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Статті в журналах з теми "Political trust. Economic crisis. Public opinion"
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Benedetta, Cotta, and Memoli Vincenzo. "Do environmental preferences in wealthy nations persist in times of crisis? The European environmental attitudes (2008-2017)." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 50, no. 1 (March 14, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2019.3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractHow do economic recessions affect European citizens’ attitudes towards environmental policies? In this article we investigate the attitudes of European citizens towards environmental protection considering its importance both at individual and country levels and adopting a longitudinal view. In light of the existing research on the link between pro-environmental attitudes and economic affluence of societies, including Ronald Inglehart’s theory of post-materialism, we hypothesise that levels of economic well-being as well as trust in political institutions are important drivers of Europeans’ attitudes towards environmental protection. Taking into consideration some macroeconomic indicators and the environmental attitude of public opinion, our main results show that even in time of crises, citizens’ pro-environmental attitudes persist in terms of importance, both at country and individual levels.
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Malčič, Matevž, and Alenka Krašovec. "New Parties and Democracy in Slovenia." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractWhile no stranger to new political parties, Slovenia’s party system became much more unstable after 2008 with the constant arrival of electorally very successful parties. Further, while the citizens’ satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions has never reached the heights seen in Western Europe, the crisis years saw them drop to historical lows. In these circumstances, one may expect successful new parties to assure greater responsiveness, or a balance between responsible and responsive politics, and to bring improvements to citizens’ opinion on their satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions. In addition, new parties are usually more prone to democratic innovations, which can be associated with the popular idea of introducing stronger intra-party democracy in their internal functioning. The analysis shows that in 2014 Slovenia experienced both the nadir of public opinion on democracy and the political system, and the most electorally successful new party. Nevertheless, improvements in satisfaction with democracy and the political system only slowly emerged after 2014, to a considerable extent coinciding with the return to economic prosperity, while even these improvements left enough room for yet another successful new party at the 2018 elections. Concerning innovations in intra-party democracy, we are only able to identify some smaller democratic innovations. Given this, it seems that the new parties themselves have had a relatively limited impact on democracy in Slovenia.
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Abeyagoonasekera, Asanga. "Fighting economic crime during the pandemic: a Sri Lankan perspective." Journal of Financial Crime 29, no. 2 (February 10, 2022): 764–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-01-2022-0009.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the dual crisis in Sri Lanka during the pandemic. The health crisis was followed by democratic backsliding which directly impacted the fight for economic crime. The pre-pandemic political commitment to fight corruption is assessed with the pandemic environment and the policy decisions by the Government. Sri Lanka was a detailed case study of how politicians exploited the pandemic environment to suppress democracy and move their semi-autocratic agenda forward. However, Sri Lanka was not the only nation that faced such autocratic sentiments losing the democratic values. This paper discusses recommendations for improving the resources and investment to address economic crime in Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach Secondary data was used for the analysis introducing a theoretical framework referring to the work of Michel Foucault and Francis Fukuyama. The secondary data was used to develop an argument aligning political science with economic crime. Findings The Government disciplinary project launched during the pandemic directly impacted Sri Lankan democracy and structural changes made to the constitution. The heavy militarization was a sign of departure of long-cherished values of democracy in the country. Political clientelism backed by nepotism interfered with judicial independence and the fight against economic crime. Many accused, including those responsible for the largest corruption scandal, were not punished. The trust deficit has widened significantly between authorities and the public on fighting corruption in Sri Lanka. Research limitations/implications There are more factors for democratic backsliding than what is presented in this paper. The economic crime environment in Sri Lanka has many dimensions and the paper only highlights a few areas limiting to the secondary data available. Originality/value The paper discusses a unique perspective on how a pandemic could be misused to strengthen the autocratic rule and make structural changes to a nation, including constitution amendments. The pandemic environment was used to commit economic crime and suppress public opinion projecting the health crisis in the lockdown environment.
