Готові списки джерел за темами / Political identity of Alevis

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

1

Kayhan Kılıç, Seyhan. "Understanding A Displaced Community and Its Entangled Identity: Religious Rituals of Alevis in Istanbul." ALEVİLİK–BEKTAŞİLİK ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ, no. 21 (June 25, 2020): 3–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24082/2020.abked.274.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
This paper’s main goal is to examine the nature of a religious belief and its entangled identity in an urban context from an anthropological perspective. My work’s current focus is that the ritual practices of urban immigrants are displayed in the public space, unlike the social structure and guidance provided by a local religious expert known as a dede. Since the 1950s mass migration of Alevis from rural regions to the Turkish metropolises, such as Istanbul, the Alevi identity has been transformed into a labyrinth of socio-political obstacles and has been losing its place due to the pressures of both the state power and the Sunni and Alevi institutions. They have been losing the space that their belief attached, the clan-related (ocak) community network system, the reliance on rural divine leaders, their spiritual moods and motivations, the unique means of resolving community conflicts. The paper includes a standardized ritual and music repertoire, the revision of folklorized sacred dance (semah) elements, and a critical analysis of what can be seen as the theatrical aspects of urban cem. The second part of this paper is to understand other reasons why Alevi identity has become entangled. Certain writings about Alevis and using concepts about Alevism, such as heterodox and syncretic, ongoing hate speech and discrimination waged against them, Islamophobia seen worldwide, have played a role in the entangled identity of Alevis. We used the ethnography research method, which is mostly qualitative. It involves participatory observation of cem rituals in Istanbul, and obtaining information through informal and formal interview techniques used during observations.
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2

Arslan, Zeynep. "Alevi Diasporası ve resmi din olarak Alevilikte çoklu kimlik." Göç Dergisi 4, no. 2 (October 28, 2017): 153–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/gd.v4i2.595.

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Анотація:
Mevcut çalışma, Anadolu Alevilerinin önemli ölçüde dışarıdan gelen tanımlamalara maruz kalmalarına ve Türkiye siyaset konjonktüründe daima “Şeriat tehlikesini” dengeleme amaçlı araçsallaştırılmalarını ele alıyor. Aleviliğin Türkiye toplumunda büyük toplum kesimlerince egemen olan ve devlet erkanında kurumsal olarak işlerliğini sürdüren Sünni-Ortodoks İslam ile kıyaslanma üzerinden tanımlanması durumu, Avrupa Diasporası’nda ve Aleviliğin Avrupa devletleri tarafından tanınma süreçlerinde etkinliğini sürdürmektedir. Özellikle Avusturya örneğinde 2008/2009 yıllarından itibaren Alevi kurumlarınca başlayan Aleviliğin resmi din olarak tanınma (Almanca: Anerkennung als Religionsgesellschaft) çabaları, devlet çıkarları doğrultusunda (1912 İslam yasasını reform etme amaçlı) yeniden araçsallaştırılabileceğine tanık olundu. Bu çalışma, Avusturya’da Alevi kurumlarının tanınma süreçlerinde izledikleri yolu ve sonuç iti-bariyle Avusturya-Alevi toplumunun kurumsal olarak iki kanada bölünme sürecinin nedenlerini incelemektedir. Konunun içeriğini güncel siyasi ve hukuki süreci belgeleyen kaynaklar ile kritik söylem çözümlemesi yöntemiyle devletin kimlik belirleme hususu, hakimiyet ve egemenlik çerçevesinde iç ve dış etkenlerin karşılıklı ilişkilendirmeleriyle, kimliklerin kategorize edilerek oluşumu konusunu ‘kesişimsellik’ (İngilizce: Intersectional approach) teorik altyapısıyla destekleyeceğim.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHAlevi diaspora and multiple identities in Alevism as an ‘officially recognised religion’This paper focuses on the Anatolian Alevis, whose identity is often defined externally by others and they face political manipulation as a leverage group against fundamentalist Islamic tendencies. The way in which Alevism is commonly defined in contrast to Sunni-Orthodox Islam, an institutional and hegemonic faith in Turkey continues with Alevi Diaspora in Europe[1]too. In particular, in the case of Austria (German: Anerkennung als Religionsgesellschaft), where the recognition of Alevism as a religion dates back to 2008/2009 and it shows how the state manipulates the Alevi population’s goals for her own purposes (Amendment of the 1912 Islam Law). This study focuses on the way in which Alevi faith group is divided into two at the end of this process of regcognition in Austria. These groups are the Islam Alevis and the (Syncretic) Alevis. This paper analyses the roles of the Austrian Alevi associations and the Austrian state in this process of division and official recognition. The analyses are based on content analysis of documents on current political and judicial decisions and benefits from critical discourse analysis approach. The intersectional theoretical approach is tested when the dominance and hegemony aspects, mutual influences of internal and external factors as well as identity buildings through categorization are analysed.
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3

