Готові списки джерел за темами / Political emotion

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Political emotion"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 липня 2024

Оновлено: 7 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Political emotion":

Zorina, Anastasia. "Semantic Modeling of Ways to Verbalize Emotions in the Political Discourse of Germany." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 4(64) (April 3, 2024): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2023-64-4-156-170.

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The article deals with methods of verbalization of various emotions, considered on the material of authentic texts related to the political discourse of Germany. There is a predominance of the emotional component over the rational one in modern political communication, therefore there is a need for a comprehensive study of the technique of nominating various emotional states. The purpose of the analysis is to identify the features of the semantic aspect of the linguistic representation of emotions in German-language political texts. This study is carried out using the method of semantic modelling according to five parameters reflecting the main types of syntagmatic relations between the meanings of words within one speech segment (a word combination or a sentence): «signs of emotion», «activity of emotion», «manifestation of emotion», «carrier of emotion», «cause of emotion». The following conclusions were obtained in the course of this study: the parameters «signs of emotion» and «activity of emotion» are the most productive within the framework of German political discourse; within the parameters mentioned above, the phenomenon of metaphorization is noted, which can also be considered as one of the productive means of verbalization of emotions; according to the type of evaluation sign, the predominance of negative emotions is observed in the political discourse of Germany. The results of the research conducted in this article can be used in research and teaching activities related to the study of the features of the emotional aspect of modern communication from a linguistic point of view.

Van'ke, Alexandrina. "Political Emotion." Russian Politics & Law 53, no. 5-6 (November 2, 2015): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611940.2015.1146059.

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Burrow, Sylvia. "The Political Structure of Emotion: From Dismissal to Dialogue." Hypatia 20, no. 4 (2005): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2005.tb00534.x.

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How much power does emotional dismissal have over the oppressed's ability to trust outlaw emotions, or to stand for such emotions before others? I discuss Sue Campbell's view of the interpretation of emotion in light of the political significance of emotional dismissal, in response, 1 suggest that feminist contentions of interpretation developed within dialogical communities are best suited to providing resources for expressing, interpreting, defining, and reflecting on our emotions.

Gibson, James, Christopher Claassen, and Joan Barceló. "Deplorables: Emotions, Political Sophistication, and Political Intolerance." American Politics Research 48, no. 2 (January 14, 2019): 252–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18820864.

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While scholars have shown strong interest in the role of emotions in politics, questions remain about the connections between emotions and political intolerance. First, it is not clear which emotion (if any) is likely to produce intolerance toward one’s disliked groups, with different studies favoring hatred, anger, or fear. Second, it is unclear whether these effects of emotion are moderated by sophistication, as some conventional political thought argues. Do the less-sophisticated rely on emotions when making judgments, therefore being less tolerant than sophisticates, who rely on reason? Here, we test both hypotheses using a large representative sample Americans. We find that hatred, anger, and fear are significantly but only modestly related to political intolerance. Moreover, the effects of emotions on intolerance are not consistently stronger among the unsophisticated. These findings provide little support for the conventional assumption that the less-sophisticated rely on their emotions in making political judgments.

Berezin, Mabel. "Secure States: Towards a Political Sociology of Emotion." Sociological Review 50, no. 2_suppl (October 2002): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2002.tb03590.x.

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Emotion and politics is the study of the non-cognitive core of politics. Emotion and politics presents its own special set of difficulties. First, emotions are experienced individually but politics is by definition a collective phenomena. This means that the social analyst has to attempt to understand how an individual micro-level instinct, an emotion, contributes to collective macro-level processes and outcomes. Second, emotions are ontologically in the moment. Emotions and sound have similar properties. Music or noise either soothes or jars the central nervous system. Emotions too affect the central nervous system and even social scientists have begun to acknowledge the relevance of neurobiology to their studies. The physicality of emotion suggests that a robust analysis of emotion demands a multi-disciplinary approach, and not that emotions are outside of the purview of the social sciences. This chapter begins from the position that much theoretical, analytic and empirical work remains to be done in the study of politics and emotions. It represents a first attempt to explore, from multiple angles, how emotions matter to politics. The chapter proceeds on four levels: first, it develops the concepts secure state and community of feeling as analytic frames that unite politics and emotion; second, it explores how emotions are embedded in political institutions; third, it takes up the issue of emotion and collective action; and lastly, it suggests the conceptual issues that a political sociology of emotions might address.

Ward, Ann. "Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 543–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070527.

