Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Politics of Fiji"

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Статті в журналах з теми "Politics of Fiji"

1

Tanner, Adrian, and Deryck Scarr. "Fiji Politics of Illusion: The Military Coups in Fiji." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 2 (1991): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760009.

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2

van Fossen, Anthony B. "Politics and economics in Fiji." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 22, no. 3 (September 1990): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1990.10413114.

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3

Uppal, Charu. "Fiji playing hide-and-seek with democracy." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v14i1.936.

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From Election to Coup in Fiji, is a collection of more than 30 essays dealing with various aspects of political and social life of Fiji, gives a glimpse into issues and concerns faced by Fiji. A multiracial, multi ethnic nation that has been playing hide-and-seek with democracy and identity politics since its independence from the British.
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4

Howard, Michael. "Politics, Geopolitics and Development Assistance in Fiji." Practicing Anthropology 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1990): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.12.1.vr247qr0j4713873.

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The relationship between development assistance and politics remains controversial after decades of debate. While some scholars argue that all assistance is inherently political, others contend that it is possible to maintain a high degree of political neutrality or that assistance can transcend its political dimension on the basis. of more fundamental humanitarian principles. Yet others have contended that through so-called non-governmental organizations or through multilateral agencies such as those associated with the United Nations, it is possible to escape from the politics that adheres to development assistance when bilateral relations between states are involved.
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5

Firth, Stewart. "The Fiji Election of 2014: Rights, Representation and Legitimacy in Fiji Politics." Round Table 104, no. 2 (March 4, 2015): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2015.1017254.

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6

Milne, R. S., and Brij V. Lal. "Politics in Fiji: Studies in Contemporary History." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 1 (1987): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758874.

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7

Crocombe, Ron, and Robert Norton. "Race and Politics in Fiji: 2nd Edition." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 3 (1991): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759510.

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8

Kumar, Sunil, and Biman Prasad. "Politics of race and poverty in Fiji." International Journal of Social Economics 31, no. 5/6 (May 2004): 469–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290410529335.

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9

Hagan, Stephanie. "Race, politics, and the coup in Fiji." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 19, no. 4 (December 1987): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1987.10409790.

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10

Precillia, Hanna Ladrika. "INDONESIA-FIJI BILATERAL RELATIONSHIP DEVELOPMENT THROUGH SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION IN 1999-2016." Sociae Polites 19, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v19i1.1645.

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The use of soft power in diplomacy is essential because it minimizes the use of violence and coercion to solving a problem. This strength became the primary tool in the diplomacy of Indonesia-Fiji bilateral relations. The implementation of Indonesia's soft power is Indonesia's engagement in South-South Cooperation through technical cooperation for Fiji. This training is considered essential for Indonesia’s national interest, such as to support the territorial integrity and Indonesia's position in the South Pacific. The problem in this research is how the development of bilateral relations between Indonesia-Fiji through South-South Cooperation in 1999-2016? What is the impact of South-South Cooperation that Indonesia has made with Fiji? The research method used is qualitative with collecting data and uses the concept of Soft Power, Bilateral Relations, and International Cooperation Theory. Indonesia's bilateral relations with Fiji over the period of 1999-2016 have increased. The increase can be seen from the position of the total ranking of Fiji trade with Indonesia, which always occupies the top three in the South Pacific region. The Indonesian Government's strategy to improve bilateral relations with Fiji is to use a soft power approach in the form of technical cooperation within the South-South Cooperation Framework. This strategy has a positive impact on the political and economic fields of Indonesia. In politics, Indonesia has gained political support from Fiji about Indonesia’s territorial integrity from the separatist movement. In the area of economy, Indonesia has succeeded in opening up a new market in the agriculture sector that is selling hand tractors to Fiji and Vanuatu.
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Дисертації з теми "Politics of Fiji"

1

Horscroft, Virginia. "Negotiating on the margin : the political economy of trade policy in the Fiji Islands 1999-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670001.

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Ratuva, Steven. "Ethnic politics, communalism and affirmative action in Fiji : a critical and comparative study." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323054.

