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Статті в журналах з теми "Politicization processes"
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Gheyle, Niels. "Huddle Up! Exploring Domestic Coalition Formation Dynamics in the Differentiated Politicization of TTIP." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 301–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2588.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The politicization of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has manifested itself to different extents across EU Member States. In some countries, conflicting interpretations about the deal were highly visible in public and political debates, while in others there was hardly any awareness. To further understand this phenomenon, trade scholars have to date not yet deepened nor leveraged the insights of the ‘differentiated politicization’ and social movement literature, which both point to coalition formation as an important trigger of politicization processes. This article contributes to our understanding of variation in politicization across EU Member States, by exploring coalition formation dynamics in differentiated politicization processes, in order to identify the factors facilitating successful domestic coalition formation. Through an exploratory case study design, I focus on three countries that exemplify high, middle, and low politicization cases: Germany, Belgium, and Ireland. By relying on the testimonies of campaigners active during the TTIP episode, I identify three elements that facilitated the formation of a diverse domestic coalition, which subsequently played an important role in pushing for a broad-based debate about the implications of TTIP: (i) an expert ‘mesomobilization’ link with a transnational advocacy network, (ii) the prior availability of domestic alliances, and (iii) an inclusive framing approach in order to establish a diverse coalition. The findings also underline the importance of timing in the unfolding of (successful) politicization processes.
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Herranz-Surrallés, Anna. "‘Authority Shifts’ in Global Governance: Intersecting Politicizations and the Reform of Investor–State Arbitration." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 336–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2651.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<p>The global investment regime is a prime example of the so-called ‘politicization beyond the state.’ Investment agreements with an Investor–State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism have become contested in several corners of the globe, triggering a widespread reform process encompassing national, regional and multilateral levels. This article examines the consequences of this confluence of politicization processes, focusing on the European Union (EU) and two key venues of ISDS reform: the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) and the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT). Combining different strands of politicization literature in International Relations and Political Science, the article advances a nuanced conceptualisation of the institutional consequences of politicization that goes beyond a deepening/decline dichotomy. Instead, the article examines whether and how politicization generates ‘authority shifts,’ either through a vertical move between international and national levels; and/or through a horizontal recalibration between public and private forms of governance. The article argues that although the EU’s initiative for global ISDS reform intended to rebalance public and private authority while strengthening its international character, the on-going reform processes at the UNCITRAL and the ECT may eventually lead to a (partial) dismantling of international authority.</p>
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Lee, Chang Kil. "The politicization of senior civil service in Korea: a human resource management perspective." Asian Education and Development Studies 7, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 412–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2017-0114.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the politicization of senior civil service (SCS) in Korea from a human resource perspective. To be specific, it is to explore how much the SCS has been politicized after its inception in 2006 and to discover what has strengthened it.Design/methodology/approachThis paper employs the human resource management perspective with five stages, selection, rotation, education, promotion and compensation, which are related with different weights to four causes of politicization: political desire to control, leadership change, public demands and political interest.FindingsThis paper argues that politicization of SCS in Korea has gradually increased during the last 10 years. It also found that, while selection and promotion is strongly politicized, education and compensation is weakly politicized.Originality/valueThis paper mainly draws increasing politicization after it was introduced. Little prior literature has explored the politicization of SCS in human resource management processes and its causes for Korea.
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Curnow, Joe, and Tanner Vea. "Emotional configurations of politicization in social justice movements." Information and Learning Sciences 121, no. 9/10 (November 16, 2020): 729–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ils-01-2020-0017.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose This paper aims to trace how emotion shapes the sense that is made of politics and how politicization can remake and re-mark emotion, giving it new meaning in context. This paper brings together theories of politicization and emotional configurations in learning to interrogate the role emotion plays in the learning of social justice activists. Design/methodology/approach Drawing on sociocultural learning perspectives, the paper traces politicization processes across the youth climate movement (using video-based interaction analysis) and the animal rights movement (using ethnographic interviews and participant observation). Findings Emotional configurations significantly impacted activists’ politicization in terms of what was learned conceptually, the kinds of practices – including emotional practices – that were taken up collectively, the epistemologies that framed social justice work, and the identities that were made salient in collective action. In turn, politicization reshaped how social justice activists made sense of emotion in the course of activist practice. Social implications This study is valuable for theorizing social justice learning, so social movement facilitators and educators might design spaces where learning about gender, racialization, colonialism and/or human/more-than-human relations can thrive. By attending to emotional configurations, this study can help facilitate a design that supports and sustains learning for justice. Originality/value Emotion remains under-theorized and under-analyzed in the learning sciences, despite indications that emotion enables and constrains particular learning opportunities. This paper proposes new ways of understanding emotion and politicization as co-constitutive processes for learning scientists interested in politics and social justice.
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Ristiawan, Raden Rucitarahma. "Culture as Tourism Attraction: Commodi cation and Politicization of Culture in Kembangarum Tourism Village, Yogyakarta Special Region, Indonesia." Tourisma: Jurnal Pariwisata 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/gamajts.v1i1.36314.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study aims at describing the commodi cation processes and the form of politicization of culture used as the background of tourism village development toward several community empowerment activities. Employing a case of Kembangarum Tourism Village, Turi District, Sleman Regency, Yogyakarta Special Province, Indonesia, the commodi cation processes are examined in several forms of tourism attractions based on local Javanesse tradition. Commodi cation of culture practices in Kembangarum Tourism Village are encouraged by the politicization of culture represented by several policies and events provided by local government as the background of Kembangarum Tourism Village development direction. This study nds the commodi cation processes as a part of politicization of culture encompassed in community empowerment agendas. There are several models of community empowerment initiated by the investor to put his capital of investment as bene cial as he wants. The development model of Kembangarum Tourism Village through investment projects by the developer results in community con icts encouraged by the local traditions that have been privatized by the investor. This study also delivers the suggestion of development direction that will be provided by government in the future.
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Larocque, Florence. "The Impact of Institutionalization, Politicization and Mobilization on the Direct Participation of Citizens Experiencing Poverty." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 883–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000795.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract. This article seeks to evaluate how democratic and deliberative the direct participation of citizens experiencing poverty is in the definition and implementation of public policies that affect them. A comparison of Belgian and Quebec processes involving persons in situation of poverty indicates that the procedural dimensions of participation (franchise, quality and accountability) are clearly strengthened by institutionalized processes and weakened when processes become politicized. However, the authenticity of the process (a dimension tied to outcomes) remains largely independent from the nature of these processes and depends instead on the mobilization of social actors and especially of anti-poverty organizations.Résumé. Cette article évalue dans quelle mesure la participation directe des citoyens en situation de pauvreté à l'élaboration et la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques les concernant est démocratique et délibérative. Une comparaison des processus belges et québécois de participation des personnes en situation de pauvreté démontre que les dimensions procédurales de la participation (franchise, qualité et garantie) sont clairement renforcées par l'institutionnalisation, tandis qu'elles sont affaiblies par la politisation des processus. Par ailleurs, l'authenticité du processus (une dimension liée aux résultats) reste largement indépendante de la nature des mécanismes et dépend plutôt de la mobilisation des acteurs sociaux et particulièrement de celle des organisations de lutte contre la pauvreté.
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Ścigaj, Paweł. "De/humanizacja w procesach dezintegracji i reintegracji: przykład „dzikich” wojen." Studia Politologiczne, no. 4/2022(66) (January 15, 2023): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2022.66.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The processes of integration, disintegration and reintegration are central to thinking about politics in processual terms. Among many circumstances and determinants, a special place is occupied by issues related to the humanization or dehumanization of opponents. The article deals with the relationship between dehumanization-rehumanization and disintegration-reintegration in the context of savage wars and taking into account their consequences for the phenomena of politicization and depoliticization.
