Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Poor, Great Britain, 1817"

The article deals with the analysis of the experience of organizing the pedagogical practice of future teachers in Germany and Great Britain. An analytical review of existing documents, which sets out the basic principles of training future teachers in Germany and the United Kingdom. The position of teacher training standards has been studied. The professional competencies of the teachers which are presented in the current standards are described. The peculiarities of the organization of pedagogical practice of future teachers in general and foreign language teachers in particular, in the modern universities of Germany and Great Britain are determined. The types of pedagogical practices introduced in various universities of Germany and Great Britain are characterized. The content and volume of practical training in universities are presented in detail, its goals are specified. Possible ways of implementation the experience of European countries on this issue in higher education in Ukraine have been identified.

The history of unemployment relief in Britain from 1834 to 1911 was not a “unilinear progression in collective benevolence,” culminating in unemployment insurance. The combination of poor relief and private charity to assist cyclically unemployed workers from 1834 to 1870 was more generous, and more certain, than the relief provided for the unemployed under the various policies adopted from 1870 to 1911. A major shift in policy occurred in the 1870s, largely in response to the crisis of the Poor Law in the 1860s. Because the new policy—a combination of self-help and charity—proved unable to cope with the high unemployment of cyclical downturns, Parliament in 1911 bowed to political pressure for a national system of relief by adopting the world's first compulsory system of unemployment insurance.

In the XVII century Great Britain became the first country in the world with a full-scale system of social support, which was regulated at the state level. The “Old Poor Law” of 1601 and the “New Poor Law” of 1834 are well-studied in both foreign and Russian science, but the solutions that preceded them are less known. The aim of this study is to describe the development of social policy in Great Britain up to 1834, when the system of assistance to people in need was redesigned according to the liberal logic of minimal interference of the state. The article is based on comparative and historic approach and analysis of legal documents. It demonstrates the evolution of institutions and practices of social support in Great Britain. In this country social policy grew from church and private charity and developed at local level under centrally defined rules. Consistent presentation of social policy history in Great Britain is valuable for studies of charity, local self-government and social policy.

RESUMENLas revistas literarias inglesas «The Monthly Review» (1749-1845) y «The Critical Review» (1756-1817) volcaron su atención hacia la producción de reseñas bibliográficas de trabajos según iban apareciendo en el mercado editorial tanto británico como internacional. Las informaciones generadas a partir de este ejercicio periodístico son especialmente relevantes para el estudio de la recepción de autores y textos pertenecientes al ámbito hispano en el ámbito anglosajón y se han empleado en este trabajo para abordar la recepción de Cervantes en obras teatrales y composiciones musicales británicas del siglo XVIII, tales como «Angelica; or, Quixote in Petticoats» (1758), «The Padlock: A Comic Opera» (1768), «Don Quixote. A Musical Entertainment» (1776), «Barataria; or, Sancho turn’d Governor» (1785) y «The Mountaineers, a Play in Three Acts» (1793).PALABRAS CLAVECervantes, revistas literarias, recepción, Gran Bretaña, siglo XVIII. TITLEEighteenth-century Journal Sources: Reception of Cervantes in British Plays and Musical CompositionsABSTRACTThe English literary periodicals «The Monthly Review» (1749-1845) and «The Critical Review» (1756-1817) offered comments on newly printed works as they came out both in Great Britain and abroad. The information provided by these two review journals is of particular relevance to the study of the reception of Spanish authors and their works in the English-speaking world, and has been analysed in this work to explore the critical reception of Cervantes in eighteenth-century British plays and musical compositions such as «Angelica; or, Quixote in Petticoats» (1758), «The Padlock: A Comic Opera» (1768), «Don Quixote. A Musical Entertainment» (1776), «Barataria; or, Sancho turn’d Governor» (1785) and «The Mountaineers, a Play in Three Acts» (1793).KEY WORDSCervantes, literary journals, reception studies, Great Britain, Eighteenth century.

