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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 30 травня 2022

Оновлено: 31 травня 2022

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Статті в журналах з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

Harrison, M. "The Soviet Union after 1945: Economic Recovery and Political Repression." Past & Present 210, Supplement 6 (January 1, 2011): 103–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtq042.

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CHEGODAEV, E. A. "POLITICAL REPRESSION AMONG THE BELARUSIANS OF BASHKIRIA." Izvestia Ufimskogo Nauchnogo Tsentra RAN, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 96–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31040/2222-8349-2021-0-3-96-102.

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The article is devoted to political repressions among Belarusians of Bashkiria in the 30s of the XX century. To date, this ethnic group remains one of the little-studied peoples of the republic, which was a consequence of the long-term priority in the research of the titular Bashkir ethnic group against the background of the ethnocentrism of the historical science of the country. The number of publications devoted to the Belarusians of Bashkiria continues to remain insignificant until now, and most of them are published in the periodical press, as a rule, they have a journalistic, local history, popular science, reference or review orientation. For the first time, the researcher was faced with the task of identifying the dynamics of repressive measures against the ethnic group of Belarusians who lived compactly in rural areas of the region. The analysis of the data of the "Book of Memory of the Victims of Political Repression of the Republic of Bashkortostan" has established that rural residents from among the Belarusian ethnic group suffered more at the initial stages of mass collectivization. this confirms the prosperity of the settlers acquired during the functioning of the farm system of management, as well as the fact that the repressions against Belarusians did not have an ethnic coloring, like their neighbors in the farm residence of Latvians. As an example, the archival and investigative cases of the FSB in the Republic of Bashkortostan from 1931 are considered. The fate of a late-period migrant who emigrated to the Soviet Union in 1926 from the territory of Western Belarus is considered.

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van Voren, Robert. "Is there a resumption of political psychiatry in the former Soviet Union?" International Psychiatry 11, no. 3 (August 2014): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600004550.

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After the outbreak of the Ukrainian crisis in the spring of 2014, the former Soviet Union again became front-page news. The sequence of events led to an atmosphere reminiscent of the Cold War. In Russia itself it led to a hunt for ‘national traitors’ and ‘foreign agents’ and observers both inside the country and abroad fear a return to Soviet-style repression. For the outside world this may come as a surprise, but human rights activists have been ringing the alarm bells for a few years. Ever since Vladimir Putin took power, the human rights situation has deteriorated. One of the warning signs was the return of the use of psychiatry for political purposes, to ‘prevent’ social or political activism or to ostracise an activist.

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Buyantueva, Radzhana. "LGBT Russians and Political Environment for Activism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.3.119.

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This article examines the impact of external and internal state policies on Russian LGBT activism. Drawing on the political opportunity structure (POS) framework, it focuses on the analysis of two factors (the level of state repression on LGBT people and the direction of state foreign policy) and their impact on LGBT activism. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s goal for closer relations with the West facilitated the decrease of pressure on LGBT people. That created positive conditions for LGBT activism. Since the late 1990s, however, Russia’s direction in foreign policy has become more assertive. That has facilitated the increase in state repression on LGBT people and activists. Such negative changes in POS have posed challenges for LGBT activism complicating its further development.

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Mędelska, Jolanta, та Marek Cieszkowski. "Отражение ранних вариантов советских национальных языков в московских русско-иноязычных словарях". Acta Baltico-Slavica 35 (28 липня 2015): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2011.008.