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Avksentev, Viktor, Boris Aksiumov, and Galina Gritsenko. "Ethnicity in political conflicts: ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicit." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 74–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the definitions and concepts of ethnopolitical conflict and its contradictory nature is shown. Ethnopolitical conflict can function and evolve as an “ethnized” political conflict and as a politically framed ethnic conflict. Being on the thin line between rational-political and irrational-ethnic regimes of existence, ethno-political conflicts, usually arising as conflicts of interests, as a product of ethnic entrepreneurship, most often drift towards a conflict of identities. That is why ethnopolitical conflicts are among the most intractable types of conflicts, some of them turn into protracted conflicts and are destructive in their manifestations and consequences. The article studies risk-related aspects of the interaction of ethnic and political factors of social development, leading to the ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnicity, and it is shown that the politicization of ethnicity is a prerequisite and one of the most important factors in the genesis of ethnopolitical conflicts. The process of politicization of ethnicity is caused by ethnopolitical tension objectively established in a particular society or region, but often the main factor of this process is the focused activity of ethnic entrepreneurs, who use conditions, favorable for them, or deliberately increase the level of tension. The article discusses the theoretical and methodological aspects of the politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization of politics, analyzes the main scholarly approaches to studying the phenomenon of politicization of ethnicity and its impact on social processes. Most authors mainly accentuate the negative consequences of the politicization of ethnicity, although some researchers point to the functionality of ethnicity in regional political systems where there are long-standing and strong traditions of combining politics and ethnicity
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Freilich, Charles D. "National Security Decision-Making in Israel: Processes, Pathologies, and Strengths." Middle East Journal 60, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.4.11.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.
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Zimmermann, Hubert. "The European Parliament and the Layered Politicization of the External Dimension of the Common Fisheries Policy." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (September 27, 2019): 237–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2178.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the Lisbon Treaty entered into effect, the European Parliament became a core player in the decision-making processes of the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy (CFP) and its external dimensions. This new role suggested a shift towards stronger politicization in what had previously been a rather technocratic policy field. However, the CFP is not yet marked by a clear and consistent level of politicization. I use the concept of ‘layered politicization’ to explain this pattern. Although it is not comparable to the degree of political controversy shaping fully politicized policy fields, some similar political dynamics can be observed. Among them is a transformation in the policy process due to higher ratification requirements; a higher likelihood of political deadlock resulting from an increasing number of veto-players; and a strengthening of the contested legitimacy of EU decision-making. An empirical test of these theoretical propositions is provided here in the form of two case studies; the negotiation of Fisheries Partnership Agreements with Morocco and Mauritania.
Дисертації з теми "Politicization processes"
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Di, Matteo Francesca. "Decolonising Property in Kenya? : Tracing Policy Processes of Kenyan Contemporary Land Reform (1990s - 2016). A Study of the Politicization of Decision-Making in Historical Perspective." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0068.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
En se concentrant sur les processus de fabrication des politiques publiques, cette thèse met en lumière le fonctionnement de l'Etat, les liens entre les politiques et la politique et les conditions du changement politique. Cette étude explore les dispositions les plus cruciales de la réforme foncière contemporaine au Kenya. Celle-ci tente de décoloniser la propriété en résolvant les injustices historiques aux racines coloniales, en émancipant les institutions foncières du système bureaucratique centralisé d'administration foncière (lui-même hérité de la période coloniale). La thèse analyse les processus décisionnels qui sous-tendent les dispositions de la Politique Foncière Nationale (document parlementaire n° 3 de 2009) et de la Constitution de 2010 qui, toutes deux, reconnaissent les « terres communautaires » comme « les terres [qui] appartiennent et sont détenues par les communautés » (article 63, paragraphe 1, Republic of Kenya, 2010:44). Il est également établi une Commission Foncière Nationale afin de réformer les institutions de gouvernance foncière (article 46, idem: 46). La première partie de la thèse reconstitue, depuis l'époque coloniale, les processus de l'élaboration des politiques foncières et des structures de gouvernance foncière au Kenya. Les parties suivantes retracent les processus contemporains de fabrication des innovations juridico-institutionnelles de la réforme foncière en étudiant les interactions entre les acteurs. L’analyse du fonctionnement des réseaux transnationaux illustre les processus de circulation des idées et leur institutionnalisation dans les arènes politiques. L'analyse des processus politiques met en lumière le rôle des bailleurs de fonds dans l'impulsion des réseaux transnationaux et la promotion de certains répertoires d'actions des mouvements sociaux kenyans afin d'influencer la prise de décision. Pourtant, l'analyse du processus dans sa globalité démontre l'importance des luttes de pouvoir partisanes ainsi que celle des processus contingents de traduction des intérêts et des positions idéologiques des acteurs lorsqu'ils s'affrontent dans l’arène politique. La politisation de ces traductions consiste à requalifier les relations sociales en termes de transactions politiques qui déterminent la trajectoire du changement politique. Les intérêts économiques et politiques dominent la phase de promulgation de la législation, bien que l'arbitrage final qui aboutit à l'acceptation de la notion de propriété communautaire comme traduction ultime de la « terre communautaire » illustre également le poids des pratiques institutionnelles, des normes sociales et des cartes mentales produites historiquement, et donc un certain échec du projet de décoloniser la propriété au KenyaBy focusing on processes of manufacturing of public policies this study sheds light on the functioning of the state, the links between policies and politics, the conditions of policy change, and ultimately of the relations between state, ‘civil society organizations’ and donors and more generally the governanceof an African country. It explores the most crucial provisions of contemporary land reform in Kenya as they attempt to decolonize property bysolving historical injustices that have colonial roots, emancipating land instituions from the centralized bureaucratic and politically porous land administration system that is itself a colonial legacy. The dissertation analyzes decision-making processes underlying provisions of the National Land Policy (Sessional Paper No.3 of 2009) and 2010 Constitution acknowledging “community land” as “land [that] shall vest in and be held by communities” (Art.63 (1), RoK, 2010:44) and establishing National Land Commission in order to reform land governance structures (Art. 46, Idem: 46). Part I of the dissertation reconstructs historical processes dating back to colonial times (with few insights into pre-colonial configurations) of making of land policies and land institutionsin Kenya. Part II and Part III trace contemporary processes of fabrication ofland reform’s legal-institutional innovations by analyzing actors’ interactions. The study empirically illustrates the functioning of transnational networks and exemplifies processes of ideas’ circulation and their institutionalization in policy arenas. Analysis of participatory processes within the policy-making illustrates the process of politicization of community land claims translating into the interest of elitist groups, representatives of ‘imagined’ communities, in acquiring absolute and exclusive proprietorship of so-called ancestral territories. Analysis of policy processes delves into the role of donor agencies in thrusting transnational networks, imprinting repertoires of actions upon Kenyan social movements with the intent of influencing decision-making. Yet multi-stream analysis demonstrates the importance of partisan power struggles and relevance of contingent processes of translations of actors’ interests and ideological stances as they confront each other within policy arenas. The politicization of these translations consists in the requalification of social relations in terms of political transactions ultimately determining the trajectory of policy change. Economic and political interests are strikingly dominant during the enactment phase of legislation making (studied in Part III of the dissertation), though the final arbitration resulting in the acceptance of the notion of community ownership as ultimate translation of ‘community land’ exemplifies the weight of historically produced institutional practices, social norms and mental maps. Against this particular background, the process of policy change is better understood via the analysis of the interlocking of scales positing historical and political production of community ownership in Kenya. This notion is better understood by the concomitant action of emergence and consolidation of localized struggles historically produced by Kenyan land politics promoting territorial control and dispossessions, on one side, and national processes of legal land reforms politicizing and endorsing community land claims, on the other side