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Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion, Marlene K. Sokolon, DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006, pp. 217.Marlene K. Sokolon has provided an intellectually stimulating and highly original work on Aristotle's understanding of the emotions, mainly as presented in his treatise the Art of Rhetoric. The central thesis of Sokolon's book manifests itself in her analysis of the emotion of anger. According to Sokolon, for Aristotle anger is the paradigmatic human emotion, defined as the desire for revenge for a dishonourable and undeserving public insult against oneself or those one loves. Of this desire for revenge, Sokolon argues that “for Aristotle, unique human anger is not ‘at’ something, but more properly ‘with’ what some other person did or intends to do. Anger and the other political emotions are certain kinds of judgments or perceptions about sociopolitical circumstances. Anger judges specific kinds of events with an acknowledged political, or what we now call ‘cultural,’ meaning” (p. 55). Thus, Sokolon argues that for Aristotle the emotional experience of anger occurs in social and political contexts where there are evaluations of worth in situations involving relations of power. But if anger is the paradigmatic human emotion, this means that anger is not simply representative of various political emotions, but illustrates that human emotion as such is an essentially political phenomenon. Sokolon's thesis, therefore, is that for Aristotle, “man is by nature a political animal” not simply because he possesses reason, the apparent claim of the Politics, but also because he experiences emotions.

Grosland, Tanetha. "Unraveling Interior and Exterior Circumstances." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 12, no. 1 (2023): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2023.12.1.69.

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The role of emotions in leadership and policy research is often ignored, indicating the need for an investigation of how researchers’ emotions and the interpretation of emotion in research impact the research process itself. Although at times contradictory and controversial, emotion is the one terrain that unites us in personhood; yet how emotions are understood is said to be defined and controlled by politics. Inspired by critical theories, especially those concerning emotion, this essay aims to theoretically interrogate missed emotion cues when conducting emotional research. This investigation grew out of two research stories of antiracist pedagogy that are laden with emotions. Contemporary observations indicate that the experience of researching emotions (un)consciously alters a researcher’s emotions and thus radically impacts how one ultimately researches emotion. This suggests that emotions in leadership research on political subjects have serious and profound impacts on researchers in ways that are often misunderstood. Concluding remarks note the significant role that research guided by critical theory plays in understanding how scholars’ emotions impact their leadership and policy research on political subjects.

Mirhady, David C. "Retrieving Political Emotion." Ancient Philosophy 22, no. 2 (2002): 440–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200222240.

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Ferrarin, Alfredo. "Retrieving Political Emotion." Ancient Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2006): 210–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200626152.

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Abstract, Nicky James. "Emotional Labour: Skill and Work in the Social Regulation of Feelings." Sociological Review 37, no. 1 (February 1989): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1989.tb00019.x.

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I define emotional labour as the labour involved in dealing with other peoples' feelings, a core component of which is the regulation of emotions. The aims of the paper are firstly to suggest that the expression of feelings is a central problem of capital and paid work and secondly to highlight the contradictions of emotions at work. To begin with I argue that ‘emotion’ is a subject area fitting for inclusion in academic discussion, and that the expression of emotions is regulated by a form of labour. In the section ‘Emotion at home’ I suggest that emotional labour is used to lay the foundations of a social expression of emotion in the privacy of the domestic domain. However the forms emotional labour takes and the skills it involves leave women subordinated as unskilled and stigmatised as emotional. In the section ‘Emotion at work’ I argue that emotional labour is also a commodity. Though it may remain invisible or poorly paid, emotional labour facilitates and regulates the expression of emotion in the public domain. Studies of home and the workplace are used to begin the process of recording the work carried out in managing emotions and drawing attention to its significance in the social reproduction of labour power and social relations of production.

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Дисертації з теми "Political emotion":

Hordern, Joshua. "Political affections : a theological enquiry." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4486.

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The thesis is a theological enquiry into the nature of human affections (or ‘emotions’), their role in morality and their significance for political relations. The argument builds critically on the work of cognitivist theorists of emotion, such as Martha Nussbaum, who oppose both rationalist disavowals of the reasonableness of emotion and empiricist fascination with physical sensation. Nussbaum holds that emotions’ intentional (object-directed), evaluative quality indicates a cognitive aptitude. Using the language of ‘affection’, the argument shows how this aptitude shapes individuals’ and communities’ interrelation with their diverse systems of valuation, the created, vindicated moral order and creation’s God. Drawing on phenomenological and spiritual approaches, the endurance of affection is accounted for through the connection of memory and affection while virtue is assigned a secondary place as a fragmentary and less reliable contributor to such endurance. Affections emerge as the beginnings of attracted understanding concerning the world as it appears, the world as it is and the world as it will be, recognitions of value which are open to intersubjective discussion and initiate moral reflection and deliberation. Jonathan Edwards’ account of affections is found epistemologically and ethically implausible but his doctrine of excellency is adopted to interpret the nature of affections’ endurance and eschatological participation in the moral order. With particular attention to joy, shame, anger and awe, the intersubjective, affective dimension of political life is then explored through consideration of certain institutions, practices and traditions of modern political societies, ancient Israel and the early church as represented in Luke and Acts. Affective wisdom within institutions of political representation and law are considered in light of secular and Christian political eschatologies. Findings from this discussion then guide a conversation between European ‘constitutional patriotism’ and British conservatism which explores the connection between affections and locality. An account of national identity is given which takes localised affective understanding seriously yet relativises it in light of the transnational affective understandings which stem both from the international political system and from Christian faith. Finally, the role of churches’ affections within modern political society are discussed. Resources from the Lutheran tradition are utilised to examine the political significance of churches’ joyful praise of the crucified, risen Jesus Christ.