Abstract During the Great Famine (1845–51) hundreds of thousands of Irish refugees fled to Britain, escaping the hunger and disease afflicting their homeland. Many made new lives there, but others were subsequently shipped back to Ireland by poor law authorities under the laws of Settlement and Removal. This article explores the coping strategies of the Famine Irish in Britain, and the responses of poor law authorities to the inflow of refugees with a particular focus on their use of removal. We argue that British poor law unions in areas heavily affected by the refugee crisis adopted rigorous removal policies, and that the non-settled Irish were consequently deeply reluctant to apply for poor relief, doing so only when alternative sources of support were unavailable. Thus, the true scale of Irish hardship was hidden from the official record. The article also explores, for the first time, the experiences of those sent back to Ireland, a country suffering from the devastating effects of Famine. The combination of heavy Irish immigration to Britain and large-scale removals back to Ireland created distrust between the authorities at British and Irish port towns, as both sides felt aggrieved by the inflow of destitute Irish arriving on their shores. At the centre of all this were the Irish poor themselves. Uncertainty, dislocation and hardship were often their experience, and we argue that this endured long after the Famine had ended; that the events of the late 1840s, indeed, created a new reality for the Irish in Britain.

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationships between stressors, job satisfaction, well-being, the influence of coping on these relationships and differences for Great Britain, Romania and The Netherlands using the Occupational Stress Indicator-2. 224 participants in Great Britain, 239 participants in Romania and 242 participants in the Netherlands filled in the questionnaire. The stressors workload, hassles and poor organisational climate did have a negative relationship with wellbeing, as expected. The stressor personal responsibility had a positive relationship with well-being. Country was moderating the relationship between managerial role and well-being and personal responsibility and well-being. Coping was mediating the relationships of poor relationships and well-being, and home/work balance and well-being. Well-being did not have a significant relationship with job satisfaction.

Food bank use in Great Britain has risen substantially over the last decade. The considerable socioeconomic disadvantage of the food bank user population has been documented, but little research has examined whether housing problems intersect with insecure food access. Using data from 598 households accessing assistance from twenty-four food banks operating in Great Britain in 2016–2017, we found that nearly 18 per cent of households were homeless, with more having experienced homelessness in the past twelve months. Renters from both the private and social rented sectors were also overrepresented in the sample. Households in both private and social rented housing reported high rates of rent arrears and poor conditions; those in private housing were also more likely to live in homes with damp, to have moved in past year, and to be worried about a forced move in future. Overall, housing problems are widespread among food bank users; policy interventions are needed.

The conference 'Writing the Lives of the Poor' arose out of a joint Anglo-German research project, “Pauper Letters and Petitions for Poor Relief in Germany and Great Britain,1770–1914”, funded by the UK’s Arts & Humanities Research Council,and directed by Prof. Steven King (University of Leicester) and Prof.Dr. Andreas Gestrich (Director, German Historical Institute London. These narratives comprise letters and petitions written by paupers seeking some form of relief. In describing the circumstances which led them to appeal for help, the authors construct autobiographical vignettes. The project aims to construct an online, edited corpus of such texts, which survive in considerable numbers in British and German archives.

During the Napoleonic Wars the British government implemented a pension scheme for discharged soldiers and after 1816 extended benefits to veterans who chose to remain in various colonies throughout the empire. The Chelsea Hospital kept colonial pension applicant information (most of whom were born in Great Britain and Ireland) within specific admission books, now housed in the UK National Archive. The first admission book covers the years 1817 to 1826 and in addition to detailing the service of individual soldiers, points to a particular method of imperial migration where some soldiers appeared to have employed the army to escape socio-economic conditions at home permanently while continuing their association with the British army and state once abroad. Four case-studies involving Irish soldiers are highlighted in order to demonstrate this point. The Irish soldiers are noteworthy because they are over-represented among those veterans who opted to remain in the colonies.

From the families of dockside London to the cautious cabinets of the Edwardian 'new liberals,' the search was on, after 1889, for a class of men Charles Booth characterized as so low in moral character as to require elimination from society-at-large. Responding as best they could, the poorest third of England's workers attempted desperately, yet usually failed, to avoid the stigma of the 'loafer' as they weathered economic downturn, increased policing, the fallout of deskilling, and the hatred and hysteria of a society, particularly in the wake of the Boer War, that refused them the status even of 'men'. In laws and literature, England's reforming and governing classes found their answers in Idealism, a philosophical movement taking progressive, moderate and labour leaders under its fold, and encouraging an understanding of poverty, and responses to it, on the basis of character alone. Piecemeal programmes and partial remedies for a host of principally urban, predominantly working-class social problems were the result, and they point---in a period of ostensibly 'progressive' housing and unemployment reform---to a disturbing, quasi-authoritarian policy demanding nothing less than social apartheid.