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Ibrahim, Adamkolo Mohammed, Balarabe Maikaba, and Suleiman Mainasara Yar’Adua. "Understanding the Rudiments of Media Research Methodology: Content Analysis of Daily Trust, a Nigerian Daily Newspaper." Studies in Media and Communication 7, no. 2 (September 8, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v7i2.4385.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Newspaper journalism is a vast area of research that has gained much attention from academics and media industry. Because of the immense contribution of media to social, economic, political and cultural development to societies, understanding the links and impacts of media and media content on audiences and the polity has been stressed. Democracy has been shown to be a means to an end, and public opinion and participation are invariably shown to affect and be affected by democracy and media content. By its unique characteristics (private ownership, less state influence, greater independence, ability to criticize the state, etc.) newspaper has been shown to influence government and public agenda and set agenda for broadcast and online media. One of the popular methodological approaches adopted in media agenda-setting research is content analysis. Based on the Agenda-Setting theory, this paper employed a quantitative content analysis approach to provide an understanding about the content of Daily Trust newspaper (a Nigerian national daily) in order to provide some guidance on the practical skills and theoretical knowledge about content analysis both as a methodology and theoretical framework for the benefits of postgraduate media content analysis students and researchers. The findings showed that pictures, headlines and news stories were the dominant units of analysis while politics (democracy, governance and party politics) religion and crisis (ethno-religious crises issues surrounding the herdsmen-farmers conflict) were the dominant content categories. Daily Trust newspaper should continue embracing development and peace journalism trend of journalism.
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Calnan, Michael. "Health policy and controlling Covid-19 in England: sociological insights." Emerald Open Research 2 (July 29, 2020): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13726.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The global Covid-19 pandemic is posing considerable challenges for governments throughout the world and has and will have a significant influence on the shape of peoples social and economic life and wellbeing in the short and longer term. This opinion paper discusses the current health policy response adopted in England to control or manage the epidemic and identifies the key sociological and political influences which have shaped these policies. Drawing on the theoretical approach set out in his recent book, which emphasises the interplay of powerful structural and economic interest groups, the author will consider the influence of the key players. Government policy has tied itself to scientific and medical evidence and protecting the NHS so the key roles of the medical profession, public health scientific community and NHS management and their respective and relative powerful influences will be discussed. The government needs the support of the public if their policies are to be successful, so how have the government addressed maintaining public trust in this ‘crisis’ and how much trust do the public have in the government and what has influenced it? The strong emphasis on social distancing and social isolation in the national government policy response to Covid-19 has placed an increasing public reliance on the traditional and social media for sources of information so how the media has framed the policy will be considered. One policy aim is for an effective vaccine and the influence of the drug industry in its development is discussed. Finally, the role of the state will be discussed and what has shaped its social and economic policies.
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Calnan, Michael. "Health policy and controlling Covid-19 in England: sociological insights." Emerald Open Research 2 (June 22, 2020): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35241/emeraldopenres.13726.1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The global Covid-19 pandemic is posing considerable challenges for governments throughout the world and has and will have a significant influence on the shape of peoples social and economic life and wellbeing in the short and longer term. This opinion paper discusses the current health policy response adopted in England to control or manage the epidemic and identifies the key sociological and political influences which have shaped these policies. Drawing on the theoretical approach set out in his recent book, the author will consider the influence of the key players. Government policy has tied itself to scientific and medical evidence and protecting the NHS so the key roles of the medical profession, public health scientific community and NHS management and their respective and relative powerful influences will be discussed. The government needs the support of the public if their policies are to be successful, so how have the government addressed maintaining public trust in this ‘crisis’ and how much trust do the public have in the government and what has influenced it? The strong emphasis on social distancing and social isolation in the national government policy response to Covid-19 has placed an increasing public reliance on the traditional and social media for sources of information so how the media has framed the policy will be considered. One policy aim is for an effective vaccine and the influence of the drug industry in its development is discussed. Finally, the role of the state will be discussed and what has shaped its social and economic policies.
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Sokolov, B. O., M. A. Zavadskaya, and K. Khmel. "THE DYNAMIC OF POLITICAL SUPPORT IN RUSSIA DURING THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: EVIDENCE FROM ‘THE VALUES IN CRISIS’ SURVEY DATA ANALYSIS." Political Science (RU), no. 2 (2021): 122–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.02.06.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How the COVID-19 pandemic affected the attitudes of Russians towards political institutions? The aggregate data of public opinion polls suggest that, according to various available indicators, the level of political support in Russia has slightly dropped, compared to the pre-pandemic period. Yet, this kind of data does not allow one to infer what aspects of the pandemic experience are the most important predictors of individual assessments of the government's performance. The article presents the results of the analysis of the data from the first two Russian waves of the international online panel survey ‘Values in Crisis’ (ViC). The first wave was carried out in Jun 2020; the second - in April-May 2021. The sample size was 1,527 and 1,199 respectively; 1,014 respondents participated in both waves. The main dependent variable is an integral index of political support that includes indicators of both diffuse and specific support. Regression modeling demonstrates that during the first wave of the pandemic in Russia (spring 2020) the direct experience of the disease and COVID-related anxiety were positively correlated with political support, while anxiety over economic losses showed negative correlation. A decrease in economic well-being had no effect on political support. Other significant predictors included right-wing political views and trust in traditional media (leading to an increase in support) and propensity to share COVID-skepticism (leading to a decrease in support). One year later, in the first half of 2021, the situation has somewhat changed: neither experiencing COVID, nor COVID-related anxiety were no longer associated with support, while the effect of economic factors became more prominent.
