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Статті в журналах з теми "Politics and culture – United States":

1

Luff, Jennifer. "Labor Anticommunism in the United States of America and the United Kingdom, 1920–49." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658701.

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Why did domestic anticommunism convulse the United States of America during the early Cold War but barely ripple in the United Kingdom? Contemporaries and historians have puzzled over the dramatic difference in domestic politics between the USA and the UK, given the countries’ broad alignment on foreign policy toward Communism and the Soviet Union in that era. This article reflects upon the role played by trade unions in the USA and the UK in the development of each country's culture and politics of anticommunism during the interwar years. Trade unions were key sites of Communist organizing, and also of anticommunism, in both the USA and the UK, but their respective labor movements developed distinctively different political approaches to domestic and international communism. Comparing labor anticommunist politics in the interwar years helps explain sharp divergences in the politics of anticommunism in the USA and the UK during the Cold War.
2

Graeber, David. "Value, politics and democracy in the United States." Current Sociology 59, no. 2 (March 2011): 186–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392110391151.

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This article examines the role of values in the political discourse of the last decade in the US. It embarks from what many observers had described as a puzzle: the fact that significant parts of the American working class voted against their economic interests but in line with what they perceived to be their values. As a result, a president had been re-elected who cut taxes for the rich while waging an expensive war in Iraq and increasing public debt to historically unprecedented levels. It is argued that large sectors of the white American working class were disappointed with liberal politicians because they associated them with a cultural elite that occupied positions in society that allowed them to pursue careers of intrinsic value in the arts, science, or politics but which were largely closed to the working class. It is thus suggested that the ‘culture wars’ in the US are better interpreted as a struggle over access to the means to behave altruistically. The article rejects the widespread assumption that individuals are narrowly conceived economic self-interest maximizers. Rather, it suggests that human fulfilment can be related to the satisfaction derived from working for the common good.
3

Singh, N. "Rethinking Politics and Culture: Social Movements and Liberation Politics in the United States, 1960-1976." Radical History Review 1993, no. 57 (October 1, 1993): 197–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1993-57-197.

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4

Kurilla, I. I. "Memory Politics: US." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 6(116) (December 18, 2020): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)6-04.

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Conflicts about the Past are no less characteristic of the United States than of European countries, although there they are more often referred to as a variant of culture wars. They are especially pronounced during periods of internal political crises, since the role of foreign policy in American discourse is almost negligible. Thus, memory of the World War II in the United States was used to unite the nation and did not, unlike in many European countries, become a basis for conflict with its neighbors. The article demonstrates how the two harshest conflicts over the Past in the last quarter century were connected with the crises, first of the Republican Party (the case of the Enola Gay exhibition in 1995), and then the Democratic Party (the case of the removal of Confederate monuments in 2017). The attack on the symbols of the Past after they ascribed to them negative meanings allows activists to mobilize supporters and overcome the ideological vacuum characteristic of a critical period. In other cases, both regarding the foreign policy “apologies for the USA” or the protests of the Italo-Americans after the authorities’ rejection to commemorate Christopher Columbus, conflicts did not acquire national character.
5

MARTIN, CURTIS H. "The Sinking of the Ehime Maru: The Interaction of Culture, Security Interests and Domestic Politics in an Alliance Crisis." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001525.

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The loss of life that resulted from the sinking of the fisheries training vessel Ehime Maru by the nuclear submarine USS Greeneville off Hawaii in February 2001 exemplifies the risks to United States–Japan alliance relations posed by US global military deployments. Following a pattern of incidents involving the US military in Japan itself, the collision violated Japanese expectations of benevolence from its stronger partner and put considerable pressure on the government to seek public apology and reassurance. This article examines the interplay of culture, national security interests and domestic politics in framing both perceptions and diplomacy during the crisis. While differences at both the cultural and security levels complicated diplomacy, asymmetry in the respective domestic political stakes, combined with overriding and largely congruent security interests, helped the United States to provide Japan with the requisite reassurance. After a decade of alliance drift, both Japan and the United States were determined to forestall defection by their alliance partner.
6

Goldfarb, Jeffrey C., and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Journal of American History 79, no. 2 (September 1992): 751. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080201.