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Reflection of early Soviet dialects of national languages in Russian bilingual dictionaries published in MoscowAfter the October Revolution, over half of the citizens of the new Russian state were non-Russians. The historical homeland of some of them was outside the Soviet Union. The experiences of two largest national minorities: the Germans (1 238 000) and the Poles (782 000) were similar in many respects. Members of both nations were persecuted, suffered massive repression, and were deported to Siberia and Kazakhstan. The new cultural and political reality (separation from the historical homeland and national languages, influence of Russian and other languages of Soviet Union nations, necessity to use new Soviet lexis and technical/scientific terminology on a daily basis) forced changes in German and Polish used in the Soviet Union. Soviet dialects of national languages were reinforced in books, handbooks, the press, and propaganda materials etc. published in German and Polish in huge number of copies. The Soviet dialects of German and Polish were reflected on the right side of Russian-German and Russian-Polish dictionaries published in the 1930s by “Sovetskaya Entsyklopedia”. The analysis and comparison of the language material excerpted from the dictionaries show that Soviet dialects of both languages were characterized by the presence of orientalisms (result of the constant contact with the nations and nationalities of the Soviet Union and their culture) and unique lexis related to the Russian way of life (Russian culinary lexis, names of musical instruments, names of garments) and Sovietisms (i.e. new political terminology and words related to the Soviet way of life). The Germans found it more difficult to adapt their native code to life in the Soviet Union.

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Bulatov, Aider. "Political analysis of state-confessional and inter-confessional relations in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 51 (September 15, 2009): 70–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2009.51.2078.

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For many centuries and until now, the relationship between the Church (as an institution) and the state has always been controversial, but always relevant. There are vivid examples when in a particular country certain religions had (and still have) the status of even state ones. At the same time, we know from the example of the former Soviet Union that for religious beliefs, the state subjected its citizens to severe repression.

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Alexopoulos, Golfo. "Stalin and the Politics of Kinship: Practices of Collective Punishment, 1920s–1940s." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 1 (January 2008): 91–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000066.

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At a Kremlin reception on 7 November 1937, Stalin declared that enemies should be eliminated as kinship groups: “And we will eliminate every such enemy [of the state and peoples of the USSR]… . we will eliminate his entire lineage (rod), his family! … Here's to the final extermination of all enemies, both themselves and their clan (rod).”1In the Soviet Union, political enemies were rounded up in groups of kin, family ties marked people as disloyal, and “counterrevolutionary” charges against one person threatened also his or her relatives. The Soviet security police or OGPU-NKVD issued detailed instructions regarding the punishment that should be assigned to the spouses, children, siblings, parents, and even ex-wives of state enemies. Campaigns against anti-Soviet elements rounded up kinship groups, whether these counterrevolutionaries were identified as so-called kulaks, enemies of the people, or traitors to the motherland. To be sure, the collective punishment of kin did not accompany every act of Stalinist repression. The regime's draconian criminal legislation also constituted a form of terror, yet persons sentenced under such laws as those punishing theft of socialist property were dealt with individually; their relatives were not targeted. Only the “politicals,” that is, people accused of disloyalty, treason, or other counterrevolutionary activities experienced terror as family units. It was the collective punishment of kin that made political repression under Stalin truly a mass phenomenon.

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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "State Strategies in Multi-Ethnic Territories: Explaining Variation in the Former Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (February 12, 2013): 381–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000701.

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After the collapse of the Soviet bloc, its twenty-seven successor states were charged with devising policies with respect to their ethnic minorities. This shock enables an analysis of the conditions that render states more likely to repress, exclude, assimilate or accommodate their minorities. One would anticipate that groups that are most ‘threatening’ to the state's territorial integrity are more likely to experience repression. However the data do not validate this expectation. Instead, the analysis suggests that minority groups’ demographics and states’ coercive capacities better account for variation in ethnic minority policies. While less robust, the findings further indicate the potential importance of lobby states and Soviet multinational legacies in determining minority rights. The results have implications for ethnic politics, human rights, nationalism, democratization and political violence.

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Savchyn, Valentyna. "Literary Translation behind Bars in the Late Soviet Union: Contextual Voices of Vasyl' Stus and Ivan Svitlychnyi." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 2 (October 18, 2021): 235–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus628.