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Vasilescu, Maria Denisa, Simona Andreea Apostu, Eva Militaru, and Eglantina Hysa. "Public Opinion on European Health Policy, Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 8 (April 15, 2022): 4813. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19084813.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Often, global crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, bring to light crucial weaknesses in political, economic, social and health systems. First, there are governments who formulate and implement policies and, second, there are the citizens who support them, thus contributing a great deal to their success. Our paper investigates the European citizens’ opinion on health policy, focusing on their preference for European health policy during the coronavirus pandemic. The paper uses bibliometric analysis, descriptive statistics, and logistic regression to discuss the public opinion on health policy, the factors of influence, the change in perspectives between 2020 and 2021, and the socio-demographic profile of those favorable for the development of a European health policy in response to the coronavirus pandemic. Our findings show that citizens from southern and central European countries are more likely to prioritize the development of a European health policy, as compared to Nordic countries. Between 2020 and 2021, pro-European health policy citizens profile changes and becomes clearer, from pensioners to young working age males with medium education. In general, people prioritizing a European health policy value health as the most important issue at a national level are generally satisfied with the European Union and do not trust their national government.
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Sobiech, Robert. "Trust in government in times of economic crisis." Studia z Polityki Publicznej, no. 1 (9) (January 3, 2016): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp.2016.1.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of the paper is to provide an overview of the existing studies concerning the phenomenon of public trust in government. Low trust in government has been frequently defined as a key problem influencing the policy process in many countries. The economic crises reinforced the importance of trust and triggered public debates on the necessary reforms of the public sector. The paper examines the key theories and research conducted by social scientists with a particular emphasis on the role of trust in risk societies. The review of the existing literature concentrates on the drivers of trust, showing the importance of two interlinked logics: the logic of consequences (the performance approach) and the logic of appropriateness (the process approach). The first one explains trust as a result of outputs and outcomes of government policies and services. The logic of appropriateness claims that trust is built on values and identity and depends on the adoption by governments the rules of integrity, openness, responsiveness and transparency. Trust in government is also deeply rooted in a broader system of rules, norms andvalues known as the trust culture. The last part of the paper is an attempt to trace an impact of an economic crisis on public trust. Studies of public opinion do not fully confirm the opinions on low trust and a decline in trust in government and trust in public administration in times of crisis. Some studies reveal considerable fluctuations of public trust in selected countries. In other countries, the public evaluation of government and public administration is high and there are only slight modifications in citizens’ perception of the government.
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Clements, Ben, Kyriaki Nanou, and José Real-Dato. "Economic crisis and party responsiveness on the left–right dimension in the European Union." Party Politics 24, no. 1 (November 13, 2017): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817736757.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The economic crisis within the European Union has had a significant impact on domestic politics in the member states, affecting the links between parties and citizens and accentuating the tensions parties face between governing responsibility and being responsive to public opinion. This article examines whether parties in EU countries have shifted their left–right ideological positions during the current crisis and whether such shifts are a direct response to the pressures of wider economic conditions or are more affected by changes in the preferences of the median voter. Party-based and citizen-based data are examined between 2002 and 2015, encompassing both the precrisis and crisis periods. The main findings are that the economic crisis has made parties less responsive to public opinion on the left–right dimension, and this effect is more pronounced for parties that have been in government.
Дисертації з теми "Political trust. Economic crisis. Public opinion"
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Marques, Christopher Alexandre. "Valores, crenças e atitudes em relação à União Europeia e a evolução das economias dos Estados-membros." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/10701.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos EuropeusA crise que assolou a União Europeia, em especial a partir de 2010, motivou uma forte queda da opinião favorável em relação às instituições europeias. Os dados do Eurobarómetro revelam que a confiança dos europeus para com a UE alcançou mesmo os níveis mais baixos de sempre. Esta dissertação avalia a influência da evolução das economias nas atitudes, valores e opiniões dos cidadãos para com a UE no período 1986-2014, em especial a partir de 2009. Através da análise de tendências, de correlações e da aplicação de regressões lineares, esta investigação sugere que o aumento das exportações nacionais para a UE e o crescimento económico contribuem para um aumento do apoio à integração europeia. Durante a crise, o aumento do desemprego contribuiu para a redução da opinião favorável à integração. Os resultados apontam ainda que, a partir do início do século XXI, o apoio à UE volta a ser fortemente influenciado pelos fatores económicos. Aponta-se assim para uma revalorização da perspetiva utilitarista na definição do apoio à UE, em vez das perspetivas culturais e de identidade.