Bruce, John Mason. "Emotion and evaluation in nomination politics /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487861796818215.

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Belden, Megan. "Trumping The Norm: Political Influence Of Negative Emotion In The 2016 Election." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1126.

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Emotion acts as a primer for our memory retention and encoding processes. In the 2016 election, we saw an increase in negative or hostile rhetoric from candidates. I argue this is due to the use of Twitter and the physical representation of engagement. This paper examines the effect of enthusiasm, anxiety, and hostility in response to political tweets. Tweets from Republican presidential candidates, Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were analyzed for emotional response content to explore mean differences in retweets from the three emotions.

Wright-Phillips, Maja Virginia. "Identity, Agency, and Emotion: Political Activism Among Anti-War Military Veterans." OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1133.

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This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.

Craddock, Emma. "Emotion and gender in local anti-austerity activist cultures." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/40848/.

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While large-scale studies of European anti-austerity movements exist, there is a need for in-depth, ‘thick description’ of anti-austerity activist cultures which explores the sustaining as well as motivating factors for political engagement. Furthermore, it is important to pay attention to differences, including gendered differences, within counterhegemonic movements to highlight the power imbalances that exist. This thesis utilises a cultural and affective approach combined with a gender lens to explore the lived and felt experiences of political participation and the gendered dimension of these. It contributes to developing a cultural and feminist approach to studying movements that takes account of emotion and gender by developing an in-depth understanding of a local anti-austerity activist culture. The research used a combination of qualitative research methods, including participant observation and semi-structured interviews with 30 anti-austerity activists in Nottingham. It reveals the central role of emotions in motivating and sustaining activism, uncovering the sustaining processes of solidarity and collective identity, and the importance of reasserting these in the face of an individualistic neoliberal capitalism. It identifies existing gendered barriers and exclusions to activism and ways of overcoming these, revealing that activism’s negative effects are gendered, with women feeling anxiety and guilt for not “doing enough” of the ‘right’ type of activism (direct action). This prioritising of direct action denigrates online activism, which is constructed as its opposition, underlined by the talking versus doing binary construction. Despite its supposedly abstract, universal character, it emerges that the ‘ideal perfect’ activist is the able-bodied male. The implications of this are explored, revealing the ‘dark side’ of activism which is hidden from public view. The thesis also identifies the construction of the ‘authentic’ activist who has the required lived experiences to be a ‘true’ activist, raising issues of representation. It therefore unravels the tensions between participants’ claim that “anyone and everyone can and should do” activism, and the constraints that prevent individuals from becoming politically active, including, problematically, how the ‘activist’ identity is constructed. The thesis highlights the importance of ‘care’ within the context of austerity, demonstrating the ‘retraditionalisation’ of gender roles and norms, with the redrawing of the public/private divide. In response, it explores how activism can be redefined as a form of degendered care, drawing on participants’ emphasis on empathy and universalist discourses. Overall, it contributes to social movement and feminist theory, as well as their overlap, by developing a cultural, affective, and feminist approach to studying social movements which takes account of gendered differences in activist experiences.

Holbrook, Ronald Andrew. "Emotion and campaign advertising causes of political anxiety and its effects on candidate evaluation /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1123758754.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xii, 302 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 285-302). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Blackwell, Rebecca. "Venezuela, from Charisma to Mimicry: The Rise and Fall of a Televised Political Drama." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6181.

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In this paper, I build on the assumption that collective emotional experience plays an important role in sustaining the group identity central to nation-making processes inspired by charismatic leaders. This analysis is based on a case study of the Venezuelan government after the death of Hugo Chávez. I examine ways in which elements of the leader’s narrative are used by his successors after his death. I also argue that the current political actors of the bureaucratized Revolutionary Government of Venezuela are attempting to sustain popular support by reaffirming a national identity that resonated among the masses largely due to the charisma of a now absent leader. I wish to explore the probability or lack thereof of a sustained emotional connection of the government regime with the mass audience.

Tamura, Azumi. "The Politics of Disaster and Their Role in Imagining an Outside. Understanding the Rise of the Post-Fukushima Anti-Nuclear Movements." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14384.