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Translation in captivity is nothing new, nor is it restricted to a particular place or historical period. However, this social and cultural phenomenon is marked by a far more frequent occurrence in totalitarian societies. This article examines the practice of literary translation in Soviet labour camps, where, as a result of political repression, Ukrainian scholars, writers, translators, and lexicographers (aka prisoners of conscience) constituted a large part of the incarcerated population. The fact that translation activity thrived behind bars despite brutal and dehumanizing conditions testifies to the phenomenon of cultural resistance and translators’ activism, both of which deserve close scholarly attention. This study provides insights into practical, historical, psychological, and philosophical aspects of translation in extreme conditions. It seeks answers to the questions of why prisoners of conscience felt moved to translate, and how they pursued their work in situations of extreme pressure. Through the lens of translation in prison, the article offers a wide perspective on the issues of retranslation, pseudotranslation, translation editing, text selection, and the functions of literary translation. The focus of the paper is on Soviet Ukraine in the 1970s-80s, when a wave of political repressions led to the appearance of a new generation of prisoners of conscience. Case studies of Vasyl' Stus and Ivan Svitlychnyi are discussed, drawing on their letters during the incarceration period and the memoirs of their inmates.

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Park, Andrus. "Global Security, Glasnost and the Retreat Dividend." Government and Opposition 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 75–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01125.x.

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THE QUESTION ‘WHO WON THE COLD WAR?’ IS STILL BEING debated. In a way it is certainly right to say that communism is collapsing and that Western capitalism has won the cold war. The Soviet Union (I shall not analyse here the situation in other socialist countries) has in fact recognised the complete failure of its economic system. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) has lost ground during the relatively free elections in various Soviet republics, etc.Yet we have to take into account that the cold war was largely a war of words, a war of ideas, and in some respects the Soviet Union has done well in the global ideological contest. For a country with a scarcity of food and most elementary consumer goods and with an extensive past record of repression and direct terror it has been extremely successful in establishing its image as a stable and peace-loving partner in the international arena, as a society which is capable of producing more humane, caring, intellectual and trustworthy leaders than most other countries. It is a remarkable achievement and it is even more remarkable that this ideological success has emerged from the ruins of the dull and rigid Brezhnevist ideological machinery.

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Дисертації з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

Мусієнко, Ірина Володимирівна. "Депортації членів сімей учасників і пособників ОУН з території Чернівецької області в 1944-1950 рр". Thesis, Книги XXI, 2006. http://repository.kpi.kharkov.ua/handle/KhPI-Press/20623.

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Lohuaru, Peter. "Estonia in the crucible of Soviet political reform." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42015.

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Estonia's rise to prominence on the leading edge of the Soviet reform process is a consequence of the republic's dual position as an economic role model for other republics and a Soviet exception in terms of lifestyle and cultural orientation. While Estonia's open acceptance of perestroika is clearly a boost for Soviet reformers, the Estonian vision of reform is distinctly different from the direction intended by Moscow. In its capacity as reform leader and radical pioneer, Estonia is a microcosm of the Soviet political economy and the elements that plague attempts to reform the system. An examination of Estonia's role within the Soviet reform movement provides a view of the potentially explosive cultural processes that have now surfaced not only in the Baltic but throughout the Soviet Union. Chapter One presents a descriptive chronological overview of the events that preceded Estonia's Declaration of Sovereignty in November 1988. Chapter Two is analytical in nature and provides a cultural context and background with which to assess Estonian developments. The methodological framework is adapted from Archie Brown's "Political Culture and Communist Studies" and gives a qualitative description of the intensity and psychological power of the cultural factor in Estonian politics. Chapter Three presents Moscow's reaction to Baltic initiatives and describes Gorbachev's attempt to forge a new nationalities policy in the face of deep-rooted conservative opposition. Estonia is a prime example of the seemingly insoluble nationality problems associated with Soviet political reform. In terms of quantitative indicators, Estonia is the most economically successful republic within the Soviet political experiment, and yet it is also the most vociferous in voicing rejection of fundamental Soviet political values. Although the Soviet future remains unpredictable, there are strong indicators that Estonia and the Baltic republics will continue to expand the perimeters of reform at a pace and in a manner that can now only be curtailed by armed force. However, the potential consequences of Baltic initiatives will not remain confined only to Soviet domestic politics. Whether the Soviet Union becomes a benign Commonwealth or Confederacy, or rapidly decays or disintegrates, or regresses into authoritarianism and civil war, the result will have profound consequences for Europe and the rest of the world. Therefore, the importance of Estonia and the other Baltic republics in the process of Soviet decline cannot be underestimated; the Baltic States, although insignificant by global standards, have set an example for other Soviet republics and national groups to follow and will for the near term remain political barometers of the Soviet future.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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Schull, Joseph. "Russian political culture and the revolutionary intelligentsia : the stateless ideal in the ideology of the populist movement." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65974.