Çalışkan, Esin. "Review: Alevis in Turkey." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i1.393.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
This review analyses the recent contributions of Elise Massicard and Markus Dressler to Alevi studies. While Massicard employs methods of political sociology and transna-tional identity politics, Dressler is concerned with the intrinsic relation between the religious and the secular as well as the place of religion in nation-state building projects. Massicard argues that formulating Alevism is context and actor dependent and shaped simultaneously in its interaction with diverse actors, which she calls identity movement without an identity. The emphasis on the audience in defining Alevism might stem from the inadequacy of the universal language of religion to accommodate Alevi expression. Similarly, Dressler argues that the modern Alevi tradition was constructed at the intersection of Turkish nation building, modern religion discourse and Islamic apologetics and criticises the modernist discourse on religion such as the heterodoxy/orthodoxy binary for its insufficiency to capture the complexities of different contexts.
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4

Hamrin-Dahl, Tina. "The Alevi and questions of identity, including violence and insider/outsider perspectives." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67304.

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Анотація:
Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat (‘exaggerated’, ‘extremist’) and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi’ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş (‘red-head’) is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma’il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet’s blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed’s struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi’ites and over time a symbol of Shi’ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi’ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.
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5

Dressler, Markus. "Turkish politics of doxa." Philosophy & Social Criticism 41, no. 4-5 (January 12, 2015): 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714567492.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
The religious identity of Turkey’s Alevis, with the origins of their traditions, and in particular their relation to Islam, are the focus of a debate current in Turkey as well as in those western European countries with strong Turkish migrant populations. This debate began in the late 1980s, with the public coming-out of the Alevi community, when the Alevis set out on a manifest campaign to be recognized as a distinct cultural and/or religious tradition. Against the backdrop of this debate, this article discusses the impact of Turkish politics of doxa on the possibilities of Alevi representation in Turkey. It gives particular attention to the implication of secularism and nationalism in the knowledge regime that subscribes heterodoxy to the Alevis – an ascription that secures their principal integratability in the Turkish nation, while at the same time preparing the ground for otherizing them from the Sunni majority perspective.
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6

Cetin, Umit, Celia Jenkins, and Suavi AYDIN. "Editorial: Alevi Kurds: History, Politics and Identity." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.558.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
This special issue brings together scholarship on Alevi Kurds by focusing on their ethnic, linguistic, religious, political, cultural and social specificity including a range of articles from the disciplines of anthropology, history, politics, linguistics and sociology. The first part focuses on Turkey, exploring the roots of Kurdish Alevism and how Alevi religious identities intersect with ethnic and national identity and political representations, and the second focuses on Alevi Kurds and their creation of a transnational religious identity and their mixed experience of settlement in the UK diaspora.
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7

Sözen, Ülker. "Culture, Politics and Contested Identity among the “Kurdish” Alevis of Dersim: The Case of the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (June 23, 2019): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/196.

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Анотація:
This article analyzes the Munzur Culture and Nature Festival organized by the people of Dersim, an eastern province of Turkey, as a site of political activism, cultural reproduction, and intra-group contestation. The festival began as a group-remaking event for restoring cultural identity, defending locality, and mobilizing Dersimli people in the face of repressive state policies. In time, socio-spatial and political fragmentation within Dersimli society became more prevalent. The festival experience came to reflect and contribute to the debates and anxieties about identity whereby different political groups competed to increase their influence over local politics as well as the event itself. On the one hand, this article discusses the organization of the Munzur Festival, its historical trajectory, and the accompanying public debates and criticisms. On the other, it explores festive sociabilities, cultural performances, and the circulation of politically-charged symbols throughout the event which showcases the articulation and competition of multiple ethno-political belongings which are the Dersimli, Kurdish, Alevi, and socialist ones. The festival’s historical trajectory is dealt as two stages, unified struggle and internal strife, whereby the festival appeared as first a group-remaking then unmaking public event. The paper argues that this transformation is tied to hanging power relations in the local politics of Dersim, and the shifting state policies, namely the phase of repressive control strategies until the mid-2000s and the peace process and political relaxation until 2015.
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8

Şirin, Çiğdem V. "Analyzing the Determinants of Group Identity Among Alevis in Turkey: A National Survey Study." Turkish Studies 14, no. 1 (March 2013): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2013.766983.