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Forsell, Anders. "Kommunala ideal och politisk verklighet. : En jämförande fallstudie av frisinnad politisk organisering i Filipstad och Skövde, ca 1880-1920." Doctoral thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-33501.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Most studies of emerging Swedish parties and politics have mainly focused on the Swedish Social Democrats and their struggle for democracy and political power, most as a prelude to the so called ”Swedish Model”. Competing parties have received attention from historians on the national level, but their local origin remains to large extent an open field. The aim of this study is to investigate how local political factors shaped the emerging liberal party organizations in two small Swedish towns. By a case-oriented comparison two towns are contrasted, Skövde in Skaraborg county and Filipstad in Värmland. This thesis suggests that the distinction between national politics and municipal government, based on the interests of economic elites, was transformed during the period 1880-1920. During this period local elections and local government became increasingly sites for political struggle between different parties, with new agendas. With a framework that considered parties in light of their functions rather than organizational types and theoretical concepts borrowed from the sociology of social movements, the thesis main results suggest that political mobilization and liberal party-formation was depending on the local political traditions. The theoretical framework made it possible to pinpoint both similarities and differences between the cases. The results of the study indicate that the historical tradition is central to parties to emerge and flourish. This suggests that it is more meaningful to focus attention on local and regional processes to understand the historical development than has previously been done.De svenska partiernas historia är relativt väl känd på nationell nivå, men deras lokala ursprung är mindre utforskat och inte minst gäller det borgerliga partier. I den här avhandlingen undersöks hur lokalpolitiska faktorer formade de framväxande frisinnade, eller liberala, lokalorganisationerna i Filipstad och Skövde. Avhandlingen visar att politisk mobilisering och politisk organisering i städerna i hög grad formades av lokala och regionala politiska traditioner. Den visar också att kommunerna var politiserade långt före att de nationella partierna tog hand om valen och kommunala frågor. Studien visar att det fanns en kontinuitet mellan äldre lokala partier och de lokalavdelningar av nationella partier som etablerades efter sekelskiftet 1900. Det var en kontinuitet som återspeglades såväl ideologiskt som organisatoriskt. Avhandlingens resultat pekar på att det är mer meningsfullt att fokusera uppmärksamheten mot lokala och regionala politiseringsprocesser för att förstå den generella politiska utvecklingen i Sveriges historia än vad som tidigare har gjorts. Anders Forsell är doktorand i historia inom Forskarskolan i regionalt samhällsbyggande. Det här är hans doktorsavhandling.
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Millman, Eric. "Substantive Due Process and the Politicization of the Supreme Court." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1905.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Substantive due process is one of the most cherished and elusive doctrines in American constitutional jurisprudence. The understanding that the Constitution of the United States protects not only specifically enumerated rights, but also broad concepts such as “liberty,” “property,” and “privacy,” forms the foundation for some of the Supreme Court’s most impactful—and controversial—decisions.
This thesis explores the constitutional merits and politicizing history of natural rights jurisprudence from its application in Dred Scott v. Sandford to its recent evocation in Obergefell v. Hodges. Indeed, from slavery to same-same sex marriage, substantive due process has played a pivotal role in shaping our nation’s laws and destiny: But was it ever intended to?
This paper first examines the legal arguments in favor of substantive due process to determine whether the judiciary was designed to be the “bulwark” of natural as well as clearly scribed law. Then, employing a novel framework to measuring judicial politicization, the thesis tracks the doctrine’s application throughout its most prominent case studies. Often arriving at nuanced conclusions, we observe that the truth is more often painted in some gradation of grey than in black or white.
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Diallo, El Hadj Mohamed Ramadan. "Ethnicité et processus démocratique en Guinée, de 1990 à 2015." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE3048/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La décennie 1990 constitue pour bon nombre de pays d’Afrique subsaharienne – francophones notamment – une transition de régimes autoritaires vers des régimes démocratiques. C’est le cas de la Guinée où un processus démocratique s’est ouvert dès la moitié des années 1980, avec la chute du régime dirigiste d’Ahmed Sékou Touré. A l’inverse des démocraties libérales occidentales dont elle s’inspire, la démocratie conventionnelle adoptée en Guinée existe dans l’architecture juridico-institutionnelle mais ne fonctionne pas, dans les faits, sur la base d’institutions politiques et sociales qui transcendent les clivages ethniques et communautaires. L’ethnicité en est la matrice fondamentale. Elle se manifeste par l’hybridation de produits institutionnels d’import-export à des réalités locales spécifiques. L’Administration publique, les partis politiques, les organisations socio-culturelles s’appuient explicitement ou implicitement sur l’ethnicité dans leur rapport au politique. Plusieurs facteurs sont à la base de ce double phénomène d’ethnicisation du fait politique et de politisation du fait ethnique en Guinée. On peut l’attribuer aussi bien à la fragilité de l’Etat qui peine à assurer ses missions régaliennes – sécurité, justice, bien-être, etc. – qu’à l’insuffisance de l’ancrage des valeurs, normes et principes de la démocratie libérale dans la société guinéenne. A cela, il faut ajouter le rôle structurant de l’ethnie comme groupe social de mobilisation politique dans les représentations collectivesFor a good number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa – the French-speaking ones especially – the 1990s represented a transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones. This is the case in Guinea where a democratic process began in the mid-1980s, with the fall of the very strict regime of Ahmed Sékou Touré. In contrast to the Western liberal democracies on which it is based, the conventional democracy adopted in Guinea exists in the juridico-institutional layout but does not, in reality, function on the basis of political and social institutions that transcend the ethnic and community groups tensions. Ethnicity is the fundamental matrix. It is manifested by the hybridization of import-export institutional products with specific local realities. Public administration, political parties, socio-cultural organizations rely explicitly or implicitly on ethnicity in their relationship to politics. Several factors are at the root of this double phenomenon of ethnicization of the political fact and politicization of the ethnic fact in Guinea. One may attribute both to the fragility of the State which is struggling to ensure its sovereign missions - security, justice, well-being, etc. - and to the inadequacy of the anchoring of the values, norms and principles of liberal democracy in Guinean society. To this must be added the structuring role of ethnicity as a social group of political mobilization in collective representations
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Asavei, Lavinia. "La protection juridique des migrants en situation irrégulière comme processus politique : une négociation discursive constante entre politisation par l’humanitaire et dépolitisation par l’État." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30294.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse porte sur la question de la migration irrégulière. Plus précisément, elle porte sur la protection des droits des migrants en situation irrégulière dans le contexte européen de sécurisation de la migration. Cette thèse vise à répondre à l'absence d'interrogation sur la protection des migrants vulnérables en situation irrégulière dans les disciplines sociales, notamment en Relations Internationales. L'argument est basé sur la littérature en sécurité critique traitant de la décriminalisation du migrant en situation irrégulière et visant le dévoilement de l’artificialité de toute exclusion politique. Cette thèse s’ancre aussi dans la littérature des mouvements sociaux se concentrant sur l’accès des migrants en situation irrégulière aux droits sociaux et politiques des pays occidentaux. Elle est aussi inspirée par le corpus de littérature traitant des questions de la citoyenneté, de l’identité politique et de l’inclusion politique.
Au plan empirique, cette thèse repose sur une analyse systématique du discours de plusieurs ONG humanitaires françaises, italiennes et espagnoles. L'analyse entend distribuer plus de 200 documents sur un axe allant de la dépolitisation, comprise comme l’exclusion du corps politique des migrants en situation irrégulière, vers la répolitisation, comprise comme l’inclusion politique des migrants concernés.
