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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Politics and government"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021

Оновлено: 31 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Politics and government"

1

Nooruddin, Irfan, and Pradeep Chhibber. "Unstable Politics." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 8 (February 13, 2008): 1069–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007309202.

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What explains variations in electoral volatility? The authors argue that fiscal space—availability of financial resources to enact policy initiatives and provide public programs—possessed by governments can explain the level of electoral volatility. Where governments have fiscal space, citizens reward incumbent parties with their continued support. But when fiscal space is constrained, the incumbent government's ability to provide state resources is drastically reduced. Citizens are therefore less likely to reward the party at the polls and are available to opposition politicians and alternative appeals. Vote-switching ensues, and the incumbent government is voted out of the office. The authors test this argument and others in the existing literature on electoral returns from state assembly elections across 15 major Indian states from 1967 to 2004. The results support the argument that fiscal space influences electoral volatility.

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2

Zhang, Ziren. "The Research on the Interaction Between Politics and Economy——Based on the Background of Porcelain Trade in the Qing Dynasty." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 24 (December 31, 2023): 664–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/d6tg2k86.

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Economics and politics are often the two most important factors for a government that can maintain authority. Governments deal with domestic and international affairs primarily for economic or political purposes, but what choices do governments make when faced with a contradiction between these two factors? To understand the basis and reasons for the government's choice, this article uses the porcelain trade in China during the Qing Dynasty as an example. Government options are explored by comparing differences in pre- and post-porcelain trade. It can be observed that politics is often the preferred choice. Governments usually adopt active economic policies while guaranteeing political security and stability. Similarly, governments sacrifice economic interests for political security and stability. The same phenomenon exists in the international community, where the root cause of contradictions and conflicts between States lies in politics rather than economics. A proper understanding of this phenomenon can help people better understand the purpose of certain policies and may make the government pay more attention to the positive role of the economy.

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3

Schultz, Kenneth A. "The Politics of the Political Business Cycle." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007079.

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Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors – the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroeconomic performance. The degree to which the government manipulates the economy should thus be negatively correlated with its political security going into the election.This prediction is tested by examining transfer payments in Great Britain, 1961–92. While a traditional model that is insensitive to the government's political needs finds no evidence of politically-motivated manipulations, a model which takes these factors into account reveals a robust, and at times sizeable, electoral-economic cycle.

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4

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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5

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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6

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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10

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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Дисертації з теми "Politics and government"

1

Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.

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2

Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.

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3

Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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4

Cho, Hye Jee. "Partisan politics and credibility in government bond markets what political institutions help leftist governments build policy credibility? /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692119671&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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5

Martin, Charles 1975. "The politics of Northern Ontario : an analysis of the political divergences at the provincial periphery." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29838.

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From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.

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6

Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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7

Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

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8

RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.

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9

Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.

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10

McCray-McCall, Denise. "Embodying Politics and Administration: The World of Political Appointee in Municipal Government." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1199384965.

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Книги з теми "Politics and government"

1

Jones, Veda Boyd. Government & politics. Philadelphia, Pa: Chelsea House Publishers, 1999.

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2

Thomas, James D. Alabama government & politics. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988.

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3

Havens, John C. Government and politics. Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers, 1997.

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4

Cocker, P. G. Government and politics. Wirral: Checkmate Publications, 1986.

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5

Kirby, Mike. Government and politics. Cambridge: Pearson, 1992.

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6

McBeath, Gerald A. Alaska politics & government. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994.

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7

Kirby, Mike. Government and politics. Cambridge: Pearson, 1992.

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8

Chikendu, Patrick. Nigerian politics & government. Enugu: Academic Pub. Co., 2003.

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9

Thomas, Taylor G., and LiBrizzi Marcus A. 1964-, eds. Maine politics & government. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1992.

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10

1959-, Tsang Steve Yui-Sang, ed. Government and politics. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1995.

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Частини книг з теми "Politics and government"

1

Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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2

Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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3

Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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4

Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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5

Agarwal, Smita. "Local Self-Government." In Indian Politics and Political Processes, 387–406. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003434443-22.

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6

Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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8

Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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9

Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

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10

Coxall, Bill. "Quasi-government." In Contemporary British Politics, 160–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_8.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Politics and government"

1

Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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2

Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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3

Sugiyatno. "Political Law Crime Money Politics in General Elections and Regional Head Elections." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.315.

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4

Purwaningrum, Diah Asih, Amalinda Savirani, Indah Widiastuti, Septaliana Dewi Praningtyas, and Alvin Try Dandy. "Reimagining West Sumatra’s Architectural Identity: Is the Pointy Silhouette Enough?" In The 39th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. PLACE NAME: SAHANZ, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a5036p8mzq.