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Deyermond, Ruth. "The interrelationship between sovereignty and security in the former Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268736.

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Ch?ng, ?n-suk. "Grassroots associations, civil society and political change in the Soviet Union, 1985-1989 /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487694389392835.

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Mohamed, Aly Ahmed K. "Political education in Egypt with reference to England and the Soviet Union." Thesis, Durham University, 1986. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7074/.

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The significance of political education is recognized by most countries in accomplishing the desired values in the society, but differs in form according to their ideologies. This research, is an attempt to study the different approaches to the teaching of political-education in Egypt, in comparison with England and the Soviet Union. The research report is divided into ten chapters. Chapters two and three are devoted to a study of the theoretical framework of political education, and political socialization. The development of political life and ideology in Egypt, is covered in chapters four and five. Chapter six deals with the different approaches to political education, in the light of official statements of the state. Chapters seven and eight focus on the study of the teaching of political education in the school curriculum, and the approaches to political education. Chapter nine is concerned with the work of political parties in political education. Chapters one and ten cover the introduction, conclusion, and recommendations. In this research, political education is mainly seen as the political learning which develops the ability of young people to participate in political life, and to influence the system and its values. However, attempts at political learning which aim to support the system and its values, are regarded as political socialization. It has been noted that whilst Egypt encourages a more open approach to political education than before, the approach to political socialization still exists. Improvements in political education in England are greater than in Egypt. Nevertheless, approaches to political socialization have always been emphasized in the Soviet Union. Some recommendations are suggested to improve political education in Egypt. They are mainly based on developing the political awareness of the young people, and their ability to participate in democratic life and to influence the system.

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Campbell, Patrick E. Jr. "What Would Be the Harm?: Soviet Rule in Eastern Poland, 1939-1941." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1187300852.

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Bedford, Sofie. "Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan : Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Huddinge : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University ; Södertörns högskola, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8429.

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Andy, Joshua Charles. "Politics and the Soviet Army : civil-military relations in Soviet Union the Khrushchev Era, 1953-1964." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2929/.

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Structure, organisation, an idea of esprit de corps, and hierarchy characterised the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Throughout the history of the Soviet Union only the Soviet Armed Forces had the potential to rival the CPSU in those qualities and were able to be an organised locus for potential opposition. A sense of professionalism was instilled in the Soviet Armed Forces, not only from those ‘Red Commanders’ of the Revolution and Civil War, but also from those junior, noncommissioned officers who were holdovers from the tsarist regime. The primary focus of this study is on the immediate post-Stalinist era while Nikita Khrushchev was First Secretary of the CPSU. Bridled by Stalin’s hold over strategic and armed forces policy, after his death, the Soviet Armed Forces became an institution that illustrated a strong sense of military professionalism, while at the same time serving the Soviet regime. With a focus on five case studies that occurred during the Khrushchev era 1953-1964, this thesis argues that the military attempted to remain apolitical throughout the 1950s and 1960s. Previous studies of Soviet civil-military relations have focused on the levels of cooperation or competition between the CPSU and the Soviet armed forces. This study argues however, that the ebb and flow of that relationship can be explained by the selection of personalities, or agents, by Khrushchev to posts of military command. Officers were promoted based on several factors. However, Khrushchev increasingly promoted officers to positions of command who he deemed were more personally loyal to him and were willing to put that loyalty above their duty to the Soviet armed forces. Khrushchev chose personal loyalty over an officer’s military professionalism and expertise when appointing them to posts at the Ministry of Defence, the Soviet General Staff, and to the command posts in the branches of the Soviet military and key military districts around the Soviet Union.

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Duncan, Peter John Stuart. "Russian messianism : a historical and political analysis." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1989. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6873/.