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Political disillusionment is widespread in contemporary Japanese society, despite people’s struggles in the recession. Our social relationships become entangled, and we can no longer clearly identify our interest in politics. The search for the outside of stagnant reality sometimes leads marginalised young people to a disastrous imaginary for social change, such as war and death. The imaginary of disaster was actualised in March 2011. The huge earthquake and tsunami caused the meltdown of the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant, which triggered the largest wave of activism since the 1960s. Based on the author’s fieldwork on the post-Fukushima anti-nuclear movements in Tokyo, this thesis investigates how the disaster impacted people’s sense of agency and ethics, and ultimately explores the new political imaginary in postmodernity. The disaster revealed the interconnected nature of contemporary society. The thesis argues that their regret about their past indifference to politics motivated the protesters into social commitment without any totalising ideology or predetermined collective identity. They also found an ambiguity of the self, which is insufficient to know what should be done. Hence, they mobilise their bodies on to the streets, encountering others, and forcing themselves to feel and think. This is an ethical attitude, yet it simultaneously stems from the desire of each individual to make a difference to the self and society. The thesis concludes that the post-Fukushima anti-nuclear movements signify a new way of doing politics as endless experiments by collectively responding to an unexpected force from an outside in a creative way.

Hartman, Erica. "Connection through Affect: Reorganizing Modern Democracy." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1618849744598421.

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Kiss, Csaba Zsolt. "The emotional voter : the impact of electoral campaigns and emotions on electoral behaviour in Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3afc98fa-d42a-4240-ad16-af1c2fa0f2c7.

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This thesis examines the role of emotions in mediating the effects electoral campaigns have on political behavior in Britain. I contend that electoral campaigns, aside from direct effects, can also have indirect effects, manifested through the impact of the emotions they induce. I theorize that, through manipulating the tone, framing and targeting of their messages, electoral campaigns induce specific emotions. Emotions are argued to have a direct effect on turnout (intentions) and a moderating effect on the impact partisanship, policy preference and leader evaluations have on vote choice. Extending the Theory of Affective Intelligence, I hypothesize that individuals who are enthusiastic about their preferred party, or experience anxiety or anger in relation to an out-party, are more likely to turn out, and to cast their vote based on their partisanship. Contrarily, anxiety and anger experienced towards the preferred party are expected to decrease the importance of partisanship and increase the relevance of policy preferences and leader evaluations when voting. While anger experienced towards this party is also hypothesized to also decrease turnout, anxiety is not thought to affect it. To test these propositions, I rely on a multi-methodological approach that uses both panel and experimental data. The panel data was collected in two waves prior to the 2010 British General Election. The laboratory experiment, designed to specifically test the emotion-induction capacity of campaigns, was conducted on British participants in the aftermath of the same elections. The results corroborate the theory. First, the analyses confirm that campaigns, not only can, but actually do induce emotions. Second, it is shown that emotions do influence political behavior as expected. Third, it is established that the effect of the campaign on turnout intentions is partly channeled through emotions. Finally, it is shown that campaign exposure indirectly affects vote choice by increasing the magnitude of the impact emotions have on the effect of partisanship on vote choice. Aside from the literature on campaign effects in Britain, the thesis also contributes to the emerging literature pertaining to the role of emotions in politics. Moreover, it contributes to the field of voting behaviour by extending our understanding of the psychological underpinnings of vote choice.

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Книги з теми "Political emotion":

Sauer, Birgit. Geschlecht, Emotion und Politik. Vienna: Institut für Höhere Studien/Institute for Advanced Studies, 1997.

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1962-, Clarke Simon, Hoggett Paul, and Thompson Simon 1962-, eds. Emotion, politics and society. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Shambaugh Conference on Affect and Cognition in Political Action (2003 University of Iowa). Feeling politics: Emotion in political information processing. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Koziak, Barbara. Retrieving political emotion: Thumos, Aristotle, and gender. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000.

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Hoggett, Paul. Politics, identity, and emotion. Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2009.

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Ahmed, Sara. The cultural politics of emotion. New York: Routledge, 2015.

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Yates, Candida. The Play of Political Culture, Emotion and Identity. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137319517.

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Yates, Candida. The play of political culture, emotion and identity. Basingstoke Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, 2015.

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Marcus, George E. The Sentimental Citizen: Emotion in Democratic Politics. University Park, Pennsylvania, United States of America: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2002.

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Smaill, Belinda. The documentary: Politics, emotion, culture. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Частини книг з теми "Political emotion":

Yates, Candida. "Masculinity, Flirtation and Political Communication in the UK." In Emotion, 85–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230245136_7.

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Ren, Lin. "Political Similarity and Reconciliation." In Rationality and Emotion, 125–37. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-02216-7_6.

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Protasi, Sara. "Envy as a Civic Emotion." In Political Emotions, 41–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91092-1_3.

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Szanto, Thomas, and Jan Slaby. "Political emotions." In The Routledge Handbook of Phenomenology of Emotion, 478–94. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge handbooks in philosophy: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315180786-46.

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Prinz, Jesse. "Emotion and Political Polarization." In The Politics of Emotional Shockwaves, 1–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56021-8_1.

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Tokdoğan, Nagehan. "On Emotions, Politics and Political Symbols." In Palgrave Studies in Political Psychology, 7–24. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48723-1_2.