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Since the New Order era, the Indonesian government, at both the national and the local levels, has advocated traditional architecture as a display of the country’s cultural richness and diversity. In West Sumatra, the traditional house known as the rumah gadang has become an essential signifier of identity representation, especially since it possesses a bagonjong, a unique saddle roof with pointy horn-like ends that distinguishes it from other traditional architecture in the country. In local identity politics, the bagonjong is an essential feature of identity representation. It leads to extensive reproduction as replicas or silhouettes, both in the vernacular and modern design languages. With the current government’s mission to preserve the identity imagining of the area and with the plan to incorporate this imagining into the tourism industry, traditional architecture regains its significance in the community, to be preserved, even rebuilt, despite the many questions surrounding its motivations. This paper scrutinises the position of traditional architecture in the current identity politics of the local government of West Sumatra. It traces the socio-political background that led to the ‘bagonjongisation’ of the government buildings in the area and how the imagining is manifested in a contemporary context. This paper also investigates the opposing voices to understand the contestation of identity representation in West Sumatra. It intends to contribute to the discussion of the identity politics dynamics at the local government level in Indonesia and emphasises that identity construction is not an innocent process of cultural preservation, as it is openly narrated.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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6

Negrea, Adrian, Ciprian Beniamin Benea, and Csaba Bekesi. "THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC AND ITS IMPACT ON BIHOR COUNTY EXPORT ORIENTED COMPANIES." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.85.

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In order to protect the health of their citizens, many governments decided to take a huge risk in implementing lockdowns all over the world, knowing how much it could affect the economy. The thought that choosing the most direct measure to cope with the pandemic in order to save their populations was one of the hardest and the governments cannot be blamed for it. The paper moves forward to correlate the links between mass shut downs affecting the economy with the effects registered by the export-oriented companies in Bihor County, Romania, and the measures that the Romanian Government took. Based on the data provided by AJOFM, the Bihor county employment agency, for the following months – March, April, May, several factors like the number of companies in export-oriented industries, the number of employees, the amount of money that the Government paid, will be analyzed.

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7

Obasi, Nwele, J. "Law, Politics and Leadership in Contemporary Africa – An Examination of Facts." In 28th iSTEAMS Multidisciplinary Research Conference AIUWA The Gambia. Society for Multidisciplinary and Advanced Research Techniques - Creative Research Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22624/aims/isteams-2021/v28n3p6.

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Every society need to deal with legal matters, solve political and leadership problems, and, because of the nature of legal, political and leadership tasks as daunting issues, a scholarly solicitor and/or advocacy approach may be very necessary to prevent disputes and prosecution problems of leadership issue in Africa. Corruption and Fraud has been an endemic issue in the global political affairs for ages, and recently cybercrime has joined the litany of the cankerworm that impede success of democracy and development and social tranquility of nations, especially arising from electoral issue fraud. To control and manage human resource capital, in relation to stock of or supply of mineral resources, material and financial, money, and other assets that can be drawn on by a person, organization or state, to establish an effective and viable economy, individuals, organizations and governments need to maintain true leadership principles and political order that follow rules of law. It is a fact that Africa as a part of the world, especially in the new global politics tries to align to the protection of its environment against corruption and fraud. This study examines the level, and the indices of corruption and fraud in relation to true leadership principles and political order that follow rules of law in Africa. Primary and secondary data were used in this research, which aims at discovering appropriate measures to squarely or effectively address crimes related to misuse of political and leadership powers and corruption, economic fraud and cybercrime in Africa. Binary logistic regression and chi-square were applied. The findings reveal that economic development, politics, democracy and rule of law has a nexus to addressing the complex nature of entrenching true democracy; fighting corruption, fraud, and cybercrime in individual, organization, and government. The findings further indicate that coordinated and coherent academic/intellectual crossroad crusade is what is needed/required to restore Africa to glory land. Keywords: Law, Politics, Leadership, Contemporary Africa, Corruption, Fraud, Cybercrime, Economic Development Proceedings Reference Format

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8

"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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9

Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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10

"Research on the Legal System of Government and Social Capital Cooperation (PPP) Model." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.49.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Politics and government"

1

Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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2

Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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3

Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.

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4

Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.

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5

Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.

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6

Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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7

de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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8

Gershberg, Alec, and Deborah Spindelman. Politics, Accountability, and Learning: Insights from the RISE Programme’s Political Economy Case Studies. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2023/pe14.

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The RISE (Research on Improving Systems of Education) Programme political economy team focused on “adoption” (PET-A) examines the political conditions required to put learning at the center of an education system. This work stream has produced 12 historical case studies and three synthesis papers which draw on this rich material. This paper is part of the latter effort and offers a comparative analysis across five of the countries with RISE Country Research Teams (Ethiopia, Indonesia, Pakistan, Tanzania, and Vietnam), as well as additional case studies focusing on Chile and Peru. Building on the RISE systems framework (Pritchett, 2015), our political economy analysis incorporates issues of competing interests, power, and political strategy. We focus on the promoters and blockers of learning-oriented education reform and their respective powers and strategies to parse out the political contestations that are endemic to the reform processes that impact system coherence around learning. In this paper, we present a binding constraints framework to explore what a politics for learning might look like and examine areas of intervention that present critical bottlenecks impeding a country’s ability to deliver learning outcomes which, if addressed, pose the potential for large impact relative to other constraints. We draw upon the PET-A country case studies to include analysis of different factions and reform champions within government, including but not limited to the executive office (president/prime minister), Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Education, competing ministries, decentralized government levels, and local leaders. In doing, we elucidate how politics permeate nearly all accountability relationships in education systems and the likelihood that any given program will positively impact learning.

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9

Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.

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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.

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