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3

Mason, Anthony, and n/a. "Australian coverage of the Fiji coups of 1987 and 2000: sources, practice and representation." University of Canberra. Communication, 2009. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20090826.144012.

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For many Australians, Fiji is a place of holidays, coups and rugby. The extent to which we think about this near-neighbour of ours is governed, for most, by what we learn about Fiji through the media. In normal circumstances, there is not a lot to learn as Fiji rarely appears in our media. At times of crisis, such as during the 1987 and 2000 coups in Fiji, there is saturation coverage. At these times, the potential for generating understanding is great. The reporting of a crisis can encapsulate all the social, political and economic issues which are a cause or outcome of an event like a coup, elucidating for media consumers the culture, the history and the social forces involved. In particular, the kinds of sources used and the kinds of organisations these sources represent, the kinds of themes presented in the reporting, and the way the journalists go about their work, can have a significant bearing on how an event like a coup is represented. The reporting of the Fiji coups presented the opportunity to examine these factors. As such, the aim of this thesis is to understand the role of the media in building relationships between developed and developing post-colonial nations like Australia and Fiji. A content analysis of 419 articles published in three leading broadsheet newspapers, The Sydney Morning Herald, The Australian and The Canberra Times, examined the basic characteristics of the articles, with a particular focus on the sources used in these articles. This analysis revealed that the reports were dominated by elite sources, particularly representatives of governments, with a high proportion of Australian sources who provided information from Australia. While alternative sources did appear, they were limited in number. Women, Indian Fijians and representatives of non-government organisations were rarely used as sources. There were some variations between the articles from 1987 and those from 2000, primarily an increase in Indian Fijian sources, but overall the profile of the sources were similar. A thematic analysis of the same articles identified and examined the three most prevalent themes in the coverage. These indicated important aspects of the way the coups were represented: the way Fiji was represented, the way Australia's responses were represented, and the way the coup leaders were represented. This analysis found that the way in which the coups were represented reflected the nature of the relationship between Australia and Fiji. In 1987, the unexpected nature of the coup meant there was a struggle to re-define how Fiji should be understood. In 2000, Australia's increased focus on Fiji and the Pacific region was demonstrated by reports which represented the situation as more complex and uncertain, demanding more varied responses. A series of interviews with journalists who travelled to Fiji to cover the coups revealed that the working conditions for Australian media varied greatly between 1987 and 2000. The situational factors, particularly those which limited their work, had an impact on the journalists' ability to access specific kinds of sources and, ultimately, the kinds of themes which appeared in the stories. The variation between 1987 and 2000 demonstrated that under different conditions, journalists were able to access a more diverse range of sources and present more sophisticated perspectives of the coup. In a cross-cultural situation such as this, the impact of reporting dominated by elite sources is felt not just in the country being covered, but also in the country where the reporting appears. It presents a limited representation, which marginalises and downplays the often complex social, cultural and historical factors which contribute to an event like a coup. Debate and alternative ways of understanding are limited and the chance to engage more deeply with a place like Fiji is, by and large, lost.
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4

Storer, Damien. "An examination of the Australian government's response to the political events in Fiji 1987-88 /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars884.pdf.

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Lönn, Gabriel. "Consociationalism in the post-colonial world : A comparative study of Fiji and Mauritius." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431734.

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6

Hitner, Verena. "Uma análise do malogro do modelo de desenvolvimento latino-americano dos anos 1990: os limites internos da Venezuela." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-18122012-103652/.

