Готові списки джерел за темами / Politics and government

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Politics and government"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021
Оновлено: 11 березня 2023

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Зміст

  1. Статті в журналах
  2. Дисертації
  3. Книги
  4. Частини книг
  5. Тези доповідей конференцій
  6. Звіти організацій

Статті в журналах з теми "Politics and government":

1

Blomquist, David. "American Government." News for Teachers of Political Science 54 (1987): 4–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s019790190000043x.

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Most instructors burdened with the sometimes thankless task of teaching an introductory survey course in American government wince at the suggestion that their class is somehow a primer in current affairs. No wonder, for most of us who teach that introductory course expend a great deal of effort to ensure that our readings, our lectures, and our class discussion carefully delineate the difference between political science and political speculation.Yet I fear many of us are so cautious that we wind up throwing the baby out with the bath water. The vast majority of students in our survey courses will not go on to graduate school in political science; indeed, at many institutions, the majority of enrollees in the introductory class may not even be political science majors. Most will become bankers, lawyers, scientists, engineers — in short, “ordinary” citizens rather than full-time, professional observers of politics. In strikes me that the greatest legacy the survey course can provide these students is an inclination to think twice about politics —an appreciation that politics and political choices are rarely as simple or straightforward as they seem in headlines.
2

Nooruddin, Irfan, and Pradeep Chhibber. "Unstable Politics." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 8 (February 13, 2008): 1069–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007309202.

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What explains variations in electoral volatility? The authors argue that fiscal space—availability of financial resources to enact policy initiatives and provide public programs—possessed by governments can explain the level of electoral volatility. Where governments have fiscal space, citizens reward incumbent parties with their continued support. But when fiscal space is constrained, the incumbent government's ability to provide state resources is drastically reduced. Citizens are therefore less likely to reward the party at the polls and are available to opposition politicians and alternative appeals. Vote-switching ensues, and the incumbent government is voted out of the office. The authors test this argument and others in the existing literature on electoral returns from state assembly elections across 15 major Indian states from 1967 to 2004. The results support the argument that fiscal space influences electoral volatility.
3

Laver, Michael, and Kenneth A. Shepsle. "Government Coalitions and Intraparty Politics." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (October 1990): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005950.

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A new model of government formation is elaborated and developed to allow consideration of politics within political parties. The impact of coalition bargaining on intraparty politics is considered, as well as the impact of intraparty politics on coalition bargaining. Different intraparty decision-making regimes are shown to affect coalition outcomes. Finally, the potential impact of anticipated coalition bargaining on the choice of decision-making regime within a party is explored.
4

Schultz, Kenneth A. "The Politics of the Political Business Cycle." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007079.

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Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors – the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroeconomic performance. The degree to which the government manipulates the economy should thus be negatively correlated with its political security going into the election.This prediction is tested by examining transfer payments in Great Britain, 1961–92. While a traditional model that is insensitive to the government's political needs finds no evidence of politically-motivated manipulations, a model which takes these factors into account reveals a robust, and at times sizeable, electoral-economic cycle.
5

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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6

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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7

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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8

Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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9

Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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10

Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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Статті в журналах Дисертації Книги

Дисертації з теми "Politics and government":

1

Camacho, David E. "Chicano Urban Politics: The Role of the Political Entrepreneur." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/218632.

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2

Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
3

Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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4

Cho, Hye Jee. "Partisan politics and credibility in government bond markets what political institutions help leftist governments build policy credibility? /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692119671&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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5

Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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6

Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

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7

RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.
8

Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
9

Martin, Charles 1975. "The politics of Northern Ontario : an analysis of the political divergences at the provincial periphery." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29838.

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From the outset, Northern Ontario has existed as an exploited natural resource region, vulnerable to the vicissitudes of a "boom and bust" verity. This has had profound effects on its ensuing political patterns and political processes. This thesis describes how and why the politics of Northern Ontario are different. This thesis demonstrates that the politics of Northern Ontario, unlike Southern Ontario, are distinguished by disaffection, dependency, domination, pragmatism, and parochialism. This thesis also argues that the North's divergent development and natural resource based economy, as well as pernicious provincial government policies and extensive interventions, provoked the differences apparent in its politics. These differences are evinced in the North's disparate political culture, political priorities, and political structure. Furthermore, this thesis confirms that Northern Ontario politics feature a low level of political efficacy which is primarily the result of its "centre-periphery" connection with Southern Ontario.
10

McCray-McCall, Denise. "Embodying Politics and Administration: The World of Political Appointee in Municipal Government." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1199384965.

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Книги з теми "Politics and government":

1

Jones, Veda Boyd. Government & politics. Philadelphia, Pa: Chelsea House Publishers, 1999.

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2

Wood, Richard. Politics and government. New York: Thomson Learning, 1995.

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3

Thomas, James D. Alabama government & politics. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1988.

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4

Havens, John C. Government and politics. Philadelphia: Chelsea House Publishers, 1997.

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5

Kirby, Mike. Government and politics. Cambridge: Pearson, 1992.

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6

1944-, Shumsky Neil L., ed. Politics and government. New York: Garland Pub., 1996.

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7

Bennett, Anthony J. US & government & politics. 3rd ed. London: Philip Allan Updates, 2009.