À l'aide de cette grille d'analyse, cette thèse tentera de mettre en lumière une nouvelle façon d’argumenter la protection. La protection des droits des migrants en situation irrégulière peut se réaliser non seulement à travers le processus traditionnel d'octroi et de reconnaissance des droits par l'État du haut vers le bas mais, de plus en plus souvent et avec une assez grande efficacité, du bas vers le haut, en ayant comme point de départ le migrant lui-même et la société civile qui l’appuie dans ses revendications par rapport à l'État. Cette thèse argumente ainsi l'importance de mettre l'accent sur la politique de la protection, les jeux de pouvoir, les négociations entre plusieurs acteurs qui font et défont la protection l’inclusion et l’exclusion politique du migrant en situation irrégulière, le tout étant conçu comme processus de politisation-dépolitisation. Cette thèse affirme que toute décision juridique est avant tout une négociation politique qui doit impliquer une multitude d'acteurs et non seulement les États.
Une plus grande importance devrait être accordée aux acteurs de la société civile et à l'individu lui-même concerné par l'exclusion, une meilleure crédibilité et une meilleure place dans la politique de la protection. Cette recherche affirme aussi que, dans ce contexte, l'humanitaire voit son intervention réformée, il devient un humanitaire politisé, activement engagé dans la protection des droits et par conséquent, dans la politisation du migrant en situation irrégulière. De là, toute l'importance de mettre en évidence l'existence de ce mouvement de protection sur la place publique, orchestré par l'humanitaire, et de voir par quels discours, par quelles stratégies et vers quels buts cette mobilisation de l'humanitaire se réalise.
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Deat, Dimitri. "De la tribu à l'empire : le rôle des représentations primitives dans le processus de politisation nomade. L'influence du loup clanique dans la construction et l'expansion de l'Empire mongol de Gengis Khan." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3022/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Participant à une certaine opacité dans son étude générale, la civilisation nomade des steppes Eurasiatiques fut longtemps considérée comme apolitique et symboliquement ancrée dans la barbarie. Cependant, cette dernière demeure un sanctuaire d’investigation scientifique à l’intérieur duquel le politique s’est considérablement manifesté par la création de nombreuses confédérations tribales. Opérant son entrée dans l’histoire de l’humanité en tant qu’élément perturbateur des sociétés sédentaires, les peuples de la Haute Asie ont ainsi participé, durant près de deux mille ans, à la chute, au bouleversement ou au renouveau des plus grandes civilisations. La création et l’expansion de l’empire gengiskhanide, dès le début du XIIIème siècle a permis de démontrer la faculté pour ces populations de pasteurs nomades d’opérer d’importantes modifications au sein même de leur morphologie sociale, et ce pour les besoins du politique et de la guerre vers l’extérieure. Cependant examinée de l’intérieur, cette civilisation atypique n’en reste pas moins problématique, notamment du fait de son actualisation culturelle. Cette dernière, accomplie au travers de concepts socio culturels alliant pensée animiste, spiritualité chamanique et utilisation de représentations sociales à aspects zoomorphiques, ne semble rentrer dans aucune grille de lecture impériale. La symbolique du loup est ainsi devenue omniprésente dans l’évolution de la morphologie tribale altaïque, participant à une unification massive des tribus turco-mongoles sous l’hégémonie hiérocratique de Gengis Khan. Devenu progressivement élément mythologique attracteur, l’animal carnassier s’est ainsi frayé une place de choix au sein de la mentalité collective nomade, participant directement au chamboulement de la morphologie tribale, pour les besoins du politique et de l’expansion de la civilisation des steppes en terres sédentaires. Au delà de la simple utilisation lycanthropique de l’ancêtre clanique, sa symbolique, réutilisée habilement par Gengis Khan, est en mesure de démontrer à la fois le dynamisme politique à apposer aux sociétés considérées à tort comme «primitives», tout comme l’instauration d’une identité sociale et d’une idéologie guerrière prédatrices. Etablissant de ce fait l’entité nomade comme antagonique mais complémentaire avec la pensée et l’histoire humaine sédentaireParticipating in a certain opacity in it’s general study, the nomadic civilization of Eurasian steppe was long regarded as non-political and symbolically rooted in barbary. However, the latter remains a sanctuary of scientific investigation within which the political has significantly expressed itself by the creation of many Tribal confederations. It’s entry operates in the history of mankind as a disruptive element of sedentary societies. People of High Asia participated for almost two thousand years to the collapse, disruption or renewal of the world’s greatest civilizations. From the beginning of the 13th century the creation and expansion of the gengiskhanid empire enabled the demonstration of the faculty of these nomad pastors. They operated major changes in their social morphology for the political needs and because of the war outside. Examined from the interior, this atypical civilization remains questions. This is a result of cultural updating. The latter, accomplished through social and cultural concepts combining animist thinking, shamanist spirituality and the utilisation of social representations with zoomorphic aspects doesn’t fit any imperial cases studies. The symbolic representation of the wolf became ubiquitous in the development of the Tribal-Altaic morphology and participation of a massive unification of Turko-Mongolian clans under the hierocratic hegemony of Gengis Khan. The carnivorous animal had progressively became administred as an attraction mythological element and cleared the way to the Tribal collective mentality. This participating directly to the disruption of Tribal morphology for the political needs and expansion of the steppe civilization in settled population territories. Beyond the single lycanthropic utilization of the Tribal ancestor, its symbolism skillfully reused by Gengis Khan demonstrates simultaneously the political dynamism to pin on societes mistakenly considered as « primitive », and the establishment of a predatory social identity and war-making ideology created de facto the nomadic identity as an antagonist but complementary to the social wores and history of human sedentary
Судалгааны хувьд ерөнхийдөө зарим тайлбарлахад амаргүй байдлыг хуваалцахад, Евро- Азийн тал нутгийн соёлыг урт хугацааны туршид зэрлэг бүдүүлэг байдалтай байсан хэмээн үздэг. Гэсэн хэдий ч сүүлд оршин байсан ариун дагшин газраас шинжлэх ухааны судалгаа авч үзвэл олон овог аймгийн нэгтгэн байгуулсан улс төрийн байдал нь нэлээд тод томруун харуулж өгдөг байна. Хүн төрлөгтөний түүхийн хувьд авч үзвэл уналт, өөрчлөлтийн зөрчилдөөн эсвэл илүү том нөлөө бүхий соёл иргэншлээр шинэчлэл явагдсан байдал зэргээр сууршмал нийгмийн хөгжил нь төв азийн нүүдэлчин улс орнуудын оролцоо нөлөөгөөр 2000 орчим жил тасалдсан. Улс төрийн болон гадагш хандсан дайны шаардлагаар Чингис хааны эзэнт гүрний байгуулалт болон тэлэлт нь 13-р зууны эхэн үед нийгмийн бүтцэд чухал өөрчөлтүүдийг бий болгоход малчин нүүдэлчид их нөлөө үүрэг гүйцэтгэсэн гэдгийг илэрхий харуулж өгдөг. Гэвч дотоод байдлыг нь ухан авч үзвэл энэхүү өвөрмөц соёл багагүй асуудалтай байсан бөгөөд дашрамд дурдахад соёлын өөрчлөлтийн нөлөө ч бас илэрхий байв. Энэхүү нийгэм соёлын үзэл баримтлалыг нь өргөнөөр авч үзвэл сүнслэгжүүлсэн үзэл санаа, бөөгийн сүнслэг үзэл болон амьтны сүнстэй холбосон үзэл санаан дээр тулгуурласан нийгмийн төлөөллийг ашигласан зэрэг нь эзэнт гүрний утга зохиолын хүрээнд оруулсан байдаг. Чингис хааны доор Түрэг-монголчуудын овгуудын өргөнөөр нэгтгэсэн байдлыг хамруулан Алтайн овгийн хэл зүйн хувьсал өөрчлөлтөнд чонын билиг тэмдгийн талаар хаа сайгүй дурдагдсан байдаг. Бодлогын зорилгоор болон соёлын алхамын тэлэлтүүд сууршиж, нүүдэлчдийн ерөнхий сэтгэлгээнд үлгэр домгийн хэлбэрүүд аажмаар багасаж махчин амьтны талаарх сэдэв түгэж эхлэсэн бөгөөд овгийн хэл зүйд шууд өөрчлөлтөнд нөлөө үзүүлэв. Эртний отог аймгийн энгийн бэлэг тэмдэг болсон чонын утгыг Чингис Хаанаар дамжуулан цааш улс төрийн хүч, итгэл үнэмшлийг харуулах арга замаар ухаалгаар дахин ашиглагдаж ирсэн байдал нь хэсэг бүлгийнхний дүгнэлтэнд буруугаар тайлбарлагдах шалтгаан болсон бөгөөд балар эртний дайтан эзлэн түрэмгийлэгч хэмээн тэд авч үзэх болсон бөгөөд нүүдэлчдийн энэхүү байдлыг хувиа хичээсэн байдлаар оршин тогтнож байсан хэдий ч сууршмал соёлын үзэл баримтлал холбоотой зүйлс бас байсан байна хэмээн үзжээ