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9

Yildiz, Ali Aslan, and Maykel Verkuyten. "Inclusive victimhood: Social identity and the politicization of collective trauma among Turkey's Alevis in Western Europe." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 17, no. 3 (2011): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10781919.2011.587175.

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10

Kantara, Argyro. "Laughter and identity construction in political interviews." Journal of Language and Politics 18, no. 3 (February 13, 2019): 420–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.17037.kan.

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Анотація:
Abstract Previous conversation analytic work on the use and function of laughter in broadcast talk has mostly focused on its affiliative use as response to something the participants had constructed as humorous (Eriksson 2009, 2010; Ekström 2009, 2011; Baym 2013). Fewer studies have focused on its disaffiliative use as a response to something that has not been constructed as humorous (Clayman 1992; Romaniuk 2009, 2013a, 2013b). This paper contributes to this second line of research by investigating the use of laughter by a specific politician, namely Alexis Tsipras, in interview openings in three out of four one-on-one election campaign interviews he gave during the 2012 double Greek general elections campaigns. I will argue that Alexis Tsipras’ laughter is not only disaffiliative, undermining the journalists’ questions and projecting either an evasive answer or a counterchallenge, but that it also establishes a “cool but assertive” persona for the ears of the overhearing electorate.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

1

Yener-Roderburg, Inci Oyku. "Defined on the edge of power: the Alevi identity through centuries of transition in Turkey." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/12543.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
This thesis will argue that one of the main challenges Alevis experience in Turkey is the lack of adequate historical credit afforded to them within Modern Turkish society. Though Alevis have a much older history than the Republic of Turkey, having occupied the region for centuries before the inception the modern Turkish nation-state, they still have a very specific relationship with the development of the secular Kemalist-Turkish identity. In fact, Alevis began to develop a novel and unique political identity, which embraced secularism in spite of deeply rooted religious convictions, during Turkey's National transition from the late Ottoman Empire (early 1900s) to the early multi-party era (late 1950s). Existing scholarship on Alevi identity often exclusively focuses on how they were perceived as a religious group during the Ottoman Era or on their increasingly marginalized political identity after the 1970s. However, this thesis will argue that these approaches fail to appreciate the "transition period" of Alevi identity, and how the transformation from being considered a strictly religious/ethnic identity within the Ottoman Empire to becoming viewed as vocal and political advocates of secularism from the early Republic is crucial to understanding contemporary Alevi identity. It will argue that past research has not paid enough attention to this transition, casting Alevi cultural and political identity as fragmented, rigid and impermeable rather than fluid and constantly evolving. To this end, this thesis will seek to demonstrate that Alevism has in fact evolved politically since the sixteenth century of the Ottoman Era, and validate why most Alevis became secular Kemalists during the early twentieth century Republican era of modern Turkey, with the Alevi identity maintaining a dedicated Kemalist ideology since then society at large.
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2

Tol, Ugras Ulas. "The Sustainability Crisis Of Alevis." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610507/index.pdf.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
One of the important agendas of Turkey in the 2000s has been the &ldquo
Alevi Revival&rdquo
. The subject of this thesis, which claims that Alevis are in a search of identity rather than in a period of revival, is the sustainability crisis of the Alevis. Aleviness which has not been mentioned in the political sphere before has now turned into frequently spoken phenomenon. In this &ldquo
Open Aleviness&rdquo
period Alevis felt themselves more free and relieved and with this sense they started to claim more rights and freedoms. The most important and unexpected consequence of the period for the Alevis is the need for an identification of Aleviness. When Alevis realized the distance they have with Aleviness, they did not adopt different definitions of Aleviness made from different positions. Other identities of Alevis determine what kind of an Aleviness they would become. Nevertheless, while the variety of Aleviness understandings has increased, common points of different approaches have decreased. While Islamic Alevism which is one of the projects aiming at becoming hegemonic tries to sustain the tradition
the other one, Political Alevism refers to pressures and assaults of the past. As long as the Alevi elites can generate projects of Alevism which would encapsulate the tradition but differentiate itself from Islam and does not contradict with secularism
which could renew the traditional leadership
which could define positive elements
which have a mechanism of inclusion, and whose members will have the feeling of responsibility the sustainability crisis of Aleviness will deepen.
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3