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This is an analysis of the nature and political significance of Russian messianism: the idea that the Russian people or the Russian State is the `chosen people' or the `chosen instrument'. I outline the genesis of the theory of Moscow, the Third Rome and discuss the ideas and activities of the nineteenth-century Slavophils, the pan-Slavists, Dostoevsky and Vladimir Solovyov. I examine the influence of messianism on Russian Communism, considering Berdiaev's views. The main part of the work investigates the rebirth of interest in Russian messianism in the Brezhnev period. I try to investigate the links between this cultural movement and the Russian nationalist elements within the political éite. My main sources for this are samizdat journals and articles, in particular the journal Veche, cultural journals such as Novyi mir, Molodaia gvardiia and Nash sovremennik, Party documents and éigré/ journals. I find that Russian messianism has been especially important at times when the country is in crisis: Russia is in Golgotha, but where there is suffering there is also redemption, not only for Russia but for humanity. It has by no means been always dominant in intellectual thought. It has had little influence (under either tsars or Communists) on the fields of nationality policy, policy towards religion or foreign policy. Today, as in the nineteenth century, its adherents can be opponents or supporters of the existing State structure. The growth of non-Russian nationalism under Gorbachov, combined with glasnost', has fuelled Russian nationalism. This is unlikely to be co-opted into the official ideology, because it would increase the dissatisfaction of the non-Russians.

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Книги з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

A, Oleszczuk Thomas, ed. No asylum: State psychiatric repression in the former USSR. New York: New York University Press, 1996.

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Policing Stalin's socialism: Repression and social order in the Soviet Union, 1924-1953. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009.

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Stalin's Police: Public Order and Mass Repression in the USSR, 1926-1941. Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2009.

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Political justice in the USSR: Dissent and repression in Lithuania, 1969-1987. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1988.

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Alekseenko, I. I. Repressii na Kubani i Severnom Kavkaze v 30-e gg. XX veka. Krasnodar: [Inform. nauchno-metodicheskii t͡s︡entr], 1993.

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Alekseenko, I. I. Repressii na Kubani i severnom Kavkaze v 30-e gg. XX veka. Krasnodar: [Inform. nauchno-metodicheskii t︠s︡entr], 1993.

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Lennart, Samuelson, ed. Stalin, NKVD i repressii 1936-1938 gg. Moskva: ROSSPĖN, 2009.

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Stalinist terror in Eastern Europe: Elite purges and mass repression. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010.

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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. CSCE to examine repression against evangelicals in former Soviet Union: Briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Washington, DC: Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, 1994.

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T︠S︡vetnov, Andreĭ. Repressii v RKKA i NKVD 1936-1941 gg. ; Voennai︠a︡ katastrofa 1941 goda. Rzhev: [publisher not identified], 2014.

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Частини книг з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

Pieralli, Claudia. "Poesia del Gulag o della zona? Problemi e prospettive di analisi per una descrizione del corpus poetico dei prigionieri politici in URSS." In Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici, 281–309. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-507-4.21.

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The present survey aims at creating the basis for an extensive study on poetry written by victims of political repressions in the whole area of Segregation in the Soviet Union: prisons, forced labour camps, Gulags and confinement. The research relies on evidence drawn from published and archive materials, concerning the 1918-1956 period. We propose a systematization of the corpus, based on a new methodology: the key-concept of ‘poetry of Zone’ as a literary track of testimony of political repression, which was synchronical to the imprisonment experience in the USSR.

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Mespoulet, Martine. "Creating a Socialist Society and Quantification in the USSR." In The New Politics of Numbers, 45–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78201-6_2.

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AbstractWhen it came to power, the Bolshevik government based the legitimacy of its action on the scientific nature of its decisions, figures being a core element. Political decisions were to be based on science, for the well-being of everyone and the fulfilment of the communist plan to create a new society and human being. Statistics, an information and decision-support tool, became now also an instrument of power to prove the soundness of state action. This raised severe tensions and repression, between statisticians following recommendations of international statistics congresses, and the new government. For the duty of statisticians was to formulate a new theory of statistics and new methods and tools. Characterizing some of these, the chapter carves out the specific nature of the Soviet Union.

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Pallot, Judith, and Denis J. B. Shaw. "Political Institutions and Decision-Making." In Planning in the Soviet Union, 23–33. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003181149-4.