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O objetivo desse trabalho é compreender o processo político e econômico de abertura pró-mercado do final do século passado que levou, na América do Sul, à ascensão dos atuais governos de mudança. Optou-se por fazer uma análise que levasse em conta o processo geral da região, mas sem perder de vista a especificidade de cada país. Desse modo, buscou-se compreender os limites internos desse processo na Venezuela. Isso porque, além de o país ter sido o primeiro a eleger um candidato crítico ao neoliberalismo, no caso venezuelano, essa maior abertura econômica da década de 1990 levou à falência do modelo político vigente. A hipótese desse trabalho é, portanto, a de que eleição de um candidato com discurso radical de ruptura com o status quo se faz possível em uma sociedade como a venezuelana, que, historicamente, tem uma consciência rentísta. O rentísmo venezuelano permitiu, ao longo da história, a eleição de candidatos autônomos e com projetos políticos próprios. Essa característica histórica venezuelana, associada à perda de legitimidade política e econômica do modelo de Punto Fijo permitiu a ascensão de Chávez. A discussão dessa hipótese é feita em três capítulos que procuram entender historicamente o processo regional de ascensão e crise do modelo neoliberal para, em seguida, analisar os limites internos da Venezuela.
The work aims at understanding the reasons that led to the emergence and the demise of the economic development model implemented in Venezuela in the 1990s and how such model contributed to the collapse of the political system established by the Punto Fijo Pact in 1958. It discusses the hypothesis that the rise of the Chávez Government was possible due to a regional context marked by the exhaustion of the neoliberal economic model in Latin America and the failure of the political system of Punto Fijo. The work opted to follow an analysis that took into account the overall process in the region without overlooking the specificities of the country. Consequently, it seeks to understand the internal limits of that process in Venezuela, a country characterized by an abundance of resources. That framework of analysis was adopted because Venezuela was the first country where a President with a critical approach towards neoliberalism was elected. Likewise, it was the country where a further opening of the economy led to the fall of the (then) current political system. The Venezuelan feature of a rentier society transformed the relations between the social agents and the state in such a way that a rentistic culture was firmly established. That Venezuelan historical trait, coupled with the loss of political and economic legitimacy of the Punto Fijo model, paved the way to the rise of Chávez. The discussion of the above-mentioned hypothesis is presented throughout three chapters that seek to provide a historical explanation of the rise and the crisis of the neoliberal in order to, subsequently, analyse the internal limits of Venezuela.
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7

Szuba, Mathilde. "Gouverner dans un monde fini : des limites globales au rationnement individuel, sociologie environnementale du projet britannique de politique de Carte carbone (1996-2010)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010540/document.

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Au cours des années 2000, les gouvernements britanniques néo-travaillistes de Tony Blair et Gordon Brown ont porté un projet de politique publique appelé «Carte carbone», consistant à instaurer des quotas individuels d’émissions pour les particuliers. Ce projet avait initialement été formulé en 1996 par des chercheurs écologistes qui, en s’inspirant des politiques de rationnement passées, ont contribué à faire émerger un nouveau référentiel d’action publique structuré par l’idée de la finitude du monde. La mise à l’agenda de ce projet par les néo-travaillistes a cependant été suivie d’un travail de réinterprétation des limites environnementales, tendant à mettre à distance l’idée de finitude pour mieux concilier la carte carbone avec le référentiel environnementaliste de la modernisation écologique. Ce travail d’interprétation s’est doublé d’un processus d’aménagement des limites environnementales, encore éloignées par la rencontre du macrosystème énergétique avec les instruments du nouveau management public. Au terme de ce processus, le report sine die de la carte carbone témoigne d’une nouvelle relégation des limites environnementales aux marges de l’action publique. L’étude sociologique de la trajectoire institutionnelle de ce projet d’action publique vise à nourrir une réflexion plus théorique sur les difficultés d’émergence d’un référentiel de la finitude au temps de la crise écologique globale. À la lumière des travaux de la sociologie environnementale, il s’agira de montrer comment les réflexions politiques sur le rationnement participent à la recherche d’autres modalités de gouvernement dans un monde fini
During the 2000s, the British New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown have contemplated implementing a public policy called “Carbon card”, which consisted of allocating tradable emission rights to individuals. This project had originally been formulated in 1996 by green researchers who, drawing on past rationing policies, have contributed with this Carbon card to the emergence of a new public policy “référentiel” structured by the idea of ecological finiteness. Once agenda status was attained, however, this project was subjected to a reinterpretation of its environmental limits frame, that tended to relegate the idea of finitude, in an attempt to better conciliate the Carbon card with the ecological modernisation référentiel. This interpretation was coupled with a technical softening of environmental limits, still more relativized by the junction operated between the energy macrosystem and New Public Management-inspired policy instruments. At the outcome of this process, the indefinite postponement of the Carbon card reveals a renewed relegation of environmental limits to the margins of public action. The sociological study of the Carbon card’s institutional trajectory aims at feeding into a theoretical analysis of the obstacles to the emergence of a finitude référentiel, in a time of global ecological crisis. Drawing from environmental sociology, this work aims at showing that public policy research on rationing might contribute to investigating different ways of governing for a finite world
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8

Miller, Sara Ann. "Ethnic Conflict, Electoral Systems, and Power Sharing in Divided Societies." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2006. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/7.

