deficit of organization and ideology. The BJP has redefined nationalism as majoritarian nationalism. The Congress hasn’t offered a clear counter-narrative to this idea of nationalism which is unsuitable for a diverse, pluralistic nation committed to liberal values. The Congress is wary of doing so mainly because it fears losing popular support by being seen as anti-Hindu; hence, most leaders are unwilling to come out openly against majoritarianism. The lack of clarity with regard to its ideological stand constitutes a major hindrance in the Congress’s recovery.
10
Revki, Andrew C. "The Environment." In A Field Guide for Science Writers. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195174991.003.0040.
Анотація:
Hindsight is usually expressed in bravado-tinged phrases. “You have it so easy now” is one. But when scanning the recent history of environmental news, the impression is just the opposite. A few decades ago, anyone with a notepad or camera could have looked almost anywhere and chronicled a vivid trail of despoliation and disregard. Only a few journalists and authors, to their credit, were able to recognize a looming disaster hiding in plain sight. But at least it was in plain sight. The challenges in covering environmental problems today are far greater, for a host of reasons. Some relate to the subtlety or complexity of most remaining pollution and ecological issues now that glaring problems have been attacked. Think of non-point-source pollution, such as runoff from countless farm fields or urban lawns, and then think of the ultimate point of the Exxon Valdez, spilling its heavy load of crude oil into the seas off the Alaskan coast. A little reflection is useful. Most journalists of my generation were raised in an age of imminent calamity. Cold War “duck and cover” exercises regularly sent us to the school basement. The prospect of silent springs hung in the wind. We grew up in a landscape where environmental problems were easy to identify and describe. Depending on where you stood along the Hudson River's banks, the shores were variously coated with adhesive, dyes, paint, or other materials indicating which riverfront factory was nearest. And, of course, the entire river was a repository for human waste, making most sections unswimmable. Smokestacks were unfiltered. Gasoline was leaded. Then things began to change. New words crept into the popular lexicon—smog, acid rain, toxic waste. At the same time, citizens gained a sense of empowerment as popular protest shortened a war. A new target was pollution. Earth Day was something newspapers wrote about with vigor, not an anachronistic, even quaint, notion. Republican administrations and bipartisan Congresses created a suite of laws aimed at restoring air and water quality and protecting wildlife. And, remarkably, those laws began to work. Right through the 19805 the prime environmental issues of the day—and thus the news—continued to revolve around iconic incidents, mainly catastrophic in nature.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Popular congresses":
1
Oliveira Neto, Benjamim Machado de. "Literature and dialogues about the appearance of unidentified flying object phenomena in the central hinterland." In II INTERNATIONAL SEVEN MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONGRESS. Seven Congress, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/homeinternationalanais-036.
Анотація:
Abstract This article will have the proposal to develop a study about the phenomena related to unidentified flying objects in the municipality of Quixadá, as a way to have contact with the theoretical reference on the subject and to meet people who have experienced such events, which represents an opportunity unique way of building a research that makes it possible to benefit the scientific, academic and social scope. In this way, the objective of the work will be to reflect on the manuscripts that encompass the historical context of ufology and popular stories in places that have an index of extraterrestrial cases, so that it is possible to collect a set of information and events. This work will use the methodological procedure based on the bibliographical review, qualitative-quantitative approach, case and documental study, with the purpose of exploring a specialized theoretical material, collecting documents, investigating events and interviewing the residents of the city of Quixadá. The literature will encompass a diversity of authors, being a group of scholars, specialists and scientists who contributed to facilitate the understanding of the subject in question, such as: Daniken (1969); Grinspoon (2005) Jung (1961); Neto (1984); Rupplet (1959); Suega (1999). The aforementioned municipality is known worldwide for being the capital of flying saucers and abduction cases, which became news in the main newspapers around the world and in the most privileged Ufology Congresses. In this sense, the elaboration of the respective writing is a way of analyzing a mystery that is not new for scholars to seek an answer and symbolizes a variety of theories that involve the manifestations of nature, in addition to news, data and documents, which have been awakening the imagination of millions of individuals and professionals around the world.
2
V.D., Ricardo, and C. A. B. Silva júnior. "OS SABERES POPULARES NO ENSINO DE QUÍMICA: A RELAÇÃO ENTRE O CONHECIMENTO POPULAR E O CONHECIMENTO CIENTÍFICO." In VI Congresso internacional das lincenciaturas. Instituto internacional despertando vocações, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.31692/2358-9728.ivcointerpdvl.2017.00198.
3
Clarke, Stephen R. "Insects and Popular Music." In 2016 International Congress of Entomology. Entomological Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1603/ice.2016.118291.
4
Delmondes, Filipe, and Kelly Pinheiro Borges Freitas. "ASSESSORIA JURÍDICO POPULAR E MARXISMO: Uma análise das potencialidades e limites da relação entre movimentos populares e AJP's." In Anais do II Congresso internacional "Dignidade humana em tempos de (pós) pandemia: direito e democracia no Brasil contemporâneo. Recife, Brasil: Even3, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/1299823.1-9.
5
Oliveira Sobrinho, Afonso. "Da soberania popular ao impeachment?" In II Congresso Internacional de Direito Constitucional e Filosofia Política. Initia Via, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.17931/dcfp2015_v02_a29.
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