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8

Fairclough, Paul. UK government & politics. Deddington, Oxfordshire: Philip Allan Updates, 2011.

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9

McBeath, Gerald A. Alaska politics & government. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994.

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10

Jawan, Jayum A. Malaysian politics & government. Shah Alam: Karisma Publications, 2003.

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Частини книг з теми "Politics and government":

1

Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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2

Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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3

Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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4

Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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5

Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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6

Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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7

Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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8

Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

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9

Coxall, Bill. "Quasi-government." In Contemporary British Politics, 160–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_8.

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10

Coxall, Bill. "Local Government." In Contemporary British Politics, 179–202. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_9.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Politics and government":

1

Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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2

Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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3

Sugiyatno. "Political Law Crime Money Politics in General Elections and Regional Head Elections." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.315.

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4

Obasi, Nwele, J. "Law, Politics and Leadership in Contemporary Africa – An Examination of Facts." In 28th iSTEAMS Multidisciplinary Research Conference AIUWA The Gambia. Society for Multidisciplinary and Advanced Research Techniques - Creative Research Publishers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22624/aims/isteams-2021/v28n3p6.

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Every society need to deal with legal matters, solve political and leadership problems, and, because of the nature of legal, political and leadership tasks as daunting issues, a scholarly solicitor and/or advocacy approach may be very necessary to prevent disputes and prosecution problems of leadership issue in Africa. Corruption and Fraud has been an endemic issue in the global political affairs for ages, and recently cybercrime has joined the litany of the cankerworm that impede success of democracy and development and social tranquility of nations, especially arising from electoral issue fraud. To control and manage human resource capital, in relation to stock of or supply of mineral resources, material and financial, money, and other assets that can be drawn on by a person, organization or state, to establish an effective and viable economy, individuals, organizations and governments need to maintain true leadership principles and political order that follow rules of law. It is a fact that Africa as a part of the world, especially in the new global politics tries to align to the protection of its environment against corruption and fraud. This study examines the level, and the indices of corruption and fraud in relation to true leadership principles and political order that follow rules of law in Africa. Primary and secondary data were used in this research, which aims at discovering appropriate measures to squarely or effectively address crimes related to misuse of political and leadership powers and corruption, economic fraud and cybercrime in Africa. Binary logistic regression and chi-square were applied. The findings reveal that economic development, politics, democracy and rule of law has a nexus to addressing the complex nature of entrenching true democracy; fighting corruption, fraud, and cybercrime in individual, organization, and government. The findings further indicate that coordinated and coherent academic/intellectual crossroad crusade is what is needed/required to restore Africa to glory land. Keywords: Law, Politics, Leadership, Contemporary Africa, Corruption, Fraud, Cybercrime, Economic Development Proceedings Reference Format
5

Negrea, Adrian, Ciprian Beniamin Benea, and Csaba Bekesi. "THE CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC AND ITS IMPACT ON BIHOR COUNTY EXPORT ORIENTED COMPANIES." In Sixth International Scientific-Business Conference LIMEN Leadership, Innovation, Management and Economics: Integrated Politics of Research. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/limen.2020.85.

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In order to protect the health of their citizens, many governments decided to take a huge risk in implementing lockdowns all over the world, knowing how much it could affect the economy. The thought that choosing the most direct measure to cope with the pandemic in order to save their populations was one of the hardest and the governments cannot be blamed for it. The paper moves forward to correlate the links between mass shut downs affecting the economy with the effects registered by the export-oriented companies in Bihor County, Romania, and the measures that the Romanian Government took. Based on the data provided by AJOFM, the Bihor county employment agency, for the following months – March, April, May, several factors like the number of companies in export-oriented industries, the number of employees, the amount of money that the Government paid, will be analyzed.
6

Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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7

"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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8

Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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9

"Research on the Legal System of Government and Social Capital Cooperation (PPP) Model." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.49.

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Nojoumian, Mehrdad, and Thomas Tran. "Computational Politics and Economy for the Establishment of an Integrated Intelligent Government." In 2006 Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2006.277732.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Politics and government":

1

Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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2

Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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3

Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
4

Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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5

de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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6

Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.

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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Ohemeng, Frank, and Fariya Mohiuddin. The Enigma of the Central–Local Government Relationship and Its Impact on Property Tax Administration in Developing Countries: The Ghanaian Perspective. Institute of Development Studies, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.018.

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Property tax administration is the bedrock for effective revenue mobilisation, development, and good local governance for local governments. Yet administering property taxation continues to be a major problem, especially for many developing countries. Scholarly explanations for this poor state of affairs have focused on limited capacity, poor quality local cadastres, corruption, and local political resistance to effective property tax administration, among others. This paper moves away from these explanations to focus on a less trodden area: the relationship between central and local government and how this relationship affects property tax administration. Property tax administration involves some collaboration and overlap between different levels of government, and thus depends very much on a good and functional relationship between both levels of government, especially when local governments derive their authorities from the largesse of central governments. This relationship may have powerful implications for the ability of local governments to effectively undertake property tax administration due to the central government’s policies and politics. Using Ghana as a case study, the paper illustrates how a dysfunctional relationship between central and local governments has undermined, and continues to undermine, effective property tax administration in the country, which should serve as a lesson for other developing countries.
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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.

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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.

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