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Marks, Gary, and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Contemporary Sociology 22, no. 5 (September 1993): 742. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074668.

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Chodak, Szymon, and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 17, no. 4 (1992): 470. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341231.

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Granatstein, J. L., and Richard M. Merelman. "Partial Visions: Culture and Politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States." Political Psychology 15, no. 3 (September 1994): 599. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791579.

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Gamson, William A., and Richard M. Merelman. "Making Something of Ourselves: On Culture and Politics in the United States." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 1 (January 1985): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2070428.

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Дисертації з теми "Politics and culture – United States":

1

Jogerst, Meredith Brandes. "Political Culture in the United States: A Reexamination of Elazar's Subcultures." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500578/.

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This thesis discusses the use of Daniel Elazar's theory of political subcultures in the United States. The first chapter is an introduction to the concept of political culture. The second chapter discusses Elazar's theory and method. The third chapter points out the problems in Elazar's theory and his method with a discussion of recent studies. The fourth chapter outlines the present analysis and the method used. The fifth chapter sets out the conclusions and offers avenues of new direction in the study of political culture.
2

Reyes, Eric Estuar. "The politics of globalization in Filipino American culture /." View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3134344.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2004.
Available in film copy fromProQuestDissertation Publishing. Vita. Thesis advisor: Neil Lazarus. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-235). Also available online.
3

Scott-Smith, Giles. "The politics of apolitical culture : the United States, Western Europe and the post-War 'Culture of Hegemony'." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286995.

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4

Connors, Maureen E. "Vox populi the classical idiom in early American public opinion articles, 1789-1791 /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3224.

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Thesis (M.A,)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Rosemarie Zagarri. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-115). Also issued in print.
5

Cho, Hyojung. "Policy system and political dynamics of heritage conservation in the United States." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1181789281.

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Kabala, James Stanley. "A Christian nation? : church-state relations in the early American republic, 1787--1846." View abstract/electronic edition; access limited to Brown University users, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3318336.

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Hoffacker, Jayna C. "Catholicism and Community: American Political Culture and the Conservative Catholic Social Justice Tradition, 1890-1960." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/42.

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The prevailing trend in the historiography of American Catholicism has been an implicit acceptance of the traditional liberal narrative as formulated by scholars like Louis Hartz. American Catholic historians like Jay Dolan and John McGreevy have incorporated this narrative into their studies and argue that America was inherently liberal and that the conservative Catholics who rejected liberalism were thus fundamentally anti-American. This has simplified nuanced and complex relationships into a story of simple opposition. Further, the social justice doctrine of the Catholic Church, although based on undeniably illiberal foundations, led conservatives to come to the same conclusions about social and economic reform as did twentieth-century liberal reformers. These shared ideas about social reform, though stemming from conflicting foundations and looking toward vastly different goals, allowed conservative Catholics to play a role in what are seen as some of the most sweeping liberal reforms of the twentieth-century.
8

Mast, Jason L. "Politics and performance the cultural pragmatics of the Clinton presidency /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1835265231&sid=4&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Streator, Campbell. ""Pig-Sawce" and Politics: The History of Barbecue as a Political Institution in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1920.

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This thesis examines the history of barbecue as a political institution in the United States. It pulls from a wide variety of cultural and political sources to trace the story of barbecue’s evolution in America from cooking structure to social gathering, and addresses barbecue’s varied political meanings and implementations from before the American Revolution through the twentieth century. Along the way, it discusses the ways in which barbecue as a political institution has been used to cultivate an American identity, played a role in the development of personality driven politics in the United States, and found itself at the center of debates over race and equality in America.
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Saldaña, Martín Marta. "Rentierism and political culture in the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15847.