In 1917, a mere thirty years before India gained independence from Britain, Indians were alIowed into the officer corps of the colonial Indian Army, thus initiating its " Indianization ". Yet, as an issue of British military policy, Indianization had been debated for a hundred years before 1917. This thesis delineates the contours of that debate, the myriad schemes for Indianization that it engendered, the reasons for the faHure of each of these, as weIl as the reasons why the bar on Indians in the Indian Army's officer corps was finally broken. In analysing the debate, attention will be paid to factors that influenced and channelled the discussions. The most important of these were: Anglo-Indian strategies of Imperial politics, such as the need to seek out and collaborate with certain sections of Indian society as a means of holding India to the Empire; British ideological and intellectual formulations, such as the "Gentleman-Ideal" and the Martial Races theory; and Indian political developments, such as the emergence of Indian public opinion and nationalism .

This study examined public perception of the social relevance of Christian churches in the year the New Poor Law was passed. The first two chapters presented historiography concerning the Voluntary crisis which threatened the Anglican establishment, and the relationship of Christian churches to the New Poor Law. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 revealed the recurring image of "true" Christianity in its relation to the church crisis and the New Poor Law in the working men's, political, and religious periodical press. The study demonstrated a particular working class interest in Christianity and the effect of evangelicalism on religious renewal and social concerns. Orthodox Christians, embroiled in religious and political controversy, articulated practical concern for the poor less effectively than secularists.

This thesis examines the lives of poor children living in Shropshire between 1834 and 1870. They lived in three different environments: in the workhouse, as part of a labourer’s family, or as part of a family in receipt of out-relief. The standard of living of the families of agricultural workers, the predominant form of employment in most of Shropshire, was very low, with wages too low to provide adequate levels of nutrition. Families in receipt of out-relief had an even lower standard of living than those of agricultural labourers, because levels of out-relief were lower than labourers’ wages. This thesis also examines the life that children led if they were inmates of the workhouse. Children in the workhouse received an education, the quality of which varied across the county, but was very good at the Bridgnorth workhouse school, latterly known as South East Shropshire District School. Poor children living at home would have had limited opportunity for education because of the cost. Medical care was organised by the Poor Law Union for indoor and outdoor paupers, and provided free. It was not provided for independent families. Apprenticeships were satisfactorily organised by the Shropshire Unions, though some apprentices were inappropriately placed in mines. Amounts of out-relief differed across Unions with those Unions committed to the use of the workhouse ungenerous in their payments when compared to Unions taking a positive view of out-relief. For poor children, life in the workhouse, despite its disadvantages, provided greater material benefits than a childhood spent in a poor labourer’s family or in a family on out-relief.

This thesis shifts existing scholarship on the lectures of the architect John Soane (1753-1837) from previous examination of them in architectural history as a set of written texts illustrated by drawings, towards a new understanding of how such lectures operated as events with associated textual documents, and as part of a nineteenth-century performance practice of architecture. Considering Soane’s lectures as a form of performance practice, and drawing on performance studies as a methodology for the practice of history, this thesis argues for greater acknowledgement of the active role of the drawings in the lectures than has previously been recognised, as well as a more nuanced appreciation of the way that words and drawings were used together by the Soane office to practise and perform architectural knowledge in various ways. Through analysis of new primary archival evidence related to Soane’s lectures at the Royal Institution of Great Britain (R.I.) – evidence and lectures not yet investigated academically – I explore this lecturing practice in relation to the particularities of the oral culture of the period and within the R.I.’s existing strong ‘arts and sciences’ culture of performance that was rooted in a longer tradition of scientific demonstration. With reference to existing work in the field, I make the case for architectural history as a practice that is performative. Overall the performative structure of the thesis which combines ‘reading’ and ‘drawing’ with ‘in’, ‘out’, and ‘again’ becomes a way to practise, perform and play with the history, to compare different actions of reading evidence (directly, contextually and repeatedly/performatively), and to facilitate and demonstrate further reflection on architectural historiographical processes.