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This paper investigates the relationship between ethnic conflict, electoral systems, and power sharing in ethnically divided societies. The cases of Guyana, Fiji, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, Mauritius, and Trinidad and Tobago are considered. Electoral systems are denoted based on presidential versus parliamentary system, and on proportional representation versus majoritarian/plurality. The paper concludes that, while electoral systems are important, other factors like the power distribution between ethnic groups, and ensuring a non-zero-sum game may be as important.
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9

Robert-Meunier, Patrick. "Nature de la réforme constitutionnelle de 1999 au Venezuela." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23483.

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Depuis la prise du pouvoir au Venezuela par le Mouvement Cinquième République (MVR) et son leader Hugo Chávez en 1998, ainsi que par l'implantation d'une nouvelle constitution en 1999, la face du pays a changé au plan politique. Alors que plusieurs chercheurs s’attardent à analyser les conditions ayant impulsé ces changements politiques, très peu tentent réellement d’en clarifier la nature intrinsèque. Ce que nous suggérons, c’est que la fin du monopole d’alternance au pouvoir entre les deux grands partis traditionnels (AD et COPEI) en 1998, puis l’implantation de la Constitution bolivarienne en 1999, ont fait entrer le Venezuela dans une nouvelle étape de la modernité. Cette nouvelle étape prendrait assise sur une extension des droits politiques, eux-mêmes devenus le socle de la démocratie. La conséquence de cela serait une refondation du politique inspirée des idéaux républicains promus lors de la fondation du pays en 1811 : la souveraineté et l’autodétermination.
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10

George, Nicole. "Situating agency : gender politics and circumstance in Fiji." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150791.

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Книги з теми "Politics of Fiji"

1

Scarr, Deryck. Fiji: Politics of illusion, the military coups in Fiji. [Kensington, NSW, Australia: NSWU Press, 1988.

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2

Norton, Robert Edward. Race and politics in Fiji. 2nd ed. St Lucia, Qld., Australia: University of Queensland Press, 1990.

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3

Singh, Shubha. Fiji: A precarious coalition. New Delhi: Har-Anand, 2001.

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4

T, Robertson R. Fiji: Shattered coups. Leichhardt, NSW: Pluto Press in association with the Australian Council for Overseas Aid and the Fiji Independent News Service, 1988.

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5

Bhagavāna, Siṃha. Fiji: The changing face. New Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 1995.

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6

The failure of democratic politics in Fiji. Oxford [England]: Clarendon Press, 1991.

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7

George, Nicole. Situating Women: Gender Politics and Circumstance in Fiji. Canberra: ANU Press, 2012.

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8

Lal, Brij V. Islands of Turmoil: Elections and Politics in Fiji. Canberra: ANU Press, 2006.

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9

Howard, Michael C. Fiji: Race and politics in an island state. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1991.

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10

Workshop, for Fiji Municipal Women Councilors (2000 Lami Viti Levu Fiji). Workshop report for Fiji municipal women councilors: 28-29 April, 2000, Lami, Fiji. [Suva]: Fiji Women's Caucus, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "Politics of Fiji"

1

Wilson, Stacey-Ann. "Fiji." In Politics of Identity in Small Plural Societies, 99–124. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137012128_6.

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Presterudstuen, Geir Henning. "Ghosts and the Everyday Politics of Race in Fiji." In Monster Anthropology in Australasia and Beyond, 127–42. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137448651_8.

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3

Weber, Eberhard, Andreas Kopf, and Milla Vaha. "COVID-19 in Fiji—From Health and Economic to Major Political Crisis." In Coronavirus (COVID-19) Outbreaks, Vaccination, Politics and Society, 45–66. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-09432-3_4.