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Passard, Cédric. "Les pamphlétaires et la politique. : Contribution à une étude socio-historique des processus de politisation (1868-1898)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Le dernier tiers du XIXème siècle ne constitue pas un moment pamphlétaire parmi d’autres. Non seulement il survient dans une période de démocratisation inédite qui confère au fait pamphlétaire un statut nouveau en lui permettant d’investir l’espace public officiel, mais il est aussi marqué par l’invention de la figure du pamphlétaire et l’émergence de personnalités reconnues comme telles et accédant parfois à une visibilité de premier plan. En dépit de leurs différences de cultures politiques, ces personnalités contribuent à organiser tout un jeu et tout un monde du pamphlet au croisement de la littérature, du journalisme et de la politique. A travers leur violent répertoire discursif, elles contestent l’ordre politique en cours d’édification et le procès de civilisation des mœurs politiques.Partant de l’hypothèse que ces pamphlétaires ont pu être des médiateurs importants du politique, notre recherche a pour objet d’interroger leur contribution aux processus de politisation. Elle entend examiner, dans une perspective socio-historique, dans quelle mesure ils ont pu représenter, dans cette période d’enracinement de la République et de stabilisation de la démocratie, un cheminement de la politique hors des sentiers battus, en favorisant une forme symbolique de participation non conventionnelle au jeu politique et en incarnant une forme transitoire de la rationalisation des passions politiques, entre l’émeute révolutionnaire et la patience démocratiqueThe last third of the 19th century was not just any pamphleteering time amongst others. It occurred in a formerly unheard-of period of democratization, which conferred the pamphleteering reality a new status, thus enabling it to carve its way into the official public space. Besides, it was also marked by the invention of the pamphleteer's figure and the emergence of personalities acknowledged as such, some of whom boasting first rate visibility. For all their differing political cultures, these figures helped organize a whole set and world of the pamphlet, at the intersection of literature, journalism and politics. Through their violent discursive repertoire, these pamphleteers question the political order that was then being elaborated, as well as the then on-going process of civilization of political mores.Our research thus aims to examine pamphleteers' contribution to the process of politicization, on the assumption that these could be said to have acted as important mediators of politics. Our work is intended to grasp, within a socio-historical perspective, to what extent – during that period when the Republic was getting increasingly entrenched and democracy more stable – pamphleteers might be said to have represented an evolution of politics off the beaten path, thus favoring a symbolic form of unconventional participation in politics and ultimately embodying a transitional form of rationalization as regards political passions, hovering between revolutionary riots and democratic patience
8
Seguin, Laura. "Les apprentissages de la participation. Regards croisés sur un dispositif institué et une mobilisation contestataire." Thesis, Tours, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOUR1804/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La citoyenneté opère un retour en force dans le domaine environnemental, visible tant dans les dispositifs de participation destinés à inclure l’ensemble des citoyens dans les prises de décision, que dans des mouvement de contestation voire des résistances à des projets d’aménagement ou certains usages de l’espace. Ces deux types d’expériences participatives constituent pour ceux qui y prennent part - citoyens, acteurs associatifs, élus, professionnels des politiques publiques - de véritables lieux d’apprentissages politiques. Par l’exploration d’une procédure institutionnalisée de participation (une conférence de citoyens sur la gestion de l’eau) et d’une mobilisation contestataire (contre le gaz de schiste), ce travail identifie d’une part ce que les acteurs apprennent, et d’autre part les modalités par lesquelles ils apprennent. L’enquête ethnographique et le recours aux sciences de l’éducation font l’originalité de cette recherche qui propose de décrire et d’analyser finement des expériences d’apprentissages politiques, d’éducation au conflit comme à la participationCitizenship has been making a strong resurgence in the environmental field, visible both in institutionalised procedures intended to include all citizens in decision-making, and in protest movements or resistance to some planning projects or land uses. For those who take part - citizens, members of associations, policy makers and public policy professionals -, these two kinds of participatory experiences represent significant spaces for political learning. Through the exploration of an institutionalised procedure for public participation (a citizens’ conference on water management) and a protest movement (against shale gas), this work identifies what actors learn on the one hand, and the learning methods on the other. The ethnographic survey and the use of educational sciences constitute the originality of this research which describes and analyses experiments in political learning, education to conflict as well as participation
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Santos, João Paulo Galvão dos. "“Acesso à cidade”: A politização do direito nos processos de regularização fundiária em Belo Horizonte." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/27002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Tese de doutoramento em “Democracia no Século XXI”, apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de CoimbraO presente trabalho problematiza a proposta de inclusão social construída pelo modelo da regulação urbana brasileira, que está em conformidade com as conquistas jurídico-políticas e urbanísticas que reconhecem o direito à cidade. Assim, são analisados os processos de regularização fundiária no caso da cidade de Belo Horizonte, seus desdobramentos e o papel da academia. É discutido se as ações de regularização fundiária possibilitam a ocorrência de um processo de transformação social, de autorreflexão do direito e do conhecimento acadêmico. A tese problematiza a ideia de inclusão social como possibilidade de realização da cidadania e de enfrentamento da ideia de exclusão. Especificamente, são discutidas as significações do termo direito à cidade no contexto de implementação de políticas urbanas e das intervenções acadêmicas - conhecido como a questão urbana e ligada à ideia de crise urbana. Considera-se como ponto de partida o contexto de redemocratização do Brasil, no qual, a partir do caráter social da Constituição de 1988, foi construída uma nova ordem urbanística que busca alternativas ao modelo de cidade excludente e ilegal – determinado pelas leis de mercado – através do reconhecimento da função social da propriedade privada e da cidade. Este contexto é analisado a partir de uma leitura crítica da literatura das ciências sociais que analisam a emergência dos movimentos sociais brasileiros desde os anos 1970 e sua contribuição na construção do político a partir das lutas sociais. Considera-se que o direito urbanístico configura-se como um reconhecimento das demandas populares e a consagração da luta por direitos, mas atendendo aos seus limites. Para isso, neste trabalho são analisados, especificamente, os processos atuais de regularização fundiária em Belo Horizonte, na ação de dois atores: a municipalidade, por meio de uma política urbana de regularização fundiária e de um projeto de extensão universitária do direito que compreende o direito como limite à denegação de direitos. Discuto assim os limites e possibilidades desses processos enfrentar as relações históricas de poder, isto é de oferecer uma reflexão sobre a politização do direito. A análise é centrada na construção da dita questão urbana, argumentando como foi e é construída não somente por falta dos direitos urbanísticos e de planejamento urbano, como também pelas relações de poder díspares que excluem e marginalizam territorialmente, bem como politicamente grupos sociais, apartando-os do jogo político e determinando o lugar físico e social dessas camadas populacionais. Portanto, neste trabalho são questionadas as limitações da construção de uma ordem jurídico-urbanística como máxima solução de enfrentamento do status quo. Assim, são efetuadas constatações sobre as próprias dificuldades de fazer valer os direitos urbanísticos nas práticas de implementação da política urbana, na invocação e persecução dos direitos sociais, dessa maneira, muitas vezes a política e a ideia de inclusão não conseguem atingir o seu próprio fim que é a inclusão social.