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This dissertation discusses United Arab Emirates (UAE) state-society relations in historical perspective; analyses qualitatively the Emirati political culture; examines how the latter affects governmental policies in the UAE; and evaluates both qualitatively and quantitatively the political orientations and values of the Emirati educated youth. Through a discussion of existing theoretical and conceptual approaches, and the observation of the UAE case study, it argues that an important and overlooked dimension among students of state-society relations in authoritarian rentier states is citizens’ political culture, which should nonetheless be examined within a more integrative framework of analysis. Accordingly, this study employs a refined version of the holistic ‘state-in-society’ approach (Kamrava, 2008), in combination with rentier state theory (RST) and the political culture perspective (Almond & Verba, 1963), to qualitatively discuss the general Emirati political culture (agency/input), and assess how the latter affects governmental performance/policies (output); and to evaluate, both qualitatively and quantitatively, the political culture of the educated Emirati youth as the main potential supporters or opponents (agency/input) of the ruling elite. Adding to the debate around the continued significance and scope of RST, the dissertation concludes that the rentier nature of a state does not necessarily determine its people´s lack of interest in politics, but can actually empower them to challenge authoritarianism through political socialization. The historical approach to UAE political movements and discussion about contemporary political standpoints demonstrate that governmental policies (redistributive, co-optative, repressive, or reformist) are mainly driven by domestic pressure and run parallel to historical development of domestic political activism. Hence, rentierism by itself does is not sufficient to explain state-society relations in the Gulf region. Finally, the analysis and measurement of cognitive, affective and evaluative political orientations of Emirati UAEU students reflects that there is adherence to ‘post-materialistic’ and ‘self-expression’ values among important sectors of the Emirati educated youth, which are associated with the emergence of a participative political culture (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005): an ‘aspiring participant’ political culture.

Книги з теми "Politics and culture – United States":

1

Dumm, Thomas L. United States. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994.

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2

Hulsether, Mark. Religion, culture, and politics in the twentieth-century United States. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2002.

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3

Michael, Novak. Unmeltable ethnics: Politics & culture in American life. 2nd ed. New Brunswick, U.S.S: Transaction, 1996.

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4

Merelman, Richard M. Partial visions: Culture and politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991.

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5

Whitfield, Stephen J. American space, Jewish time: Essays in modern culture and politics. Armonk, N.Y: North Castle Books, 1996.

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6

Merelman, Richard M. Partial visions: Culture and politics in Britain, Canada, and the United States. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991.

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7

Barton-Kriese, Paul. The politics of diversity in the United States: Positive dreams and pyrrhic victories. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1993.

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8

Engelhardt, Tom. The United States of fear. Chicago, Ill: Haymarket Books, 2011.

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9

Goldfarb, Jeffrey C. The cynical society: The culture of politics and the politics of culture in American life. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991.

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Craig, Douglas B. Fireside politics: Radio and political culture in the United States, 1920-1940. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "Politics and culture – United States":

1

Issel, William. "Cultural Politics." In Social Change in the United States, 1945–1983, 191–208. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17808-7_12.

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Fish, Adam. "Liberalism and Broadcast Politics." In Technoliberalism and the End of Participatory Culture in the United States, 57–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31256-9_3.

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3

Fennelly, Katherine. "Local Responses to Immigrants in the Midwestern United States." In Majority Cultures and the Everyday Politics of Ethnic Difference, 94–113. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582644_6.

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4

Chrisler, Joan C., and Maureen C. McHugh. "Waves of Feminist Psychology in the United States: Politics and Perspectives." In International and Cultural Psychology, 37–58. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-9869-9_3.

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5

Ulrich-Schad, Jessica D., and Cynthia M. Duncan. "People and places left behind: work, culture and politics in the rural United States." In Authoritarian Populism and the Rural World, 59–79. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003162353-3.

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Daemmrich, Arthur. "Regulatory Laws and Political Culture in the United States and Germany." In Regulation of the Pharmaceutical Industry, 11–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230372597_2.

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Fairclough, Adam. "Race, Politics, and Geography in the Development of Public Schools in the Southern United States." In Ethnic and Cultural Dimensions of Knowledge, 55–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21900-4_3.

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Ferris, Kate. "Abolition, Emancipation and War: The United States in Spanish Political Culture and the Abolition of Slavery in Cuba." In Imagining 'America' in late Nineteenth Century Spain, 103–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-35280-4_3.

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"United States Political Culture." In Encyclopedia of Social History, 1063–78. Routledge, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203306352-104.

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Dalton, Russell J. "Political Culture and Values." In The United States and Canada, 27–47. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870829.003.0002.