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4

Kelly, John D. "‘They Cannot Represent Themselves’: Threats to Difference and So-Called Community Politics in Fiji from 1936 to 1947." In Community, Empire and Migration, 46–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-05743-3_2.

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Kelly, John D. "‘They Cannot Represent Themselves’: Threats to Difference and So-Called Community Politics in Fiji from 1936 to 1947." In Community, Empire and Migration, 46–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977293_2.

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Murray, David J. "The Governor-General’s Part in a Constitutional Crisis: Fiji 1977." In Constitutional Heads and Political Crises, 107–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10197-9_7.

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7

Bhim, Mosmi. "Does Electoral Authoritarianism Persist? A Comparison of Recent Elections in Fiji, Seychelles, and Maldives." In Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States, 243–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90749-9_10.

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8

Carbone, Maurizio, and Karen Del Biondo. "Responding to Political Crises in the South Pacific: The Solomon Islands and Fiji." In The Substance of EU Democracy Promotion, 208–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137466327_15.

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9

Kelly, John. "Dilemmas of Belonging in Fiji, Part II: Shanti, Swaraj, and the Problem of Political Armies." In India Beyond India: Dilemmas of Belonging, 99–130. Göttingen: Göttingen University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17875/gup2020-1266.

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10

Howard, Michael C. "Fiji." In Mining, Politics, and Development in the South Pacific, 15–42. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429046032-2.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Politics of Fiji"

1

Catini, Raffaella. "La territorializzazione spontanea del centro storico: il caso di Viterbo." In International Conference Virtual City and Territory. Roma: Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8033.

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Анотація:
Lo studio qui proposto ha preso l’avvio da due eventi fondamentali per lo sviluppo urbanistico della città di Viterbo, nessuno dei quali possiamo dire costituisca la conseguenza di una politica urbana di indirizzo. Il primo ha decretato, a partire dagli anni Ottanta del secolo scorso, lo spopolamento e il progressivo degrado del centro storico a seguito del vero e proprio esodo verso i nuovi insediamenti di edilizia economica e popolare e soprattutto verso le innumerevoli ville, costruite facendole passare per fabbricati rurali, nelle zone agricole a ridosso della città; il secondo, tuttora in atto, registra una tendenza opposta in virtù dei mutamenti profondi occorsi nel tessuto sociale e della mutata situazione economica. Le scarse disponibilità economiche hanno reso infatti nuovamente appetibili, da parte di nuovi fruitori con scarse possibilità economiche, i numerosi immobili del centro rimasti liberi e in cattive condizioni di manutenzione, dapprima senza operare alcuna alterazione nel tessuto edilizio esistente; quindi è iniziata un’operazione sistematica di portata ben diversa, mirata alla trasformazione in unità abitative minime dei locali situati al livello stradale adibiti un tempo a magazzini e cantine. Esigenze differenti di persone differenti hanno indotto una nuova territorializzazione della città storica. Resta da capire in che misura questo processo sia stato previsto o valutato, e se la costituzione di un tessuto sociale così omogeneo nella struttura possa considerarsi positivamente ai fini del riequilibrio socio-economico complessivo, di cui il problema edilizioabitativo rappresenta solo uno degli aspetti The aim of this paper is to reflect on two major trends concerning the urban development of the city of Viterbo, neither of which appears to stem from a precise urban policy. The first one was the depopulation and progressive decline of the ancient city centre caused by the relocation of the inhabitants towards the new council housing settlements and especially towards the countless new villas, originally intended as farm houses on agricultural land adjacent to the city. The second one, still ongoing, is an opposite trend, the result of profound changes in the social fabric of the society and of the present economic stagnation. Many unoccupied and neglected houses and flats in the city centre are appealing to people with limited financial means, in spite of the lack of upgrading. In addition, basements and cellars are being converted into actual housing units. The needs of the abovementioned people have triggered a new territorialisation of the historic centre. It is yet to be determined to what extent this phenomenon has been contemplated and understood, and whether the rise of such a uniform social fabric should be construed as positive for the general socioeconomic balance, of which the housing issue is only one of the factors.
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