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Keeble, Sir Curtis. "Macmillan and the Soviet Union." In Harold Macmillan Aspects of a Political Life, 195–216. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376892_13.

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Cooper, Leo. "Political Power and Soviet Society." In Power and Politics in the Soviet Union, 1–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12845-7_1.

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Miller, Arthur H. "Political Alienation in the Soviet Union." In Eastern European Development and Public Policy, 197–230. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23366-3_12.

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Gailar, J. S., and E. P. Wigner. "Civil Defense in the Soviet Union." In Socio-Political Reflections and Civil Defense, 160–62. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-58862-4_26.

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Rigby, T. H. "The Soviet Political Executive, 1917–1986." In Political Leadership in the Soviet Union, 4–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20262-1_2.

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Daniels, Robert V. "Political Processes and Generational Change." In Political Leadership in the Soviet Union, 96–126. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20262-1_4.

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Melvin, Neil J. "Explaining Political Transformation in the Soviet Union." In Soviet Power and the Countryside, 11–26. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598522_2.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

Kakarash, Tareq, and Alnasir Doraid. "The Role of National Diversity in Political Reform A Comparative Study between the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the British Northern Ireland Region." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp246-262.

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The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.

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Tsutsulaeva, Sapiyat. "Political Repression Of Soviet State Towards Deported Nations Soldiers." In SCTCMG 2019 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.12.04.433.

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Turdubekova, Aigul, and Elmira Kupsuralieva. "Kyrgyzstan and Eurasian Customs Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00823.

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This paper looks at the issue of joining the Eurasian Customs Union for Kyrgyzstan. We first provide a short description of how some former Soviet Union countries attempted to rejuvenate their regional integration followed by the review of the economic, social and political background of Kyrgyzstan in joining the Eurasian Customs Union. The main conditions for and the associated impact of joining the Union on customs tariffs and the international trade of Kyrgyzstan are discussed. By comparing the main development indicators of the Customs Union member countries we try to find any advantages for the Kyrgyz economy from joining the Union. An additional discussion of the potential losses and benefits shows that there are more benefits from joining the Customs Union. In general, we find that since the founders of the Customs Union – Russia and Kazakhstan – are also very important geographical, economic and political partners of our country, joining the Union seems inevitable for Kyrgyzstan.

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JI- EON, LEE, and YOO NA-YEON. "SOUTH KOREA’S DIPLOMATIC RELATIONSHIP WITH UZBEKISTAN SINCE 1991: STRATEGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF EACH GOVERNMENT." In UZBEKISTAN-KOREA: CURRENT STATE AND PROSPECTS OF COOPERATION. OrientalConferences LTD, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ocl-01-03.

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One of the biggest events in international political history at the end of the 20th century was end of the Cold War due to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991, the Cold War system, led by the US and the Soviet Union as the two main axes, disappeared into history, dramatically changing the international situation and creating new independent states in the international community. In the past, as the protagonist of the Silk Road civilization, it was a channel of trade and culture, linking the East and the West, but as members of the former Soviet Union, Central Asian countries whose importance and status were not well known have emerged on the international stage in the process of forming a new international order. After independence, Central Asia countries began to attract attention from the world as the rediscovery of the Silk Road, that is, the geopolitical importance of being the center of the Eurasian continent, and as a treasure trove of natural resources such as oil and gas increased.

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Azer, Özlem Arzu. "Political and Economic Integration of the Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkish Republics into the Global World." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00244.

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With the dissolution of Soviet Union, former Soviet Republics’ central planned economy transformed into free market economy and structural reforms were made as parallel of this development. These former socialist countries have some diffficulties to adopt capitalism due to absence of some fundamental feautures of capitalism and inheritance of Soviet Union. Ending big threat of communism, the jeo-strategical importance of the region increased for the West because these countries own the oil and gas resources besides they are starting point or transit country of the energy pipelines. However, these transition countries could not develop economically and poverty became the major problem for most of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics. As economic problems lead weakness of governance, ethnical conflicts and border conflicts threat these new independent countries. The region seems in the center of war for power due to rich natural resources and pipelines as well as the connection point to Afghanistan and being the exit to the Black Sea. This paper seeks economic situations of Central Asian and South Caucasian Turkic Republics which jeo-strategical importance increased due to natural resources and geographic location during Post Cold-War era. This work is based on statistical data provided by United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics Database (COMTRADE), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and International Monetary Fund (IMF), covering the period of 1990-2008 and contains Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan.