Akbas, Gulcin. "Social Identity And Intergroup Relations: The Case Of Alevis And Sunnis In Amasya." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612520/index.pdf.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
The aim of the current thesis was to investigate the relationship between Alevis and Sunnis through the lenses of Social Identity Theory, Social Dominance Theory, and Contact Hypothesis to understand whether they see the current situation stable and legitimate, and perceive discrimination. It was expected that Alevis and Sunnis will differ in ingroup identifications, social dominance orientations, quantity, and quality of intergroup contact, perception of legitimacy and stability, and perceived discrimination against their ingroup. Moreover, the relationship between the dimensions of religious group identification, social dominance orientation, social contact and legitimacy, stability, and perceived discrimination is expected to differ between groups. The sample was consisted of 157 Sunni and 172 Alevi participants living in Amasya, Turkey. Participants completed a questionnaire package including the measures of religious identification, social dominance orientation, social contact, legitimacy, stability, and perceived discrimination. Results revealed that there were significant differences between Alevis and Sunnis in public religious identity, alienated religious identity, opposition to equality, contact quality, perceived legitimacy of the group status, and perception of discrimination directed against ingroup and outgroup. Moreover, religious group identification and social dominance orientation significantly predicted the perception of legitimacy and stability in both Alevi and Sunni groups. Examination of the associations among the major variables revealed that the relationship between perceived discrimination and ingroup identification was slightly stronger for Alevi group compared to Sunni group. The power of group based dominance was stronger than opposition to equality in predicting the perception of discrimination, especially for the Sunni group. Finally, intergroup contact, especially the quality of contact, had a positive effect on intergroup relations. Considering that this thesis is the first attempt to empirically examine the fundamental social psychological processes underlying the Alevi issue in Turkey, findings were discussed on basis of sociological and political aspects as well as previous work in Western cultures.
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4

Doganyilmaz, Didem. "How far religious freedom goes in a laic state: alevis of Turkey." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/403209.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
This study aims to analyze the necessities of Alevism as a belief and the limits of freedom that Alevis have had since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey to maintain and practice their cultural and religious components in between a laic state structure and traditionally Sunni Muslim society. It puts the debate on the limits of religious freedom of a certain group; this is to mention Alevis, in a laic state structure, which should aim to keep its distance to any religious identity with possession none of them on the center. The distinguishments aim to emphasize the place of Alevis in political history of the Republic of Turkey, which has been fulfilled with a concrete competition of two aforementioned identities, and to mention the difficulties that Alevis have faced with as a result of their officially unrecognized religious identity by none of the two identities and its consequent limitations. Keywords: Alevism, political history of Republic of Turkey, laicism, religion, political Islam
Este estudio tiene el objetivo de analizar las necesidades del alevismo como una creencia y los límites de la libertad que los alevís han tenido desde la fundación de la República de Turquía, al mantener y practicar sus componentes culturales y religiosos entre una estructura estatal laica y la sociedad tradicionalmente musulmana sunita. Pone el centro del debate en los límites de la libertad religiosa de un grupo determinado, los alevís, en una estructura del Estado laico, que debe tratar de mantener su distancia hacia cualquier identidad religiosa, sin optar por ninguna de ellas. Por lo tanto, las determinaciones tienen el objetivo de destacar el lugar de los alevís en la historia política de la República de Turquía y hablar de las dificultades a las que se han enfrentado los alevís, como consecuencia de su identidad religiosa no reconocida oficialmente por ninguno de las dos identidades y sus consecuentes limitaciones. Palabras clave: alevismo, la historia política de la República de Turquía, el laicismo, la religión, el Islam político
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5

Gamberale, Carlo. "European citizenship and political identity." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6013/.