The thesis challenges popular generalisations about the trades, occupations and locations to which pauper apprentices were consigned, shining the spotlight away from the familiar narrative of factory children, onto the fate of their destitute peers in port towns. A comparative investigation of Liverpool, Bristol and Southampton, it adopts a deliberately broad definition of the term pauper apprenticeship in its multi-sourced approach, using 1710 Poor Law and charity apprenticeship records and previously unexamined New Poor Law and charity correspondence to provide new insight into the chronology, mechanisms and experience of pauper apprenticeship. Not all port children were shipped out. Significantly more children than has hitherto been acknowledged were placed in traditional occupations, the dominant form of apprenticeship for port children. The survival and entrenchment of this type of work is striking, as are the locations in which children were placed; nearly half of those bound to traditional trades remained within the vicinity of the port. The thesis also sheds new light on a largely overlooked aspect of pauper apprenticeship, the binding of boys into the Merchant service. Furthermore, the availability of sea apprenticeships as well as traditional placements caused some children to be shipped in to the ports for apprenticeships. Of those who were still shipped out to the factories, the evidence shows that far from dying out, as previously thought, the practice of batch apprenticeship persisted under the New Poor Law. The most significant finding of the thesis is the survival and endurance of pauper apprenticeship as an institution involving both Poor Law and charity children. Poor children were still being apprenticed late into the third quarter of the nineteenth century. Pauper apprenticeship is shown to have been a robust, resilient and resurgent institution. The evidence from port towns offers significant revision to the existing historiography of pauper apprenticeship.

The crusade against outrelief, which was promoted by the Local Government Board in the late-Victorian era, is a neglected topic of nineteenth century poor law studies. This thesis examines the crusade against outrelief that was implemented in the Brixworth Union of Northamptonshire because this board of guardians was one of the strongest and most renowned supporters of central government’s anti-outrelief policy between 1870 and 1896. For over twenty-five years guardians implemented a series of progressively harsh strategies to try to eradicate outrelief spending. Those anti-outrelief measures had a profound social cost with far-reaching political repercussions. From the start of the crusade campaign, working people organised to fight for the reintroduction of outrelief. When the poor law was democratised in the 1890s the working-classes succeeded in becoming guardians of the poor for the first time and they outvoted the anti-outrelief policy. The political contest over outrelief provides fresh insights into the complex nature of labour relations in the countryside and the impact of democratisation in the late nineteenth century. It traces the role of the poor law in rural society and how policy was shaped by central and local factors. The study, therefore, examines the politics of poor relief, the forces that shaped poor law policies and the impact those policies had on rural society in the context of the crusade against outrelief and its overthrow. In the process it questions some of our assumptions about working class political and social welfare aspirations before the advent of Welfare State legislation in the early twentieth century

This thesis explores domiciliary medical care for the poor in Scotland. Domiciliary care is understood as medical care provided in the home by qualified medical practitioners, or medical students. The poor are understood as those simply unable to ‘pay the doctor’ for the services they received. Focus is upon service provision, and therefore this thesis is a study of the different medical agencies engaged in the visitation of patients, and of the diverse ways medical practitioners as agents of different medical services facilitated or administered treatment. The period under focus is from 1875 to the National Health Insurance Act, 1911. Particular focus falls on urban Scotland, and Glasgow and Edinburgh. The interface between public and private provision is understood as the distinction between services provided for paupers, the legal poor, and services provided for the remainder, also unable to pay, and described as occupying ‘the boundary line between self-support and parish help’. Three types of service provider are identified: the poor law, medical charity, and medical missions. The thesis is divided into four main parts, buttressed by an introduction and conclusion. Chapter One sets the parameters to study of domiciliary medical care for the poor by identifying a literature of home visitation, and by identifying pressing issues concerning treatment in the homes of the poor of Glasgow and Edinburgh, like physical structure and family. Chapter Two is comprised of eight sections and looks at public provision in the form of the poor law medical services. Of particular interest are the local management, and the medical officers who provided the service. In turn focus is put upon the role of medical relief under the Poor Law (Scotland) Act, 1911; the structure of outdoor medical services in Glasgow and Edinburgh; the role of the local medical sub-committee of the parish board; and the parochial medical officers and their work. A prosopographical approach is taken to profile the parochial medical officers. Chapter Three, comprising five sections and conclusion, looks at private provision by medical charity. At issue is the range of charity dispensaries that provided outdoor services to the poor. A prospectus identifying the range of services is provided; outdoor medical services in Edinburgh and Glasgow are detailed; the interconnection between charity dispensary, domiciliary medical care, and medical educational requirements – particularly in Edinburgh – is investigated; and new developments occurring at the start of the twentieth century in health services requiring home visits are outlined. Chapter Four is comprised of nine main sections plus conclusion and looks at private provision by home medical missions. An overview of the literature of medical missions is provided, before focus falls, in turn, on medical missions in Edinburgh; medical missions in Glasgow; the medical work of medical missions; opportunities provided for women; how medical missions work was justified against criticisms; differences between providers; the response to provision from the Catholic immigrant community, and the work of the St Vincent de Paul Society.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Abstract Since marriage with a commoner was thought undesirable (though not, in Britain, illegal) the pool of Victoria’s possible spouses was restricted to the protestant princes of Germany, the Netherlands, and Scandinavia, and (a remote possibility) the Orthodox princes of Russia. A great dynastic marriage was unnecessary, even unwanted: by 1840 uniting disparate countries by marriage between their hereditary rulers was a thing of the past. Possible consorts had been suggested for her since she was a tiny child, among them her cousins Prince George of Cambridge and Prince George of Cumberland. King Leopold had long ago determined to promote another Coburg alliance—between Victoria and her cousin Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha (1819–1861)— and had been supervising the education of his motherless nephew as a potential consort.