The crisis that hit the European Union, particularly since 2010, led to an important fall in favourable opinion about European institutions. Eurobarometer data shows that citizens? trust toward the EU reached an all-time low during this crisis. This paper evaluates the influence of economic circumstances in attitudes, values and opinions toward the EU between 1986 and 2014, while paying special attention to the crisis years. This dissertation uses trend and correlation analysis and linear regressions to conclude that the increase in national exports to the EU and economic growth contribute to a more positive attitude towards the EU. During the crisis, the increase of unemployment affected negatively public support. The results also suggest that, from the beginning of the 21st century, support for the EU became more influenced by economic circumstances. This suggests a revaluation of a utilitarian perspective to explain public support for European integration, instead of cultural or identity approaches.
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Gewecke, Hanne. "Rage Against the System or its Measures? : Polity and Policy related Euroscepticism in Times of Economic Crisis." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-422937.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This master’s thesis offers a descriptive investigation of how public Euroscepticism has changed during the economic crisis. By regarding Eurosceptic opinions as positions on a scale as well as differentiating between opposition towards policy (concrete decisions and measures) and polity (the EU as a political system), the results show that overall, European citizens have not only become negative towards how the EU handled the crisis in terms of policy output. Policy opposition also tends to spill over into the polity area, entailing increasing preferences for reducing EU competences and for leaving the union all together. The policy-polity distinction is a perspective on Euroscepticism as opposition, that has largely been set aside in previous research. Furthermore, the paper describes how support for the EU polity and its policies has changed in different member states through a cross country analysis. The results show that there is great and unexpected variation between countries that would be assumed to display a similar development in the light of previous research. In addition, there are similarities between countries that were expected to develop differently. This indicates a limited understanding in this research field of how national factors influence public attitudes towards the European Union. A topic that needs to be investigated further.
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Vargas-Gonzalez, Briana. "Supranational Organizations and Legitimacy: How the 2008 Global Economic Crisis has affected Public Opinion on Membership in the EU." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6381.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines public opinion towards membership in the EU, before and after the 2008 global economic crisis, in the newest member states to join the institution in 2004 (the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) and 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1989, socialist economies and communism maintained a citizenry that never experienced unemployment and that did not have a political voice. Because free-market economic policies and democratic values are new to these countries, public opinion regarding membership in a supranational organization that promotes and fosters these ideals is important to study. Data from the Eurobarometer Public Opinion Survey spring waves 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the World Bank, and Eurostat are used to measure multiple indicators of support for membership in the EU. Ordered logistic regression and means comparison analyses are employed to measure the effect of national-level economic prospects, economic winner/loser status, political party power, age, national identity, gender, and individual-level political ideology on public opinion toward membership. The results demonstrate that multiple indicators affect attitudes toward membership and that a negative shift in public opinion is apparent following the 2008 global economic crisis. At the individual-level of analysis, economic winner/loser status and national identity are significant in the predicted direction in all five models. Age is a significant indicator of support only in 2008, 2009, and 2010. At the aggregate-level, means comparison analyses and t-test statistics indicate that GDP annual growth rates have a positive effect on attitudes toward membership in the EU. As GDP annual growth increases, approval of membership in the EU increases. Eurozone membership and unemployment rates indicate varied support for membership in the EU, and the results of means comparison analyses of political party power at the national-level are inconclusive and exploratory in nature. With all findings considered, future studies can further examine the implications and long-term effects of global financial crises on public opinion towards membership in various international economic organizations.M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American & Comparative Politics Track
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Chippendale, Emma. "The global financial crisis and public sentiment towards immigration and immigrants in the Netherlands : implications for liberal democracy and political culture." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19928.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 ushered in a new era of globalisation and with it, intensified levels of global migration. The movement of people across increasingly fluid and penetrable boundaries has altered the demographic profile of European states and this cultural diversity has confronted contemporary Western liberal democracies with a unique set of challenges concerning the integration of diverse groups into society for the purpose of fostering cohesion and domestic stability. The effects of cultural diversity are not limited to demographics however, and this thesis focuses predominantly on the political and public responses that this phenomenon has evoked. The context of the Netherlands provides a particularly enlightening example of the way in which attempts to manage cultural diversity have stimulated intensive debate on immigration and integration topics, which have subsequently become firmly ensconced within public and political discourse. This ongoing debate in the Dutch context has brought to the fore wider questions pertaining to citizenship, national identity and culture. More importantly, these issues have exposed the limits of Dutch tolerance: increasingly restrictionist immigration and integration policy over the last two decades, and in the last 10 years in particular, has appeared incongruous with stereotypical perceptions of the Netherlands as an ultra-liberal and progressive paragon of multiculturalism.