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Анотація:
The provisions of the EC Treaty on citizenship of the Union introduce a fundamental democratic element in the process of European political integration. The focus of integration is no longer on an economic factor of production (workers) but on politically self-determined citizens. Citizenship of the Union, however, does not constitute a full status of European citizenship, because of its incompleteness in terms of entitlements and its dependence on Member States' nationality. The development of Union citizenship into a complete status of citizenship depends on Member States' determination to transfer essential aspects of sovereignty to the Community and achieve full political integration. If Union citizenship is to evolve from the current form of derived status of Member States' nationality into a more complete and independent European citizenship, it must be followed by a parallel evolution in the field of collective identity of the citizens. In the EU legal order, citizenship, if taken in its `national meaning', could be a fundamental element in the consolidation of the Union as a `state-like phenomenon'. The current `national understanding' requires the existence of a common national identity (based on culture, language, traditions and in some cases ethnicity) to sustain the legal and political framework made of rights and obligations of membership. At European level, however, this approach is unlikely to work because of the different national and cultural identities of the people of Europe. Alternatively it is argued that Europe needs a radical change in the conception of citizenship and democracy to proceed in the direction of political integration. Only a strictly political European identity based on association and participation could co-ordinate the different allegiances that European citizens already have towards institutions and groups other than the Union, and at the same time create a common political bond among them. Despite this fundamental change, the extension of citizenship beyond the national boundaries should take place without endangering those citizens' rights, which have been developed in the context of the nation-state, in particular the principles of liberty and equality. The great challenge faced by the European Union consists in dissociating those rights from the tie of nationhood. On a point of eligibility, European political identity could not be used to exclude `cultural outsiders' from European citizenship, regardless of whether they come from a Member State or a third country. As European identity would lack a common cultural basis, the same concept of `cultural outsider' would not apply to European citizenship. As a result such type citizenship would be naturally open to non-European immigrants, who already reside in the Union, but who are excluded from national citizenship, and to prospective third country immigrants. The openness of a politically based European citizenship and identity contrasts with the restrictive European Union immigration and asylum policies (fortress Europe). In the absence of cultural or ethnic common grounds, fortress Europe seems to be based mainly on contingent economic reasons, such as the protection of the European labour markets and welfare systems. It appears that in the long term, due to demographic changes, these economic reasons might disappear together with the restrictive immigration policies. In the meanwhile, however, there seems to be no excuse for the non-integration of resident third country nationals into European citizenship.
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6

Tee, Caroline. "Mysticism and identity amongst the Alevis in Turkey : a study of flexibility and adaptation in the aşık poetry of an eastern Alevi ocak." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559494.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
In this thesis, I investigate a minority Muslim group in Turkey called the Alevis. Particularly, I explore the way in which one Alevi group, the Dervis Cemal Ocak from Erzincan, is currently in the process of reformulating its religious traditions and rethinking its identity as it seeks to define a place for itself in contemporary Turkish society. I explore and analyse the group's decision to align itself with one of the more state- conciliatory of the national Alevi organisations, the Cem Vakfi, and investigate how the Dervis Cemal Ocak is seeking to engage with, rather than distance itself from, the official criteria for belonging to the Turkish nation: namely, Turkishness and self-identification as Muslim. I investigate the oral history ofthe group, focusing on the lives and miracle stories attributed to its early forefathers and the sacred sites associated with them in western Anatolia, and consider the role these narratives are playing in the codification ofthe group's history and identity today. I approach the major part of my study through the medium of astk poetry, which is a central feature of the Alevi tradition. I explore the life-story and poetry of Ozan Seyfili, a prominent astk. from the Dervis Cemal Ocak, and analyse the changes that the Alevi community went through in the 20th century, as well as the current revival activities, through the lens of his poetry and associated commentaries. I consider the nature of Alevi mysticism, through analysis of the way in which Ozan Seyfili draws on Persian Sufi imagery in his poetry as well as through ethnographic research into the traditional religious practices of the Dervis Cemal Ocak before the fragmentation brought about by mass migration. I consider the way in which Alevi mysticism is changing in the urban setting and conclude with a discussion of the possibilities for how the Alevis might organise themselves as a socio-religious community in the future.
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7