The struggle for oil has been at the center of international politics since the beginning of the twentieth century. Securing oil—or, more precisely, access to it—has also been at the heart of many great powers’ grand strategies during that time, particularly those in oil-poor Europe. The Continent’s geographical and geological endowments, particularly its rich coal seams, had facilitated its rise to global predominance following the conquest of the New World and the start of the Industrial Revolution, but they conspired against it during the Age of Oil. Rather than accept their relegation to second-tier status, Britain and Germany developed elaborate strategies to restore their energy independence. These efforts wound up compromising their security by inducing strategic overextension—for Britain in the Middle East, and for Germany in the Soviet Union—thereby hastening their demise as great powers. For these reasons, the history of oil is also a chapter in the story of Europe’s geopolitical decline....

This chapter sketches the UK as a country that is divided and riven by inequality, regional differences, and tensions between generations. It refers to the Brexit referendum's exposure of deep rifts in British society which show subterranean messages that are more complicated than the simple question of in or out of the EU. It also reviews issues that have been lumped together as symptoms of a 'Broken Britain' – a failed society. The chapter explains how the UK is at odds with itself and split along many fault lines, such as North versus South, the rich and the comfortable middles classes versus the not so well off and the downright poor, town against country, and young versus old. It mentions parts of the UK that saw the referendum outcome as an opportunity to end the Union and strike out in a different direction.

The increasing debility of the Ottoman Empire brought the Mediterranean to the attention of the Russian tsars. From the end of the seventeenth century Russian power spread southwards towards the Sea of Azov and the Caucasus. Peter the Great sliced away at the Persian empire, and the Ottomans, who ruled the Crimea, felt threatened. For the moment, the Russians were distracted by conflict with the Swedes for dominion over the Baltic, but Peter sought free access to the Black Sea as well. These schemes had the flavour of the old Russia Peter had sought to reform, just as much as they had the flavour of the new technocratic Russia he had sought to create. The idea that the tsar was the religious and even political heir to the Byzantine emperor – that Muscovy was the ‘Third Rome’ – had not been swept aside when Peter established his new capital on the Baltic, at St Petersburg. Equally, the Russians could now boast hundreds of vessels capable of challenging Turkish pretensions in the Black Sea, even if they were far from capable of mounting a full naval war, and the ships themselves were badly constructed, notwithstanding Peter the Great’s famous journey to inspect the shipyards of western Europe, under the alias Pyotr Mikhailovich. In sum, this was a fleet that was ‘poor in discipline, training, and morale, unskilful in manoeuvre, and badly administered and equipped’; a contemporary remarked that ‘nothing has been under worse management than the Russian navy’, for the imperial naval stores had run out of hemp, tar and nails. The Russians began to hire Scottish admirals in an attempt to create a modern command structure, and they turned to Britain for naval stores; this relationship was further bolstered by the intense trading relationship between Britain and Russia, which had continued to flourish throughout the eighteenth century while England’s Levant trade withered: in the last third of the eighteenth century a maximum of twenty-seven British ships sailed to the Levant in any one year, while as many as 700 headed for Russia.