This thesis therefore seeks to rework this image of the Netherlands by observing possible shifts in public attitudes towards immigrants and immigration in the context of considerably less favourable material circumstances, occasioned by the current global financial crisis. Attitudes towards Muslims in Dutch society are of particular interest to this research given the particular cultural and symbolic threat that Islam is considered to pose to liberal values. Realistic Group Conflict Theory provides a useful framework for analysing inter-group competition and conflict stemming from both material and non-material perceptions of threat. Whilst particular focus is accorded to the specific macro-economic conditions of the ongoing financial crisis for observing potentially shifting sentiments, this discussion is situated within a larger national debate about immigration and integration spanning two decades. Linking public perception data to analyses of Dutch integration and immigration policy, patterns of voting behaviour and the real effects of the financial crisis on the Dutch economy, the ultimate intention of this research, then, is to assess the prospects and overall “health” of liberal democracy in the Netherlands. The country‟s experiences in attempting to deal with cultural pluralism reveal that liberal democratic norms have not simply been entrenched as “givens” and they are subject to contestation and ambiguity. It is in attempts to address difference and “otherness” in society that the shortfalls of Dutch liberal democracy have been laid bare.AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Met die val van die Berlynse Muur in 1989 het „n nuwe tydperk van globalisasie aangebreek en daarmee saam, verskerpte vlakke van globale migrasie. Die beweging van mense oor meer toegangklike grense het die demografiese profiel van Europese state verander. Hierdie kulturele diversiteit het huidige Westerse liberale demokrasieë met „n unieke stel uitdagings gekonfronteer, aangaande die integrasie van diverse groepe in die samelewing met die doel om saamhorigheid te bevorder. Die effek van kulturele diversiteit is egter nie beperk tot demografie nie en hierdie tesis fokus hoofsaaklik op die politieke en openbare reaksies wat die verskynsel uitgelok het. Die Nederlandse konteks verskaf „n besondere insiggewende voorbeeld van die manier waarop pogings om kulturele diversiteit te hanteer, intensiewe debat oor immigrasie- en integrasie-onderwerpe gestimuleer het, wat sedertdien stewig in die openbare en politieke diskoers verskans is. Die voortdurende debat in die Nederlandse verband het wyer vrae aangaande burgerskap, nasionale identiteit en kultuur laat ontstaan. Selfs van groter belang is die feit dat hierdie vraagstukke die perke van Nederlandse verdraagsaamheid ontbloot het: toenemende inperkings op immigrasie- en integrasie-beleid oor die afgelope twee dekades en veral in die laaste 10 jaar, het teenstrydig voorgekom met die stereotipiese indruk van Nederland as „n ultra-liberale en progressiewe toonbeeld van multi-kulturalisme. Hierdie tesis be-oog derhalwe om hierdie beeld van Nederland te ondersoek deur moontlike veranderings in openbare houdings teenoor immigrante en immigrasie waar te neem, teen die agtergrond van aansienlik minder gunstige materiële omstandighede, veroorsaak deur die huidige globale finansiële krisis. Houdings teenoor Moslems in die Nederlandse samelewing is van besondere belang in hierdie ondersoek teen die agtergrond van die beweerde kulturele en simboliese bedreiging wat Islam vir liberale waardes inhou. Realistiese Groep-Konflikteorie voorsien „n nuttige raamwerk om inter-groep wedywering en konflik, wat spruit uit beide materiële en nie-materiële perspesies van bedreiging, te analiseer. Alhoewel besondere aandag geskenk word aan die spesifieke makro-ekonomiese omstandighede van die huidige finansiële krisis om moontlike veranderings in houdings waar te neem, is hierdie bespreking deel van „n groter nasionale debat oor immigrasie en integrasie oor die afgelope twee dekades. Deur inligting oor openbare persepsie te verbind met die Nederlandse integrasie-en immigrasie-beleid, stempatrone en die ware uitwerkings van die finansiële krisis op die Nederlandse kultuur, is die uiteindelike doel van hierdie navorsing om die vooruitsigte en algehele “gesondheid” van liberale demokrasie in Nederland te evalueer. Die land se ervaring van kulturele pluralisme bewys dat liberale demokratiese norme nie verskans is nie en dat hulle onderhewig is aan omstredenheid en dubbelsinnigheid. Die pogings om verskille en “andersheid” in die samelewing aan te spreek, het die tekortkominge van die Nederlandse liberale demokrasie ontbloot.