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AbstractThis chapter presents a theoretical discussion on the relationship between politics, emotions, and symbols. It describes the intellectual and historical background of the modern tendency in the political science literature to ignore the role of emotion in politics, which was considered an integral phenomenon in classical texts of political philosophy. Based on the claim that emotions are both collective and individual phenomena, this chapter opens the door to a new understanding of emotions in politics and makes it possible to adopt an epistemological position that enables us to deal with the crucial relationship between politics and emotions.

Steenbergen, Marco R. "The New Political Psychology of Voting." In Information – Wahrnehmung – Emotion, 13–31. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-92336-9_2.

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Tait, Peta. "Political belief and social cognition of emotions." In Forms of Emotion, 115–40. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003124832-6.

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Pahl, Kerstin Maria. "Feeling Political Through Pictures: Portrayals of US Presidents, 1796–2020." In Feeling Political, 121–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_5.

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AbstractThis chapter looks at media as decisive in political communication. In focusing on portrayals of American presidents it explores both the set-up of a new template—the ‘statesman-like’ style—and discusses how institutions connect with and shape the populace. Through careful emotion management, curated portrayals of politicians address the population, direct political opinion, promote certain types of leaders, convey moral values, and bolster narratives. Analysing the painted portraits of three American presidents, George Washington, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Barack Obama, the chapter shows how these images not only depict emotional styles as a sort of code of conduct for the incumbent, but also spur emotions by fostering either support or, conversely, disaffection. Presidential portraits project notions of belonging by making their subjects both relatable and exceptional.

Pepin-Neff, Christopher L. "Governing Emotion: How to Analyze Emotional Political Situations." In Flaws, 39–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-10976-9_3.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Political emotion":

Huguet Cabot, Pere-Lluís, Verna Dankers, David Abadi, Agneta Fischer, and Ekaterina Shutova. "The Pragmatics behind Politics: Modelling Metaphor, Framing and Emotion in Political Discourse." In Findings of the Association for Computational Linguistics: EMNLP 2020. Stroudsburg, PA, USA: Association for Computational Linguistics, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/2020.findings-emnlp.402.

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Aparicio, Joao Tiago, Joao Salema de Sequeira, and Carlos J. Costa. "Emotion analysis of Portuguese Political Parties Communication over the covid-19 Pandemic." In 2021 16th Iberian Conference on Information Systems and Technologies (CISTI). IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/cisti52073.2021.9476557.

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Goffredo, Pierpaolo, Shohreh Haddadan, Vorakit Vorakitphan, Elena Cabrio, and Serena Villata. "Fallacious Argument Classification in Political Debates." In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/575.

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Fallacies play a prominent role in argumentation since antiquity due to their contribution to argumentation in critical thinking education. Their role is even more crucial nowadays as contemporary argumentation technologies face challenging tasks as misleading and manipulative information detection in news articles and political discourse, and counter-narrative generation. Despite some work in this direction, the issue of classifying arguments as being fallacious largely remains a challenging and an unsolved task. Our contribution is twofold: first, we present a novel annotated resource of 31 political debates from the U.S. Presidential Campaigns, where we annotated six main categories of fallacious arguments (i.e., ad hominem, appeal to authority, appeal to emotion, false cause, slogan, slippery slope) leading to 1628 annotated fallacious arguments; second, we tackle this novel task of fallacious argument classification and we define a neural architecture based on transformers outperforming state-of-the-art results and standard baselines. Our results show the important role played by argument components and relations in this task.

Johanna, Petra, Dr Irmawati, and Josetta Maria Remila Tuapattinaja. "Emotion Regulation on Wives Victims of Domestic Violence in Christianity Undergoing the Forgiveness Phases." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.13.

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Dai, Jianqiang, and Ai-min Xie. "The Strategy Research of Emotion Teaching Skills Application in Ideological and Political Course." In International Conference on Education, Management, Computer and Society. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/emcs-16.2016.410.

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Peskine, Youri, Raphaël Troncy, and Paolo Papotti. "Analyzing COVID-Related Social Discourse on Twitter using Emotion, Sentiment, Political Bias, Stance, Veracity and Conspiracy Theories." In WWW '23: The ACM Web Conference 2023. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3543873.3587622.

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Boer, Diana, Ronald Fischer, Jimena de Garay Hernández, Ma Luisa González Atilano, Luz Moreno, Marcus Roth, and Markus Zenger. "The Functions of Music-Listening across Cultures: The Development of a Scale Measuring Personal, Social and Cultural Functions of Music." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/sqfp4356.

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We examined the functions of music-listening from a cross-cultural perspective. Two studies were conducted to capture personal, social and cultural experiences with music. Young people were sampled; mainly online surveys were used. Study 1 is a qualitative multicultural study that identified seven main functions of music: background, memories, diversion, emotion, self-regulation, reflection of self, and social bonding. In study 2, based on the qualitative data, we developed and validated a scale measuring Ratings of Experienced Social, PErsonal and Cultural Themes of MUSIC functions (RESPECT-MUSIC) in three cultural samples (Latin-American, Anglo- Saxon, and Germanic). A ten-factorial solution was found to be structurally equivalent and reliable across three cultural samples. The factors represent the functions: background, dancing, emotions, venting, focus, value development, political attitudes, social bonding with friends, family bonding, and cultural identity. Limitations of this research and future directions are discussed. The investigation complements previous psychological research on music with a cross-cultural perspective.