Henderson, Ailsa. "Negotiated identity, contested belonging and political inclusion : national identity and political culture in Scotland and Quebec." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22304.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Early political culture research, in its attempts to determine which combination of attitudes, values and behaviours created the ideal electorate, often treated national identity as a tool of integration. If individuals felt a sense of national identity then the political culture would be in a healthier state than if citizens expressed their loyalty to rival sub-groups or felt no national identity at all. Since these works, little attention has been paid to the role of national identity within political culture. Altered by discussions of post-materialism, mundane political culture or rational choice theories, political culture has abandoned the initial interactive focus of examination to other literatures studying social capital and new social movements. The thesis argues that national identity has remained an under-explored aspect of political culture, and that an integrated approach would benefit analyses of States where nationalist movements have sought greater political autonomy. Relying on case studies of Scotland and Quebec, the thesis examines the way in which national identity is treated by political actors to create a hierarchy of belonging within the nation. Perceptions of national inclusion, as determined by this hierarchy, affect the patterns of interaction within the political culture. The sense of ease with which people feel integrated in the political system is not currently explored by surveys of trust, efficacy, satisfaction and confidence. Relying on survey data and qualitative interviews, the thesis seeks to demonstrate that the way in which individuals draw boundaries around themselves, their nations and political systems forms an integral part of political culture.
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8

Longman, Christopher Mark. "The political mobilisation of cultural identity." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272534.

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9

Long, Jacob Andrew. "Time Dynamics and Stability of Political Identity and Political Communication." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595519865595447.

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10

Blurton, Scott. "Territorial identity: The "third category" of identity in Normative Pluralism." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27958.

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Normative Pluralism is a field of academic literature that attempts to reconcile the growing diversity within modern states by defining rules and norms to manage the relationships between differing identity groups. For the most part, normative pluralism has been focused on reconciling the relations between groups who exhibit one of two categories of identity: national identities and cultural identities. Much of the debate within the field of normative pluralism is in defining within which category an identity should be included and which rights and responsibilities should be assigned to it. However, there is another form of identity that while increasing in frequency and strength has been almost completely ignored by frameworks of normative pluralism---territorial identity. This presented thesis contends that territorial forms of identity comprise a "third category" of identity that frameworks of normative pluralism must address. More precisely, this thesis analyses the academic literature of normative pluralism and finds that, despite the strong connection between territory and identity, territorial identities are invisible in the academic debate within normative pluralism. This thesis explains the power and stability of territorial identities within the public sphere by outlining a theory of how territorial identities are formed, maintained, and transmitted through the relationship of three distinct phenomena: territoriality, narrative, and banal flagging. In a case study, the thesis reveals practical evidence of territorial identity, and the three phenomena that construct it, by analyzing the text of the editorials by three Albertan newspapers over the span of a single year.
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Книги з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

1

The Alevis in Turkey and Europe: Identity and managing territorial diversity. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012.

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Çem, Munzur. Dêrsim merkezli Kürt Aleviliği: Etnisite, dini inanç, kültür ve direniş. Beyoğlu, İstanbul: Vate yayınevi, 2009.

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3

Amos, S. Karin. Alexis de Tocqueville and the American national identity: The reception of De la démocratie en Amérique in the United States in the nineteenth century. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1995.

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Mertcan, Hakan. Türk modernleşmesinde Arap Aleviler: (tarih kimlik siyaset). Adana: Karahan Kitabevi, 2013.

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5

Muslim political identity. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2005.

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6

Saltık, Turabi. Anadolu Alevi kültü ve Sol'un "politikası". Eminönü, İstanbul: Sorun Yayınları, 2007.

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7

Reflections on political identity. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988.

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8

Woodhams, Jay M. Political Identity in Discourse. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18630-2.

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9

Nationalism and political identity. London: Continuum, 2003.

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10

Sahgal, Nayantara. Mistaken identity. London: Heinemann, 1988.

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Частини книг з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

1

Özdalga, Elisabeth. "The Alevis—a “New” Religious Minority? Identity Politics in Turkey and Its Relation to the EU Integration Process." In Religion, Politics, and Turkey’s EU Accession, 177–98. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230615403_9.

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2

Soileau, Mark. "FESTIVALS AND THE FORMATION OF ALEVI IDENTITY." In Alevis and Alevism, edited by Hege Irene Markussen, 91–108. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463225728-007.

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3

Strand, Elin, and Adrian Marsh. "GYPSIES AND ALEVIS; THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF ABDALLAR IDENTITY?" In Alevis and Alevism, edited by Hege Irene Markussen, 155–74. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463225728-010.

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4

Hewer, Christopher J., and Evanthia Lyons. "Identity." In Political Psychology, 93–113. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118982365.ch5.

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Campbell, Catherine Galko. "Rawlsian Political Identity." In Persons, Identity, and Political Theory, 159–84. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7917-4_8.