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Risingerová, Karolina. "Vliv ekonomické krize na katalánský nacionalismus." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339120.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis is focused on the Catalan nationalism as the nationalism of the nation without state and its changes during the economic crisis. The objective is to analyse potential impact of the economic crisis to the Catalan nationalism and its changes after 2008, firstly at the level of public opinion, secondly and mainly at the political level in the frame of the analysis of the Catalan political parties in the Catalan parliament after the elections in 2006, 2010 and 2012. The parties are divided according their demands to the central government using the Dandoy's typology. The intensification of the demands for the independence in the Catalan society and its correlation with the worsening economic indicators, as the unemployment, Catalan debt or the changes of GDP, is analysed by the linear regression analysis in the first part of the study. The connection between nationalist questions and the economic crisis is analysed in the second part of the thesis. Three tools of the election campaign in 2006, 2010 and 2012 are used for this analysis - the electoral programmes, the electoral debates and interviews in television and the electoral spots. The conclusion of the thesis is whether the nationalist demands in the Catalan society and of the Catalan political parties increased and if so, whether it is...
Книги з теми "Political trust. Economic crisis. Public opinion"
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Berg, Linda. Multi-level Europeans: The influence of territorial attachments on political trust and welfare attitudes. Göteborg: Dept. of Political Science, Göteborg University, 2007.
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Gay, John. Citizen perceptions of democracy, governance, and political crisis in Lesotho. Cape Town, South Africa: Institute for Democracy in South Africa, 2000.
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Global antisemitism: A crisis of modernity. Leiden, the Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2013.
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1938-, Horowitz Daniel, ed. Jimmy Carter and the energy crisis of the 1970s: The "Crisis of confidence" speech of July 15, 1979 : a brief history with documents. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2005.
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The Japanese population problem: The coming crisis. London: Routledge, 2011.
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Pity the billionaire: The hard times swindle and the unlikely comeback of the Right. New York: Metropolitan Books, Henry Holt and Co., 2012.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki Accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina, February 4, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina, February 4, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Second Congress, second session : the crisis in Bosnia-Hercegovina, May 12, 1992. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1992.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Second Congress, first session, the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis: prospects for resolution, October 23, 1991. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1992.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Political trust. Economic crisis. Public opinion"
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Temizisler, Sevgi. "The Mediatisation of Migration Issues During the ‘Refugee Crisis’: A Comparative Case-Study of the UK, Denmark and Germany." In IMISCOE Research Series, 207–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-23996-0_12.
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AbstractSpurred on by civil war in Iraq, Libya and Syria and by instability in several African countries, more than 1.8 million migrants/refugees arrived in the EU in 2015. This massive pressure from immigrants and refugees led to a humanitarian crisis on a global scale while threatening the key instruments of border control in the EU and, at the same time, increasing uncertainty about the political, economic and societal implications for member states. The ‘crisis’ was highly politicised in domestic politics owing to the heightened salience in media coverage, the mobilisation of citizens holding exclusive nationalist identities by mostly right-wing populist parties and exacerbated polarisation in public debates. In such circumstances, popular disapproval of the EU’s management of the crisis grew and provided a suitable platform for the growth of anti-EU and anti-refugee/immigrant discourses, in which the domestic mass media played a major role by reflecting these tendencies and shaping public opinion concerning the ‘crisis’. Employing a comparativist methodology, this chapter investigates how migration issues were mediatised during the ‘refugee crisis’ in three different countries – the UK, Denmark and Germany – and the consequent implications.
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Ghodsee, Kristen, and Mitchell A. Orenstein. "Disappointment with Transition." In Taking Stock of Shock, 107–13. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197549230.003.0010.