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Анотація:
A long intellectual tradition links the different historical experiences in Canada and the United States (U.S.) to continuing contrasts in their political cultures. New evidence from contemporary public opinion polls highlights more cultural similarities between nations than differences. In broad value priorities, Canadians and Americans are more similar to each other than to the citizens in most other advanced industrial democracies. Feelings of national identity and trust in government are also strikingly similar across these two nations. The norms of good citizenship are very comparable. And perhaps most surprising of all, images of the appropriate role of government overlap substantially. In short, the rhetoric of cultural differences is less apparent in the reality of public opinion surveys.

Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Politics and culture – United States":

1

Merchant, John, and Sylnovie Merchant. "Information Technology and the Work/Cultural Orientations of Americans, Mexicans and Germans." In InSITE 2007: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3118.

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From a business perspective, the political and economic effectiveness of the United States in the global market-place will depend on individual abilities to communicate with people from other cultures. Most multinational corporations have one individual from one culture managing employees from other cultures. This has led to conflict, law-suits, and reduced productivity. To date, US business people sent overseas have not fared well compared to their counterparts from Europe and Asia, primarily because of cultural conflicts. The future success of American business, therefore, is its ability to interact with other cultures and to understand the orientations of these individuals.
2

DeLorenzo, Gary, Frederick Kohun, Vladimir Burcik, Alzbeta Belanova, and Robert Skovira. "A Data Driven Conceptual Analysis of Globalization — Cultural Affects and Hofstedian Organizational Frames: The Slovak Republic Example." In InSITE 2009: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3343.

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It has been argued that culture effects how individuals implement, understand, live, and do business within a defined political, organizational, and ethnic environment. This essay presents a context for analyzing possible cultural shifts based on Hofstede and Hofstede’s conception that a society’s culture constituted in and presented in individuals’ views and routines determines an identifiable cultural profile. In particular, Hofstede’s indices on Power Distance, Uncertainty Avoidance, Masculinity and Individuality are applied to two populations—one a United States university population and the other from a Slovak Republic university. The overall purpose is to determine if Hofstede’s orginal research findings are the same today in an era of the internet, globalization, and economic change.
3

A. Buzzetto-Hollywood, Nicole, Austin J. Hill, and Troy Banks. "Early Findings of a Study Exploring the Social Media, Political and Cultural Awareness, and Civic Activism of Gen Z Students in the Mid-Atlantic United States [Abstract]." In InSITE 2021: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences. Informing Science Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/4762.

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Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.
4

George Saadé, Raafat, Harshjot Nijher, and Mahesh Chandra Sharma. "Why ERP Implementations Fail – A Grounded Research Study." In InSITE 2017: Informing Science + IT Education Conferences: Vietnam. Informing Science Institute, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3762.

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Aim/Purpose: A grounded research study to understand ERP implementation failure. This study was done in a United Nations agency. Background: An organization mid-size ERP system (AGRESSO) was implemented over a period of 6 years in a United Nations agency, under conditions of political pressures and limited budget. Methodology : Observations and quasi-structured interview method was used to collect the data. Contribution: ERP implementation success is still difficult to frame. This study looks at this problem in terms of the causes of failure. Moreover, ERP research studies are relatively few and dispersed, especially for the UN context – which to our knowledge has not been published. Findings: The major finding is that the political nature of the UN fosters a hierarchical culture that is detrimental for Information Systems implementation in general, excluding the end-user from the functional requirements engineering process. There seems to be a lack of vision and strategic direction for ERP implementation in the UN. The context of the UN makes the strategic direction the more difficult of formulate and implement. Recommendations for Practitioners: For the UN, a cultural paradigm shift is necessary whereby the end-user must be included in any information systems development and implementation initiative. End-user development (although not a new approach) needs to be adopted for the UN. Recommendation for Researchers: Information systems development and deployment studies for the UN should take front stage as it represents an underlying stream of high complexity on all research in the field. Understanding ERP implementation in the UN has the potential to enhance its success in all other industries. Impact on Society: Any progress of the UN impacts positively the whole world since 193 countries are members of the UN. As such, ERP implementation is primarily about increasing operational efficiencies, it and promises transparency with regards to the member states financial contributions. Future Research: More ERP implementation studies on the different types of UN organizations. Also studies that address appropriate ERP systems for the various types of UN organization do not exist. The UN provides many research opportunities as it is hardly being studied.
5

Zergollern-Miletić, Lovorka. "Croatian Students’ Perception of American Culture." In Cross-cultural Readings of the United States. Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu, FF Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/wpas.2014.6.