The present study investigates the social inclusion framework poroposed by the Brazilian urban regulation model, which is in agreement with the legal, political, and urban achieved changes that recognize the right to the city. I analyze the processes of urban land regularization, their implications and the role of academic knowledge and intervention, in the case of Belo Horizonte (Minas Gerais). I discuss whether implementing urban land regularization facilitates a process of social transformation, which implies a process of self-reflection concerning legal and academic knowledge. This thesis problematizes the notion of social inclusion as a possibility for achieving citizenship and fighting against exclusion. More specifically, I discuss the meanings of the term right to the city both within the framework of urban policy implementation and in academic literature, that has analysed urban movements and struggles - the so-called urban question, associated with the idea of urban crisis. These issues stem from the process of redemocratization in Brazil, which produced a new Brazilian urban organization, based on the social rights set forth by the 1988 Constitution. By recognizing the social function of both private property and the city, this new urban organization attempted to provide alternatives to the illegal and excluding city model (determined by market laws). The present work draws on the social science literature which analyses the appearance of Brazilian social movements from the 1970s onwards, and their contribution to the construction of the political discourse. Therefore, urban law reflects an acknowledgement of popular demands and the recognition of the social rights struggle. However, my research highlights its limits throughout an analysis of Urban Land Regularization programs in Belo Horizonte and focusing on the activities of two stakeholders: the municipality, by means of its urban policy of urban land regularization and a university outreach program in the field of Law. This outreach program understands Law as a limit to the denegation of rights. Thereby, I draw on the notion of politicization of law to discuss whether these processes question historical power relations, and the extent to which they reflect on the limits of the idea of social inclusion. In sum, the present thesis focuses its analysis on the construction of the aforementioned urban question, by arguing that it was constructed not only due to a lack of urban rights and urban planning, but also due to asymmetric power relationships which spatially and politically exclude and marginalize social groups, preventing their access to the political arena and determining their physical and social place. Therefore, this work questions the limitations of framework a legal and urban order as the most accomplished solution to fight against the status quo. Accordingly, I highlight the difficulties in achieving urban rights by implementing urban policy, and claiming and pursuing social rights. I further argue that policies and the idea of inclusion are often unable to attain their aim of social inclusion.
FCT - SFRH/BD/64106/2009
10
Thijm, Joris David Alberdingk. "Executive scandals during the workers' party governments in Brazil: causes and mechanisms." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18824.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Corruption scandals involving the president or other members of the executive branch have long been used as a control or independent variable in studies on Latin American presidentialism. This research seeks to contribute to the literature by treating executive scandals as the dependent variable, using the Workers’ Party governments in Brazil (2003-2016) as a case study. First, a number of independent interval variables that potentially affect the dependent variable are tested using regression analysis, and then, independent categorical variables are identified and causal mechanisms connecting the independent interval and categorical variables to executive scandal emergence are uncovered, making use of "Y-centered theory-building process tracing" and data from interviews with media professionals and an ex-Supreme Court judge. Four different potential causal mechanisms connecting a total of up to five different independent variables to executive scandal emergence are identified, providing a point of departure for future research on the topic. This study contributes to the Latin American presidentialism literature by providing insight into the causes of executive corruption scandals, a previously overlooked topic.Escândalos de corrupção que envolvem o presidente ou outros membros do Poder Executivo têm, durante muito tempo, sido usados como variável independente ou de controle em estudos sobre presidencialismo latino-americano. Esta investigação busca contribuir para esta literatura através do uso como variável dependente de escândalos que envolvem o poder executivo, usando como estudo de caso os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no Brasil (2003-2016). Primeiro, algumas variáveis independentes intervalares que podem afetar a variável dependente acima indicada são testadas usando regressão, e depois, variáveis independentes categóricas são identificadas e mecanismos causais que conectam as variáveis independentes intervalares e categóricas com a emergência de escândalos envolvendo o poder executivo são desveladas, usando "Y-centered theory-building process tracing" e entrevistas com profissionais de média e um ex-ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Foram identificados quatro potenciais mecanismos causais que conectam um total de até cinco variáveis independentes com a emergência de escândalos envolvendo o poder executivo, assim fornecendo um ponto de partida para investigação futura do tema. Esta investigação contribui para a literatura sobre presidencialismo latino-americano ao fornecer novo conhecimento sobre as causas de escândalos de corrupção envolvendo o poder executivo, um assunto anteriormente desconsiderado.
Книги з теми "Politicization processes"
1
Salmi-Niklander, Kirsti, Sofia Laine, Päivi Salmesvuori, Ulla Savolainen, and Riikka Taavetti, eds. Friction, Fragmentation, and Diversity. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726757.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This collection focuses on difficult memories and diverse identities related to conflicts and localized politics of memories. The contemporary and history-oriented case studies discuss politicized memories and pasts, the frictions of justice and reconciliation, and the diversity and fragmentation of difficult memories. The collection brings together methodological discussions from oral history research, cultural memory studies and the study of contemporary protest movements. The politicization of memories is analyzed in various contexts, ranging from everyday interaction and diverse cultural representations to politics of the archive and politics as legal processes. The politicization of memories takes place on multiple analytical levels: those inherent to the sources; the ways in which the collections are utilized, archived, or presented; and in the re-evaluation of existing research.
2
Maia, Rousiley C. M. Politicization, New Media, and Everyday Deliberation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748977.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter investigates ‘everyday talk’ within the deliberative system. The democratic potential of everyday talk is assessed against the normative criteria of deliberation and then with reference to the politicizing and depoliticizing effects of this practice. Against scholars who argue that government-focused forums and mini-publics are internally more democratic than broader processes of everyday discussion in the public sphere, this chapter contends that there is no space that is intrinsically more deliberative than any other, especially when seen from a network of governance. This chapter argues that connections across governmental networks and social spaces are more intricate in an increasingly hybrid media environment. Everyday talk is becoming ever more important for helping citizens to discover problems that may otherwise remain hidden or consigned to the realm of fate or necessity, converting topics of conversation into issues of broader public concern, and criticizing and demanding review of certain political decisions.
3
Domínguez-Redondo, Elvira. In Defense of Politicization of Human Rights. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516706.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
International human rights mechanisms’ efficiency is normally linked to the work of independent experts keen to push the boundaries of accountability, against recalcitrant states determined to defend their sovereignty. As a corollary, progress in this field is associated with the creation and maintenance of political free spaces. Another common presumption, rather than fact, is a belief in a differentiated “North” versus “South” approach to the promotion and protection of human rights, that finds solid ground within the prevalent human rights discourses repeated by governmental and non-governmental actors. Through the lenses of the UN Special Procedures, In Defense of Politicization of Human Rights: The UN Special Procedures challenges these and other presumptions informing doctrinal studies, policies, and strategies to advance international human rights. In seeking to debunk commonly held views about the role of politics in human rights at the international level, this book constitutes the first comprehensive study of the Special Procedures as a system covering their history, methods of work, institutional status, and relationship with other politically driven organs and processes affecting their development. The perspective chosen to analyze the human rights mechanisms most vulnerable to political decisions determining their creation, renewal, and operationalization casts a new light on the extent to which these remain the cornerstone of global accountability in protecting the inherent dignity and worth of individuals as well as groups.