Abstract As the eighteenth century drew to a close, Hamburg stood at the very zenith of its power. The harbor was jammed with ships, warehouses bulged with the goods of five continents, and merchants coolly calculated the profits to be reaped from a war-torn Europe. Not all the signs were auspicious, of course. The conflict between republican France and Great Britain threatened to disrupt or even break the cycle of European and world trade that had so richly rewarded Hamburg. Some men, perhaps more prescient than the rest, worried that the widening European conflict would eventually sweep northward and feared that Hamburg might suffer the same terrible fate as Antwerp and Amsterdam.

This chapter examines the actions of opponents to the Korean War, the consequences for the British state and how British people felt about such forthright critics of the war. This chapter first starts by analysing the heavily criticised Communist Party of Great Britain. It unpicks the central elements of Communist opposition to the war and the largely poor reception their campaign received. This chapter nevertheless highlights the cultural tenacity and appeal of one recurring component of British Communist opposition – anti-Americanism. This sentiment chimed with other strands of post-war British culture and set the tone for later protest movements and cultural responses to Americanisation in the second half of the twentieth century. This chapter also explores instances of frontline resistance from British servicemen, showing how servicemen and others in Korea - most notably war correspondents - were appalled by the level of violence directed at the civilian population. It examines allegations of biological or ‘germ’ warfare put forth by the ‘Red Dean of Canterbury’ Hewlett Johnson (1874-1966) and the scientist Joseph Needham (1900-95), before concluding with a detailed examination of the infamous town planner Monica Felton, who visited North Korea during the war.

Статья посвящена миграции несовершеннолетних детей из Англии в Канаду, Австралию, Южную Африку. Анализируются причины, указаны основные этапы детской миграции, рассмотрены цели и задачи, которые преследовали организаторы программ переселения, миссии, которые возлагались на юных британцев вне метрополии. Автор приходит к выводу, что выезд был обусловлен потребностями детей и потребностями Великобритании, как метрополии, так и ее заокеанских владений. Начиная с XVII века, несовершеннолетних отправляли в колонии в качестве работников. Депортация из Англии являлась также альтернативой тюремному заключению. В XIX веке прекращается организованный ввоз преступников в колонии. Миграция позволяла сэкономить социальные расходы британского правительства. Филантропы разрабатывали планы массового переселения детей за океан с целью их спасения от голода и преступлений, на которые они были обречены в нищих кварталах британских городов. Доминионы предоставляли большие возможности для повышения социального статуса детей бедняков. Со второй половины XIX века в юных мигрантах начинают видеть большой имперский потенциал. Они рассматривались строителями империи «Великая Британия». Несовершеннолетние работники помогали фермерам осваивать земли. Миграция увеличивала «белое» население колоний и доминионов. Дети укрепляли политические связи между отдельными странами, распространяли политические и культурные ценности европейцев. На них возлагались задачи создания глобальной британской нации, физического и нравственного оздоровления британцев. Потомки британских «домашних детей» составляют значительный процент населения современной Канады и Австралии. The article is devoted to the migration of minors from England to Canada, Australia, South Africa. The reasons are analyzed, the main stages of child migration are indicated, the goals and objectives pursued by the organizers of resettlement programs, the missions assigned to young Britons outside the metropolis are considered. The author comes to the conclusion that the departure reasons were the needs of children and the needs of Great Britain, both the metropolis and its overseas possessions. Since the XVIIth century, minors were sent to colonies as workers. Deportation from England was also an alternative to imprisonment. In the XIX-th century, the organized deportation of criminals into the colonies stopped. Migration allowed saving the social expenses of the British government. Philanthropists developed plans for the mass relocation of children overseas in order to save them from hunger and crimes to which they were doomed in the impoverished quarters of British cities. The dominions provided great opportunities to improve the social status of the children of the poor. Since the second half of the XIXth century, young migrants began to see great imperial potential. They were considered as the builders of the empire "Great Britain". Underage workers helped farmers develop land. Migration increased the "white" population of colonies and dominions. Children strengthened political ties between countries, spread European political and cultural values. They were entrusted with the task of creating a global British nation, physical and moral recovery of the British. Descendants of British "home children" make up a significant percentage of the population of modern Canada and Australia.