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Chapter 9 introduces and analyzes public opinion data with a specific focus on the Life in Transition survey conducted in 2006. It points out that citizens of the selected postsocialist countries who were surveyed expressed surprisingly high levels of discontent with markets and democracy, high levels of dissatisfaction with the state of politics in 2006, high levels of overall life dissatisfaction, a distinct lack of support for the coupling of a market economy with democracy, and low levels of public trust and social cohesion. This chapter also points out that these public opinion data came as an immense surprise to Western institutions, especially as the survey was conducted before the 2008 financial crisis during a period of relative success for the surveyed postsocialist countries.
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Guerra, Simona, and Lauren M. McLaren. "25. Public Opinion and the European Union." In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0025.
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This chapter examines trends in public opinion toward the European Union. Through the mid-1980s, EU member governments and bureaucrats were interested in limited public involvement in the integration process. With the introduction of the Single European Act and later the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty, member states began selling their varying visions of a renewed European project that would contribute to the further economic and political development of the EU integration process. The chapter first considers general perceptions of the EU before assessing the key factors that are believed to account for differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include rational utilitarianism, perceptions of the national government, political psychology factors such as cognitive mobilization and concerns about the loss of national identity, and the role of mass media in shaping attitudes towards the EU. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the level of trust towards EU institutions.
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Walter, Stefanie, Ari Ray, and Nils Redeker. "Crisis Politics in Surplus Countries." In The Politics of Bad Options, 206–43. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198857013.003.0007.
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This chapter investigates how distributional conflicts between economic interest groups interacted with the preferences and priorities of voters and political elites in shaping crisis outcomes in surplus countries. Leveraging public opinion data, qualitative evidence, and information gathered in thirty interviews with policymakers and group representatives for a comparative case study, the chapter analyzes why surplus-country governments remained hesitant toward bailouts and alternative financing and why—even though interest group conflicts about internal adjustment policies looked very similar—Germany, Austria and the Netherlands varied in the extent to which they engaged in domestic expansion during the crisis. It shows that gridlock amongst interest groups about how to adjust internally is especially likely to result in non-adjustment in contexts in which voters give little priority to boosting domestic demand and domestic political elites are able to design crisis responses in concordance with their own ideological convictions. However, in contexts in which the domestic economic climate makes economic reforms become a politically salient issue, policymakers have large incentives to overrule the gridlock amongst interest groups. As a result, even highly export-oriented countries implement measures that boost domestic demand and lead to a meaningful rebalancing of the current account.
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Read, Colin. "In Crisis Risk Management Across Nations." In Advances in Logistics, Operations, and Management Science, 1–14. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-5279-0.ch001.
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COVID-19 has inflicted tremendous damage across countries and economies. Some of the world's most populous nations suffered high death rates as their political leaders publicly expressed skepticism of the advice of their public health leaders and sowed distrust in the public's mind. Many political leaders failed to understand its implications and attributed blame rather than identified public health solutions, which diluted public health messaging. In addition, central and state government leaders undermined attempts by local leaders to mount effective public health campaigns. Meanwhile, leaders most closely aligned themselves with the advice of public health experts fared better both in the measures of disease mitigation and economic displacement. The author compares results in various countries based on their response pattern, explores the literature on effective contingent and risk management that helps explain the divergence in success in battling COVID-19, and demonstrates that collective citizen trust in government is a significant predictor of effective crisis risk management.
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Pasarín, Ana Mar Fernández, and Francesc Morata. "7. Spain: Pragmatic Europeanism or the End of Unconditional Support for European Integration?" In The Member States of the European Union, 149–77. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737391.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the different aspects of Spain’s adaptation to the European Union, and more specifically how Europe became a source of benefits and modernization for the country. Spain is the only country among all those which have joined the EU after 1958 whose political parties and citizenry were in full support of acccession. Europeanization has affected most policy areas, particularly economic and social policies in response to EU pressures during the financial crisis. The chapter first considers the pattern of Spain’s relations with the EU before discussing the overall assessment of its EU membership among public opinion and political parties. It then analyses the impact of EU membership on Spain’s political institutions and governance, judicial politics, and policy adaptation in areas such as the Common Agricultural Policy and environmental policy. The chapter concludes by exploring how Spain’s unconditional support for integration has become more conditional since the financial crisis.
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Başer, Betül. "Spin Doctor in the Post-Truth Era." In Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies, 161–74. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-9251-9.ch011.