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Salmi-Niklander, Kirsti, Sofia Laine, Päivi Salmesvuori, Ulla Savolainen, and Riikka Taavetti, eds. Friction, Fragmentation, and Diversity. Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9789048553853.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This collection focuses on difficult memories and diverse identities related to conflicts and localized politics of memories. The contemporary and history-oriented case studies discuss politicized memories and pasts, the frictions of justice and reconciliation, and the diversity and fragmentation of difficult memories. <i>Friction, Fragmentation, and Diversity: Localized Politics of European Memories</i> brings together methodological discussions from oral history research, cultural memory studies and the study of contemporary protest movements. The politicization of memories is analyzed in various contexts, ranging from everyday interaction and diverse cultural representations to politics of the archive and politics as legal processes. The politicization of memories takes place on multiple analytical levels: those inherent to the sources; the ways in which the collections are utilized, archived, or presented; and in the re-evaluation of existing research.
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Danielson, Michael S. Biographies of Emigrant Politicization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190679972.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Using comparative qualitative methods based on extensive field research, this chapter examines the process through which 10 migrants became politically engaged and influential actors in their home communities. The analysis shows that the most influential migrant political actors from the state of Oaxaca have entered the fray in opposition to dominant powers back home. In contrast, the migrants who have been most influential in the states of Guanajuato and Zacatecas have tended to be mobilized by and act in support of the dominant parties in their states. The institutionalization of the state–migrant relationship in Guanajuato and Zacatecas facilitates migrant social and political engagement with governing parties. In contrast, the exclusion of migrants from influence in Oaxaca helps explain why migrants often oppose the governing party; and their experiences of exploitation and resistance as migrants in Mexico and California radicalized many of the most influential migrant leaders.
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Schoen, Harald, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, Bernhard Weßels, and Christof Wolf. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This concluding chapter summarizes the main findings of the preceding chapters in light of the model of contextual effects on voter behavior. Accordingly, the processes of communication and politicization are of key importance for contextual effects. By implication, we cannot take for granted that contextual features exert sizable effects on voters’ opinion formation and behavior in each and every case. Findings about contextual effects are also context-sensitive and thus do not lend themselves to generalization by default. These observations suggest that context plays a nuanced and conditional role in voting behavior. Exploring it further should be a focal topic of future research on political behavior and democratic politics.
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Zürn, Michael. The Theoretical Model. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819974.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The authority–legitimation link states that international institutions exercising authority need to nurture the belief in their legitimacy. The authority–legitimation link points to fundamental challenges for the global governance system: with the rise of international authorities that are, at the same time, more intrusive, state consent is undermined and societies are affected directly. Consequently, legitimation problems arise, followed by processes of delegitimation, which then trigger responses by the challenged institutions. Using concepts of historical institutionalism, it is argued in this chapter that the authority–legitimation link produces reactive sequences either via the route of societal politicization or via counter-institutionalization by states. These reactive sequences may result in either a decline or a deepening of global governance depending on the responses of authority holders.
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Toro-Morn, Maura. Elvira Arellano and the Struggles of Low-Wage Undocumented Latina Immigrant Women. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037573.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines the labor disruptions faced by low-wage undocumented Latina immigrant women under the current neoliberal regime by telling the story of Elvira Arellano, a Mexican immigrant who followed the migrant trail of low-wage work in the United States. On August 15, 2007, Arellano traveled to Los Angeles to attend an immigration rally; four days later, she was apprehended by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and deported to Tijuana, Mexico. Arellano's case highlights the criminalization of undocumented immigrants in the the aftermath of 9/11 that has led to a dramatic increase in the number of Latinos sentenced to prison terms in U.S. federal courts. This chapter explores how neoliberal globalization processes in both Mexico and the United States have shaped Arellano's life choices, her agency, and politicization as an undocumented immigrant woman.
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Zürn, Michael. Conclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819974.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter summarizes the argument of the book. It recapitulates the global governance as a political system founded on normative principles and reflexive authorities in order to identify the legitimation problems built into it; it points to the explanation of the rise of societal politicization and counter-institutionalization via causal mechanisms highlighting the endogenous dynamics of that global governance system; and, it sums up the conditions under which the subsequent processes of legitimation and delegitimation lead to the system’s decline or to a deepening of it. In addition, the conclusion submits that the arguments put forward in this book are in line with a newly emerging paradigm in International Relations. A “global politics paradigm” is increasingly complementing the “cooperation under anarchy paradigm” which has been dominant for around five decades. The chapter finishes with suggestions of areas for further research.
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Asquer, Enrica. Domesticity and Beyond: Gender, Family, and Consumption in Modern Europe. Edited by Frank Trentmann. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199561216.013.0029.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article discusses the relationship between gender history and the history of the family, especially in the field of consumer studies, and examines works that consider the rise of a ‘modern’ public sphere, structured around mass consumption and potentially more inclusive with respect to women. Reframing Jürgen Habermas's account with a gender-conscious approach and recognizing the power of the discourse in shaping historical processes, some of the studies it considers critically utilize the Habermasian assumption that commercial culture caused a radical transformation of the classic bourgeois public realm. Focusing on the contemporary debate about women shoppers and the challenge they posed to the masculine public sphere, these works explore the tensions between different ‘publics’ that were emerging in the nineteenth century within European societies and the changing ways in which domesticity and motherhood were linked to consumer culture. The article also looks at the politicization of everyday life in twentieth-century Europe.
Частини книг з теми "Politicization processes"
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Schwarz, Christoph H. "Social Change and Generational Disparity: Education, Violence, and Precariousness in the Life Story of a Young Moroccan Activist." In Methodological Approaches to Societies in Transformation, 115–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65067-4_5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis chapter illustrates how social change can be assessed in biographical research by methodologically focusing on processes of intergenerational transmission in interviewees’ life stories, not only within the family but also in educational institutions and other contexts. The author illustrates this by reconstructing the political socialization and politicization of a young activist in Morocco’s Unemployed Graduates Movement and Amazigh Movement. Life stories not only allow long periods of social time and the historicity of social processes to be taken into account but also shed light on the conflicts that young people have to tackle before they can claim to be adults as defined in their particular social contexts. From this perspective, social change and the reconfiguration of power relations depend to a great extent on how societies organize and broker the transition to adulthood, and what particular type of young individuals are granted by their position at the intersections of class, gender, and ethnicity. By assessing the interviewees’ reinterpretation of the experiences, narratives, and traditions passed down to them by the older generation and reconstructing how they position themselves in a generation or generational unit, social change and the formation of new social and political subjectivities become empirically accessible as narrated patterns of social interaction.
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van Loon, Aukje. "To Politicize or Not to Politicize." In Handbook of Research on Challenges in Public Economics in the Era of Globalization, 229–51. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9083-6.ch014.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Examining selective politicization across the TTIP and JEEPA negotiations, as well as across the UK and German trade positions, the societal approach to governmental preference formation is applied to test the hypothesis that when an EU trade agreement negotiation affects various domestic stakeholders (interest groups, trade unions, NGOs, and voters) and these form coalitions, either reinforcing or competing with each other's demands, politicization is likely to dominate government preference formation processes, while on the other hand, when coalition-building between domestic stakeholders is largely absent and demands do not conflict, then politicization is unlikely to shape governments' trade positions.