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6

O'Dwyer, Emma. "Foreign Policy and Identity." In Political Psychology, 189–206. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118982365.ch10.

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7

Heywood, Andrew. "Freedom, Toleration and Identity." In Political Theory, 237–67. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-43728-0_9.

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Flint, Colin, and Peter J. Taylor. "Place and identity politics." In Political Geography, 301–34. Seventh edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315164380-9.

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9

Parekh, Bhikhu. "Reason and Identity." In Ethnocentric Political Theory, 59–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11708-5_4.

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10

Elfstrom, Gerard. "National Identity." In New Challenges for Political Philosophy, 65–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230371095_4.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

1

Wolber, David. "Political e-identity." In the 2006 national conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1146598.1146612.

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2

Sari, Lusi, and Ilham Havifi. "Minangkabau Women's Political Identity In Political Representation." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316272.

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3

Slamet, Adiyana, and Dadang Rahmat Hidayat. "Political Communication Chairman Of West Java Parliament : Political Identity Of Sundanese Woman As Political Symbols." In Proceedings of the International Conference on Business, Economic, Social Science and Humanities (ICOBEST 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icobest-18.2018.51.

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4

Cao, Na. "College Students' Political Identity: Connotation,Crisis and Countermeasure." In 2017 International Seminar on Social Science and Humanities Research (SSHR 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sshr-17.2018.22.

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Damanik, Ahmad Taufan. "General Election: Between Money Politics and Political Identity." In 1st International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-16.2017.60.

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Utomo, Riza, Hidayat Amsani, and Fikarwin Zuska. "Political Identity Of Ethnic Batak In Southeast Aceh." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.17.

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Syamsurrijal, M., Achmad Nurmandi, Hasse Jubba, Mega Hidayati, Zuly Qodir, and Misran Misran. "Political Identity: A systematic review and bibliometric analysis." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Democracy and Social Transformation, ICON-DEMOST 2021, September 15, 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.15-9-2021.2315565.

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Z. Zulkifli, Mr. "Shi'i Identity and Nationalism in Indonesia's ReformasiShi'i Identity and Nationalism in Indonesia's Reformasi." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.52.

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9

Mani Klar, Samara. "Ideology, Identity, and the American Independent." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir05.

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10

Arsyad, Rahmad, and Endang Sari. "Peace Consensus of The Political Identity In Mamasa District." In Proceedings of the 1st Hasanuddin International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, HICOSPOS 2019, 21-22 October 2019, Makassar, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2019.2291528.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Political identity of Alevis"

1

Carvalho, Jean-Paul, and Christian Dippel. Elite Identity and Political Accountability: A Tale of Ten Islands. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w22777.

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2

Billings, Stephen, Eric Chyn, and Kareem Haggag. The Long-Run Effects of School Racial Diversity on Political Identity. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27302.

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Mitre, Emilio. Religious and political identity in medieval Europe: purity of faith and heresy. Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21001/itma.2021.15.01.

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4

Haider, Huma. Political Settlements: The Case of Moldova. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.065.

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The new elite in post-1991 independent Moldova gradually captured state institutions, while internal drivers of reforms have generally been weak. Civil society has had limited effectiveness; and the media is largely dominated by political and business circles (BTI, 2022). The Moldovan diaspora has emerged in recent years, however, as a powerful driver of reform. In addition, new political parties and politicians have in recent years focused on common social and economic problems, rather than exploiting identity and geopolitical cleavages. These two developments played a crucial role in the transformative changes in the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2020 and 2021, respectively.1 The new Moldovan leadership has experienced many challenges, however, in achieving justice and anti-corruption reforms—the primary components of their electoral platform—due to the persistence of rent-seeking and corruption in the justice sector (Minzarari, 2022). This rapid review examines literature—primarily academic and non-governmental organisation (NGO)-based—in relation to the political settlement of Moldova. It provides an overview of the political settlement framework and the political history of Moldova. It then draws on the literature to explore aspects of the social foundation and the power configuration in Moldova; and implications for governance and inclusive development. The report concludes with recommendations for government, domestic reformers, Moldovan society, and donors for improving inclusive governance and development in Moldova, identified throughout the literature. This report does not cover political settlement in relation to Transnistria.
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5

Nyseth Brehm, Hollie. Identity, Rituals, and Narratives: Lessons from Reentry and Reintegration after Genocide in Rwanda. RESOLVE Network, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2020.8.vedr.