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Raheem, Luqman, and Nasir Durid. "The impact of the regional factor in the democratic transition A comparative study between the experiences of Spain 1975 and Iraq 2003." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp126-148.

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The regional factor has always played an important role in the political developments of various countries and political experiences, as this factor constituted the role of the direct incubator for all the successful and failed experiences of political development throughout our time. The process of democratization is considered one of the most important political experiments of our time, which gained wide momentum after the Second World War. Especially after the peoples of the world realized the importance and preference of this system compared to the rest of the political systems. After the end of the Cold War, the world witnessed a remarkable trend towards liberal democracy, exhilarated by the euphoria of the victory of the Western camp led by the United States of America over its eastern historical opponent (led by the Soviet Union). Liberal democracy and its sovereignty over the world, rather they unleashed an unbridled optimism that says: ""The peoples and societies of the world are moving towards adopting the model of liberal democracy, because it is the model most responsive to the aspirations of human freedom and the release of his energies.

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Ulyanova, Svetlana, Natalia Nikiforova, and Ilya Sidorchuk. "Representation of Cybernetics and Network Projects in the Soviet Society During the 1960s–1970s: The Socio-Political Context of Information Technologies." In 2017 Fourth International Conference on Computer Technology in Russia and in the Former Soviet Union (SORUCOM). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sorucom.2017.00037.

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Karaman, Ömer Faruk. "The Impacts of the Eurasian Economic Union on the Relations Between Kyrgyzstan and Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.02023.

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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russian Federation, trying to develop economic and political relations with various countries, in order to maintain its influence in the newly independent states, is in charge of creating an organization called the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, the Eurasian Economic Union, which started its activity in January 2015, is an attempt to economic integration among Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia and Kyrgyzstan. The Turkish foreign policy has changed in multi-vector direction. Thus, the last events in Eurasia began to attract the attention of Turkey. In this paper, focusing on the perceptions of Eurasia by Russia and Turkey, examines the influence of the Eurasian Economic Union on relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan. In this context, Kyrgyzstan's membership in the Eurasian Economic Union, in a political sense, may negatively affect relations between two countries and reduce the presence of Turkey in Kyrgyzstan. Also, because of the expected increasing in customs duties and hence rise in prices for goods imported from Turkey, the decline in demand for Turkish goods is expected. Nevertheless, the possibility of signing free trade agreements between member states, including Kyrgyzstan and Turkey in the long term, will change the political, commercial and cultural relations between two countries in a positive way.

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Abdykadyrova, Ediliia. "The Impact of the "Big Powers" to the Integration Processes in Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01755.

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It has been over 20 years since the Soviet Union collapsed. Despite that the post-Soviet countries were not able to build strong economic structure, which would be competitive in the international arena. They failed to implement the economic integration among themselves using communication that they had during the Soviet Union time. There have been various attempts to change the situation, but efforts were not successful due to various obstacles. Among these obstacles take place the influence of America, Russia and China, which are considered as great powers and which are pay great attention to Central Asia. This issue attracts attention due to the fact that the problems associated with the integration of the Central Asian countries still exists and that any integration process in the region does not achieve success without the involvement of other external forces. In this paper basic information about the integration processes between the Central Asian countries and their results will be analyzed. In addition, the attitudes of the Central Asian countries towards integration as well as economic and political influence of the great powers to the integration processes in the region will be examined.

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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak, and İlyas Sözen. "An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory: Eurasian Customs Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.

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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Political repression in the Soviet Union"

Pilat, J. F., and P. J. Garrity. The Soviet Union: Political and military trends. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/7019917.

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Reppert, John. Emerging Civil-Military Relations: The Role of the Main Political Administration in the New Soviet Union. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada232504.

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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.

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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.

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