Faucher, Colette, and Malika Machtoune. "PSYMDEV, a System Intended for Assisting the Military Analyst to Construct Psychological Messages." In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100196.

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In asymmetric conflicts, the Armed Forces generally have to intervene in countries where the internal peace is in danger. They must make the local population an ally in order for them to be able to deploy the necessary military actions with its support. For this purpose, psychological operations (PSYOPS) are used to shape people’s behaviors and feelings by spreading out messages thanks to different media (tracts, loudspeakers, video clips, etc.). In this paper, we present PSYMDEV (PSYchological Message DEViser), a system that helps the military analyst to construct messages that trigger specific feelings in members of the population selected by social criteria like age or political opinion and called the info-targets. Given such a sociocultural group and a feeling that the latter must feel, the system provides a twofold-situation that consists of, on the one hand, a categorization-situation meant to induce a positive or negative initial state of mind in the info-targets depending on the type of feeling to be triggered through a psychological mechanism inspired by theories stemming from Social Psychology and an action-situation aiming at effectively triggering the specific feeling through a psychological process explained by the Intergroup Emotion Theory, an extension of the Appraisal Theory of Emotions. These situations are illustrated by means of images or a film or some auditive elements, thanks to adapted media generally used by the military like tracts or video clips, for example. Therefore, the twofold-situation gives birth to a psychological message intended to trigger a feeling. After presenting the theories underlying the system and its overall structure and functioning, we more specifically focus on the conception of a categorization-situation.

French, Anda, and Jenny French. "Constructing Commonality: Autoethnography in Architectural Pedagogy and Practice." In 112th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.112.60.

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Autoethnography challenges positivistic research methodologies and assumptions of researcher neutrality. It embraces uncertainty, messiness, and emotion, and has the potential to acknowledge the interconnectedness of architecture with social, economic, and political realities. Drawing from Elizabeth Ettorre’s Autoethnography as Feminist Practice: Sensitizing the Feminist “I”, this paper suggests that through autoethnographic processes, architects can resist the urge to quantify and categorize, and instead embrace the narrative- building potential of personal revelations and vulnerability.The paper acknowledges the safety and familiarity that static roles provide but argues that these roles hinder progress. It emphasizes the importance of dismantling the myth of the singular genius and instead advocates for an understanding of architecture as a collaborative endeavor. By being reflexive about their shifting status and relational positions, architects and architectural educators can create space for diverse voices and expertise to contribute to the design and production process.Drawing on examples from contemporary architectural practices, and adjacent fields, such as product design and cultural geography, the paper demonstrates the potential power of autoethnography. It emphasizes the importance of situated perspectives, connecting personal experiences to larger social contexts. Prompted by Etorre, by occupying the space of the “in-between” and acknowledging the “personal is political,” architects can foster connection, empathy, and collective meaning-making.Autoethnography serves as a device for architects to occupy the space of an “inside-outsider,” enabling the exploration of alternative practice and pedagogical models. By engaging in self-reflection, architects can cultivate mutual empathy and construct shared narratives, ultimately redefining the role of the architect in collaborative processes, unlocking new possibilities for collaboration, and transforming the understanding of authorship.

Истомина, Екатерина Михайловна. "EMOTIVE SYNTAX IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In СЛОВО, ВЫСКАЗЫВАНИЕ, ТЕКСТ В КОГНИТИВНОМ, ПРАГМАТИЧЕСКОМ И КУЛЬТУРОЛОГИЧЕСКОМ АСПЕКТАХ. Челябинск: Челябинский государственный университет, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47475/9785727118047_205.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Political emotion":

Pretorius, Philip Christo, and Radoslav Valev. Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea and Mongolia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0054.

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This report encapsulates the highlights of the eleventh event hosted by the European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS) as part of its monthly Mapping European Populism (MGP) panel series. Titled “Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism, and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea, and Mongolia,” this event unfolded online on March 30, 2024. The esteemed Dr. John Nilsson-Wright expertly moderated the panel, which boasted insights from five distinguished scholars in the field of populism. The panelists featured in the event included experts such as Dr. Joseph Yi, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Hanyang University, Seoul, renowned for his work on "Discourse Regimes and Liberal Vehemence." Dr. Meredith Rose Shaw, an Associate Professor at the Institute of Social Science, The University of Tokyo, provided valuable insights into the regional context through her research on "Foreign Threat Perceptions in South Korean Campaign Discourse: Japan, North Korea, and China." Dr. Sang-Jin Han, an Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Seoul National University, shared his expertise on sociopolitical trends in South Korea, focusing on the "Transformation of Populist Emotion in Korean Politics from 2016 to 2024." Dr. Junhyoung Lee, a Research Professor in the School of International Relations at the University of Ulsan, South Korea, contributed with his research on "Nationalism and Resilience of Authoritarian Rule in North Korea." Lastly, Dr. Mina Sumaadii, a Senior Researcher at the Sant Maral Foundation, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, offered a unique perspective on "Populist Nationalism as a Challenge to Democratic Stability in Mongolia." The panel served as a platform for a rich exchange of ideas and analysis, shedding light on the complex interplay between populism, authoritarianism, and democracy within these East Asian nations.