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Sellapperumage, Savithri. "COVID-19 Vaccine Nationalism and Politicization." In Advances in Digital Crime, Forensics, and Cyber Terrorism, 86–111. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7904-6.ch006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The COVID-19 pandemic has swept the world uprooting people from their livelihoods and toppling the economy of the world. Thus, to everyone's interest, producing a vaccine became the priority to gain at least half the normalcy in day-to-day activities of the world. With over a year passing, several states have come to the front in producing vaccines, having completed tedious processes of research and clinical trials. The next mammoth task at hand is distribution and administration in countries. However, with only a few countries gaining the advantage of production, they are seen to exercise power politics in purchasing and distribution of the vaccine. Developing countries have succumbed to a difficult predicament amidst balancing the great powers and the financial inability to obtain the vaccination. Therefore, the chapter explores the political dimension to vaccine distribution and the plight of developing nations in obtaining the vaccine. Further, the chapter observes the global initiatives taken to address the issue and the impact of distribution on health security.
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Domínguez-Redondo, Elvira. "The Politics of Reforming Special Procedures." In In Defense of Politicization of Human Rights, 35–68. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197516706.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The political nature of the decisions creating mandates has propitiated the development of pioneering methods of work because they provided a wide margin of autonomy to experts acting as mandate holders. Their less than solid normative basis has also allowed political contestation. The legal foundations have been particularly weak in justifying working methods to handle individual communications of human rights violations, since it represents an extraordinary limitation to the sovereignty of states. In this context, states have pushed for several reforms of the UN Special Procedures with different motivations. The reform agendas pursued by the Asian and African Group have been considered as particularly threatening for the future of Special Procedures. In practice, their number has continued to grow. Furthermore, several waves of reform have resulted in standardization of practices and the provision of sounder legal bases for the methods of work of mandate holders through the approval of the Code of Conduct, among other measures. The processes of reform have forced the consideration of Special Procedures as a distinct category in the political arena.
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Schmidt, Vivien A. "Split-Level Legitimacy and Politicization in EU Governance." In Europe's Crisis of Legitimacy, 56–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797050.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chapter 3 explores the dilemmas of the EU’s “split-level” legitimacy, where output and throughput operate primarily at the EU level and input at the national, and then examines the impact of politicization on both national and EU levels. The chapter begins by considering the EU’s legitimacy problems stemming from the fragmentation of its governing activities, with policies and processes located mainly at the EU level while politics remains national. While the EU has been largely successful in improving legitimacy in all three categories over time, it has faced major challenges to legitimacy. In the Eurozone crisis, citizens’ sense of EU legitimacy has suffered even if their EU-related identity may not have. The chapter then focuses on the EU’s biggest challenge, the politicization of EU governance. After briefly describing the longstanding depoliticization of EU technocratic governance, this section argues that the EU’s politicization has been increasing not only at the bottom, as evidenced by the weakening of mainstream parties to the benefit of populist challengers, or from the bottom up, as national politics influences EU actors, but also at the top, where EU actors have become more politicized. The chapter uses the debates about who is in charge or control of EU governance to show how scholars’ defense of “their” actor through “new” or traditional versions of intergovernmentalism, supranationalism, and parliamentarism actually demonstrates the EU’s increasingly political dynamics of interaction. This chapter ends with the question: Is such politicization a good thing or a bad thing?
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Entzinger, Han, and Peter Scholten. "Research–Policy Dialogues on Migrant Integration in Europe." In Bridging the Gaps, 34–49. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198834557.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter analyses the relationship between research and policy-making on integration. Drawing on a large, cross-country, empirical research project conducted during 2011–2014 (the DIAMINT project), the chapter considers how research and policy-making in the field of migrant integration have developed over time, and how their relationship functions under the present conditions of strong politicization of the issue in Europe. The authors propose a theoretical framework that distinguishes between three aspects of research–policy dialogues in the domain of immigrant integration: dialogue structures—including the formal and informal arrangements created for the exchange and communication of knowledge and research; knowledge utilization—the cultures and practices of knowledge utilization in policy processes; and taking the perspective of researchers, knowledge production. The chapter considers—first theoretically and then empirically—how the increasing politicization of the issue of integration in Europe can affect the various dimensions of research–policy dialogues in different countries.
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Ferreri, Mara. "Politicising vacancy and commoning housing in municipalist Barcelona." In The New Urban Ruins, 181–96. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447356875.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The politicization of urban vacancy through a collective right of use can be a powerful counterclaim to the ‘right to exclude’ of private property rights. Commonly, vacancy is understood as the static result of prolonged period of dilapidation and inactivity; such an imaginary, however, is complicated by the rapid intensification of real estate financialisation in cities across the globe. In the current conjuncture of extended urban and housing precarization, understanding how housing vacancy is mobilized, symbolically and materially, can offer a critical entry point to practices of reclaiming the city. The chapter examines the politicisation of vacant housing in post-2008 Barcelona, Catalonia, at the intersection of official censuses, social movement organising, third sector lobbying and municipal policy-making. Controversies around data availability and direct actions by neighbourhood-based housing assemblies challenge official definitions, pointing to the need for a wider politicization of (temporary) vacancy in rapid processes of dispossession and revalorisation.
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Vommaro, Pablo. "Social Movements and Territorial Dynamics in Argentina and Latin America (1980-2018)." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 129–60. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-5205-6.ch006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the last few decades, Argentina and Latin America have undergone significant processes of social unrest and mobilization. Within the larger context of the various movements and dimensions where social mobilization unfolds, the territory has emerged as an increasingly relevant element for the interpretation of its dynamics, continuities, and transformations. Indeed, the spatialization of political production, which accompanied the processes of spatialization of production and the social life, caused a politicization of space that shaped the territory. Thus, processes developed whereby space becomes politicized and politics becomes territorialized. These features have shaped organizations and demonstrations often led by young people, which has given rise to territorially situated, generational political forms.
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Vairel, Frédéric. "With or Without You?" In Revisiting the Arab Uprisings, 199–218. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190876081.003.0011.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Frédéric Vairel offers a comparison between transitional justice processes in Tunisia and Morocco. He shows how the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission established in 2004, the first in an Arab country, inspired and partly informed Tunisia’s Truth and Justice Commission. He discusses the similarities and differences between the two entities and their actions. While in authoritarian Morocco, the top-down process through which the commission was created allowed it to work reasonably well, though with quite limited results, its Tunisian counterpart followed a much more ambitious roadmap but was not able to function efficiently due to the politicization of transitional justice in Tunisia’s new democratizing context.
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Ampratwum, Edward. "Uneven Targeting of Cash Transfers." In The Politics of Distributing Social Transfers, 121–48. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192862525.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This chapter examines the political dynamics underpinning implementation of Ghana’s Livelihood Empowerment against Poverty (LEAP) programme, exploring the puzzle of why LEAP is implemented better in some districts than others. Drawing on four detailed case studies in the Upper West and Central regions, the chapter argues that both state infrastructural power and political competition shape implementation of the programme. However, in Ghana’s highly competitive political system, it is political competition that dominates, with political competition between and within parties tending to undermine the impartiality of targeting processes compared with districts in which one party is dominant. This politicization of distribution remains despite the centralization of targeting processes in recent reforms, with local political actors exploiting their connections to national politicians as a means of bypassing central controls.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Politicization processes"
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Mattayang, Basmin, Husain Syam, and Haedar Akib. "The Impact of Bureaucracy Politicization in the Public Services Process in Indonesia." In 3rd International Conference on Education, Science, and Technology (ICEST 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201027.021.
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