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Today, the reaction of the masses towards the lies of the politicians brings together a new process rather than the politicians lying to the masses. In the post-trust era, the insignificance of the truth, politicians reflecting the lies as if they were the truth, and the masses believing in such reflections represent such a process. In this era, politicians render excuses to cover up the truth without having any feeling of guilt. There are spin doctors that work to enable the politicians to realize these purposes. The purpose of spin doctors is to manipulate the media and the public opinion and to reveal the aspects of events to benefit their own political targets rather than as these events are. In this study, the Our Brand Is Crisis movie will be considered in the context of spin doctor tactics usage in the post-truth era. The purpose of this study is to reveal the cinema representation of the spin doctor tactics in the post-truth era and to discuss the spin doctor concept and tactics with sample scenes.
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Morata, Francesc. "6. Spain: Modernization Through Europeanization." In The Member States of the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199544837.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines the different aspects of Spain’s adaptation to the European Union, and more specifically how Europe became a source of benefits and modernization for the country. Spain is the only country among all those which have joined the EU after 1958 whose political parties and citizenry were in full support of the issue. Europeanization has affected most policy areas, particularly economic and social policies, in response to EU pressures during the financial crisis. The chapter first considers the pattern of Spain’s relations with the EU before discussing the overall assessment of its EU membership among public opinion and political parties. It then analyses the impact of EU membership on Spain’s political institutions and governance, judicial politics, and policy adaptation in areas such as the Common Agricultural Policy and environmental policy. The chapter concludes by comparing Spain’s experience with those of other member states.
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Resnick, Danielle. "Troublemakers, Bystanders, and Pathbreakers." In Youth and Jobs in Rural Africa, 75–106. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848059.003.0004.
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Do youth protest more than their older counterparts and is their main motivation for protest their preoccupation with unemployment? This chapter aims to answer these questions using various data sources of micro- and macro-economic time series data. Protest trends across cohorts from all Sub-Saharan African countries are first presented. A multivariate regression approach is then used to identify the significant drivers of mobilization using public opinion data. Although there are clear life cycle effects underlying protest behaviour such that younger individuals are more likely to protest than older ones, protest activity is a form of mobilization used by all age groups. For both young and old, education, engagement in activism, and deprivation of basic goods are strong predictors of protest regardless of time period. More recently, however, young people are more likely to protest if they are unemployed and if they lack trust in political institutions.
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Galea, Sandro. "Politics, Power, and Money." In The Contagion Next Time, 98–118. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197576427.003.0006.
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This chapter investigates how politics and power shape health outcomes, with special emphasis on how these forces intersect with economic inequality and the disproportionate burden of sickness experienced by low-income populations. During the spread of COVID-19, American political leadership faced a test of its ability to respond to sudden crisis. Rising to such a difficult occasion requires detailed plans for what to do in such a scenario, robust public health infrastructure, and leadership which takes decisive, data-informed action, listening to experts and communicating clearly and consistently with the public. Tragically, COVID-19 found the United States lacking in all these areas. Political leaders are in a position to mold public opinion, nudging the public mind towards new ways of thinking. The precise term for this is “shifting the Overton window.” By helping to mainstream a cavalier attitude towards COVID-19, the Trump administration shifted the Overton window towards greater acceptance of behaviors which create poorer health. The chapter then looks at the failure to adequately address race in the US. Among the factors that shape health, the area of race is particularly sensitive to political dynamics.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Political trust. Economic crisis. Public opinion"
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Tincu, Iuliana Lăcrămioara. "Public Support for the EU in Times of Crisis and the Drivers of Euroscepticism." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/66.
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In the context of the economic, political and social crises that unfolded during the recent years, the European Union had to withstand a growing pressure from the part of its dissatisfied citizens. The long-term effects of the economic crisis, the limited ability to manage refugee flows or the difficulty to come up with joint solutions to pressing issues have highlighted the shortcoming of the EU as a political system, while also giving rise to growing criticism from EU citizens and the loss of their trust. The 2016 referendum vote of British citizens that subsequently led to what came to be known as “Brexit” could be perceived both as a crisis and as an outcome of the growing popular dissatisfaction and protest from the part of British citizens. Consequently, the present article aims to explore the connections between recent crises and the evolution of European citizens’ attitudes in relation to the EU and the integration process as a whole. This perspective could ultimately shed some light on the roots and drivers of Euroscepticism in the context of an inability of the EU as a political system to channel the solidarity of Member States towards common solutions and to cope with the existing social, economic, and cultural divisions in Europe.
Звіти організацій з теми "Political trust. Economic crisis. Public opinion"
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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.
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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.