Yatsymirska, Mariya. MODERN MEDIA TEXT: POLITICAL NARRATIVES, MEANINGS AND SENSES, EMOTIONAL MARKERS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11411.

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The article examines modern media texts in the field of political journalism; the role of information narratives and emotional markers in media doctrine is clarified; verbal expression of rational meanings in the articles of famous Ukrainian analysts is shown. Popular theories of emotions in the process of cognition are considered, their relationship with the author’s personality, reader psychology and gonzo journalism is shown. Since the media text, in contrast to the text, is a product of social communication, the main narrative is information with the intention of influencing public opinion. Media text implies the presence of the author as a creator of meanings. In addition, media texts have universal features: word, sound, visuality (stills, photos, videos). They are traditionally divided into radio, TV, newspaper and Internet texts. The concepts of multimedia and hypertext are related to online texts. Web combinations, especially in political journalism, have intensified the interactive branching of nonlinear texts that cannot be published in traditional media. The Internet as a medium has created the conditions for the exchange of ideas in the most emotional way. Hence Gonzo’s interest in journalism, which expresses impressions of certain events in words and epithets, regardless of their stylistic affiliation. There are many such examples on social media in connection with the events surrounding the Wagnerians, the Poroshenko case, Russia’s new aggression against Ukraine, and others. Thus, the study of new features of media text in the context of modern political narratives and emotional markers is important in media research. The article focuses review of etymology, origin and features of using lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” in linguistic practice of Ukrainians results in the development of meanings and functional stylistic coloring in the usage of these units. Lexemes “cмисл (meaning)” and “сенс (sense)” are used as synonyms, but there are specific fields of meanings where they cannot be interchanged: lexeme “сенс (sense)” should be used when it comes to reasonable grounds for something, lexeme “cмисл (meaning)” should be used when it comes to notion, concept, understanding. Modern political texts are most prominent in genres such as interviews with politicians, political commentaries, analytical articles by media experts and journalists, political reviews, political portraits, political talk shows, and conversations about recent events, accompanied by effective emotional narratives. Etymologically, the concept of “narrative” is associated with the Latin adjective “gnarus” – expert. Speakers, philosophers, and literary critics considered narrative an “example of the human mind.” In modern media texts it is not only “story”, “explanation”, “message techniques”, “chronological reproduction of events”, but first of all the semantic load and what subjective meanings the author voices; it is a process of logical presentation of arguments (narration). The highly professional narrator uses narration as a “method of organizing discourse” around facts and impressions, impresses with his political erudition, extraordinary intelligence and creativity. Some of the above theses are reflected in the following illustrations from the Ukrainian media: “Culture outside politics” – a pro-Russian narrative…” (MP Gabibullayeva); “The next will be Russia – in the post-Soviet space is the Arab Spring…” (journalist Vitaly Portnikov); “In Russia, only the collapse of Ukraine will be perceived as success” (Pavel Klimkin); “Our army is fighting, hiding from the leadership” (Yuri Butusov).

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Shahram Akbarzadeh, and Galib Bashirov. Comprehending the Tactics of Strategic Digital Disinformation Operations (SDIOs). European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0024.

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In this paper, we introduce the concept of “Strategic Digital Information Operations” (SDIOs), discuss the tactics and practices of the SDIOs, explain the main political goals of state and non-state actors in engaging with SDIOs at home and abroad, and suggest avenues for new research. We argue that the concept of the SDIOs presents a useful framework to discuss all forms of digital manipulation at both domestic and international levels organized by either state or non-state actors. While the literature has examined the military-political impacts of the SDIOs, we still don’t know much about societal issues that the SDIOs influence such as emotive political mobilization, intergroup relations, social cohesion, trust, and emotional resonance among target audiences.

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Shahram Akbarzadeh, and Galib Bashirov. Strategic Digital Information Operations (SDIOs). European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0024a.

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McDoom, Omar Shahabudin. Rationality, emotions, and ethnicity: Explaining elite political alignments in a deeply divided society. UNU-WIDER, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2023/430-4.

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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism and Vigilantism: The Case of the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0001.