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This policy note outlines core findings from a case study of the experiences of approximately 200 Rwandans as they left prison or community service camp and returned to their communities. Specifically, it relies upon interviews with each of these individuals before, 6 months after, and again 1 year after their release—as well as interviews with over 100 community members. Although reentry and reintegration are multifaceted processes, this policy note focuses on identity, rituals, and narratives with an emphasis on initial reentry, which sets the stage for broader reintegration. In doing so, the note highlights insights that are relevant to reentry and reintegration following not only genocide but also mass violence, war, insurgency, violent extremism, and other forms of political violence. It simultaneously recognizes, however, that the case of Rwanda has exceptional elements and addresses these elements throughout.
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6

HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Saleem, Raja M. Ali, Ihsan Yilmaz, and Priya Chacko. Civilizationist Populism in South Asia: Turning India Saffron. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0009.

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The 21st century has witnessed a significant shift in how the concept of nationalism is understood. A political marriage between identity politics and populism has resulted in “civilizationism,” a new form of nationalism that entails an emotionally charged division of society into “the people” versus “the Other.” All too often, the divisive discourses and policies associated with civilizationalist populism produce intercommunal conflict and violence. This paper draws on a salient case study, India’s Hindutva movement, to analyze how mainstream populist political parties and grassroots organizations can leverage civilizationist populism in campaigns to mobilize political constituencies. In surveying the various groups within the Hindutva movement and conducting a discourse analysis of their leaders’ statements, the paper shows the central role of sacralized nostalgia, history, and culture in Hindutva populist civilizationism. By analyzing the contours and socio-political implications of civilizationist populism through this case study, the paper contributes to the theoretical understanding of the concept more generally.
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Hrytsenko, Olena. Sociocultural and informational and communication transformations of a new type of society (problems of preserving national identity and national media space). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11406.

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The problems of the correlation of cosmopolitan and national identities are too complex to be unambiguous assessment, let alone alternative values (related to the ecological paradigm and the spiritual traditions of other cultures). However, it is obvious that without preserving the national identity, the integrity and independence of the national state becomes problematic. On the other hand, without taking into account the consequences of information wars and aggressive cosmopolitan tendencies of global media culture, there is a threat of losing the national information space and displacing it to the periphery of socio-political and economic life in Ukraine and in the modern world. In the process of working on research issues, the author of the article came out on the principles of objectivity, systematic and determinism, which in combination of their observance made it possible to determine the influence of the post-industrial information society on the formation of a new type of mass consciousness. As a result of the influence of globalization processes, there was a filling of the domestic information space with a supernational mass culture of entertainment, which in most cases leads to the spread of a primitive world outlook based on the ideology of consumption society, without leaving places to preserve sociocultural traditions and national identity. Therefore, given the problems of preserving national identity, it is necessary should be mentioned the information security of the state, which occupies one of the most important places, among various aspects of information security, since the unresolved problem of protection of the national information space significantly complicates the processes of formation of national identity.
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9

Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.

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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Religious populism in Israel: The case of Shas. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0011.

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Since the 1990s, populism has become increasingly prevalent in Israeli politics. While scholars and commentators have often focused on the populist rhetoric used by Benjamin Netanyahu, his is hardly the only manifestation of populism within Israel. For example, Shas, a right-wing populist party which seeks to represent Sephardic and Haredi interests within Israel, emerged in the 1980s and swiftly became the third largest party in the country, a position it has maintained since the mid 1990s. Shas is unique insofar as it merges religion, populism, and Sephardic and Haredi Jewish identity and culture. Indeed, Shas is not merely a political party, but a religious movement with its own schools and religious network, and it possesses both secular and religious leaders. In this article, we examine the religious populism of Shas and investigate both the manner in which the party constructs Israeli national identity and the rhetoric used by its secular and religious leadership to generate demand for the party’s religious and populist solutions to Israel’s social and economic problems. We show how the party instrumentalizes Sephardic ethnicity and culture and Haredi religious identity, belief, and practice, by first highlighting the relative disadvantages experienced by these communities and positing that Israeli “elites” are the cause of this disadvantaged position. We also show how Shas elevates Sephardic and Haredi identity above all others and claims that the party will restore Sephardic culture to its rightful and privileged place in Israel.
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