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6

Sedlack, Renee, and Georgina Rivera-Singletary. "SCHOOL SAFETY IN THE UNITED STATES: ROLE OF SCHOOL CULTURE AND STUDENT ENGAGEMENT." In 11th annual International Conference of Education, Research and Innovation. IATED, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/iceri.2018.2465.

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7

Wu, Lu. "Chinese Higher Education Reformation with the Sino-United States Trade War." In Proceedings of the 2019 3rd International Conference on Education, Culture and Social Development (ICECSD 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icecsd-19.2019.56.

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8

Nuhanović, Amra, and Jasmila Pašić. "United Europe – Yes, or no?" In 7th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.07.05043n.

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In recent years, the European Union has been facing a number of challenges that it is finding it increasingly difficult to overcome. Most EU member states are facing a crisis of confidence in Europe and its institutions, and at the same time nationalist political parties and ideas are developing more and more, leading to a weakening of European solidarity. Eastern European countries weakened awareness of the collective interest. The common values that existed until then have become “diluted”, because different understandings of the nature of the state have emerged, as well as different views on international politics. At the same time, support for European integration among citizens has been declining, and fewer and fewer have seen membership as good and can bring significant benefits. Today, the idea of a united EU is in crisis and that is precisely the cause of the crisis the Union is facing.
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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.
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Frias, Patrick, José R. O. Muñoz, Louis Restrepo, James L. Tingey, and David L. Y. Louie. "Nuclear Facility Safety at the United States Department of Energy." In 2020 International Conference on Nuclear Engineering collocated with the ASME 2020 Power Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone2020-16167.

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Abstract Nuclear facility safety is crucial to preventing and/or reducing high consequence-low probability accidents and, thus reducing the potential risks posed by United States Department of Energy (DOE) and National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) operations at their facilities/activities. DOE/NNSA has the responsibility of developing, issuing, maintaining, and enforcing nuclear safety Directives while fostering a culture that promotes nuclear safety research and development. Lessons learned from past accidents, near misses, and experiments/analyses are also important resources for improving operational nuclear safety in the safety community. This paper first identifies and describes the current Directives in place, including safety review and regulatory process, and safety programs that support implementation of the Directives. This paper also describes a contractor’s approach to identifying and implementing safety using these Directives and lessons-learned in multiple discipline areas of nuclear safety.

Звіти організацій з теми "Politics and culture – United States":

1

Cooper, Zack, Amanda Kowalski, Eleanor Powell, and Jennifer Wu. Politics and Health Care Spending in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, August 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w23748.

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2

Crider, Kimberly A. Strategic Implications of Culture. Historical Analysis of China's Culture and Implications for United States Policy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada405967.

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3

Wilborn, Thomas L. International Politics in Northeast Asia: The China-Japan-United States Strategic Triangle. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada306899.

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4

Greentree, Todd R. The United States and the Politics of Conflict in the Developing World. CLIC Papers. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada229716.

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5

Bazzi, Samuel, Martin Fiszbein, and Mesay Gebresilasse. Frontier Culture: The Roots and Persistence of “Rugged Individualism” in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w23997.

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6

DeBacker, Jason, Bradley Heim, and Anh Tran. Importing Corruption Culture from Overseas: Evidence from Corporate Tax Evasion in the United States. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17770.

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7

Taha, Angela. From the Middle East to the United States: Stressors and Coping Strategies of Members of a Sacred Culture Living in a Secular Culture. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6639.

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8

Calomiris, Charles. Greenback Resumption and Silver Risk: The Economics and Politics of Monetary Regime Change in the United States, 1862-1900. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, September 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w4166.

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9

Richardson, David K. The Case For JPME Phase Zero: Building A Joint Culture in the United States Navy from the Ground Up. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada470840.

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10

Curry, Kevin. Politics in the Social Media Era: The Relationship Between Social Media Use and Political Participation During the 2016 United States Presidential Election. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6390.

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