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Religious populism and radicalism are hardly new to Pakistan. Since its birth in 1947, the country has suffered through an ongoing identity crisis. Under turbulent political conditions, religion has served as a surrogate identity for Pakistan, masking the country’s evident plurality, and over the years has come to dominate politics. Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) is the latest face of religious extremism merged with populist politics. Nevertheless, its sporadic rise from a national movement defending Pakistan’s notorious blasphemy laws to a “pious” party is little understood. This paper draws on a collection of primary and secondary sources to piece together an account of the party’s evolution that sheds light on its appeal to “the people” and its marginalization and targeting of the “other.” The analysis reveals that the TLP has evolved from a proxy backed by the establishment against the mainstream parties to a full-fledged political force in its own right. Its ability to relate to voters via its pious narrative hinges on exploiting the emotional insecurities of the largely disenfranchised masses. With violence legitimized under the guise of religion, “the people” are afforded a new sense of empowerment. Moreover, the party’s rhetoric has given rise to a vigilante-style mob culture so much so that individuals inspired by this narrative have killed in plain sight without remorse. To make matters worse, the incumbent government of Imran Khan — itself a champion of Islamist rhetoric — has made repeated concessions and efforts to appease the TLP that have only emboldened the party. Today, the TLP poses serious challenges to Pakistan’s long-standing, if fragile, pluralistic social norms and risks tipping the country into an even deadlier cycle of political radicalization.

Vuksanović, Vuk. Between Emotions and Realism: Two Faces of Turkish Foreign Policy in the Balkans. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, June 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/wzvw6831.

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Turkey’s more assertive posture towards the Balkans is neglected compared to the commentariat that deals with Russia and China. To fill this policy gap, the research team of the Belgrade Centre for Security Policy (BCSP) has conducted research based on the analysis of secondary source material and, even more importantly, on fieldwork interviews that involved 16 sources, academics and think tank researchers based in Istanbul and Ankara. Although the consulted sources have different backgrounds and political sympathies, the research established a presence of common themes. Namely, Turkish foreign policy in the Balkans has two aspects. The first is based on emotions, where Turkish foreign policy towards the region is framed by Turkey’s special ties with the region based on shared history, social connections, identity factors and the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan country that is most frequently mentioned in the context of special ties with Turkey is Bosnia and Herzegovina, in light of socio-cultural ties and the fact that it is a country in which the Ottoman legacy is felt most strongly. The second approach is rooted in traditional foreign policy realism derived from an objective and calculated assessment of the regional balance of power and one’s own interests. Within this approach, Turkey is trying, for security and strategic reasons, to act pragmatically and be effective in the Balkans without entangling itself in crises that could impede its regional influence. This approach leads Turkey towards engaging Serbia, the region’s strategically consequential country, because Ankara is deeply convinced that if it wishes to be effective in the Balkans, it needs to have a partnership with Belgrade. In doing so, it must strike a balance between emotions and realism. It needs to walk the fine line between nurturing ties with communities with which it has cultural and religious ties, like Bosniaks and Albanians, while avoiding alienating countries whose partnership Ankara needs to be able to succeed in the Balkans, such as Serbia.

Haider, Huma. Fostering a Democratic Culture: Lessons for the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.131.

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Political culture is the values, beliefs, and emotions that members of a society express about the political regime and their role in it (Pickering, 2022, p. 5). Norms, values, attitudes and practices considered integral to a “culture of democracy”, according to the Council of Europe, include: a commitment to public deliberation, discussion, and the free expression of opinions; a commitment to electoral rules; the rule of law; and the protection of minority rights; peaceful conflict resolution. The consolidation of democracy involves not only institutional change, but also instilling a democratic culture in a society (Balčytienė, 2021). Research on democratic consolidation in various countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) finds that a key impediment to consolidation is the persistence of old, authoritarian political culture that undermines political and civic participation. This rapid review looks at aspects of democratic culture and potential ways to foster it, focusing on educational initiatives and opportunities for civic action — which comprise much of the literature on developing the values, attitudes and behaviours of democracy. Discussion on the strengthening of democratic institutions or assistance to electoral processes is outside the scope of the report.

Shaw, Jackie, Masa Amir, Tessa Lewin, Jean Kemitare, Awa Diop, Olga Kithumbu, Danai Mupotsa, and Stella Odiase. Contextualising Healing Justice as a Feminist Organising Framework in Africa. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.063.

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Healing justice is a political organising framework that aims to address the systemic causes of injustice experienced by marginalised peoples due to the harmful impacts of oppressive histories, intergenerational trauma, and structural violence. It recognises that these damaging factors generate collective trauma, which manifests in negative physical, mental–emotional, and spiritual effects in activists and in the functioning of their movements. Healing justice integrates collective healing in political organising processes, and is contextualised as appropriate to situational needs. This provided the rationale for a research study to explore the potential of healing justice for feminist activists in Africa, and how pathways to collective healing could be supported in specific contexts. Research teams in DRC, Senegal, and South Africa conducted interviews with feminist activists and healers, in addition to supplementary interviews across sub-regions of Africa and two learning events with wider stakeholders.

HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).