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Статті в журналах з теми "Political corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia"
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Fedorovskii, A. "Russia and East Asia Challenges." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 3 (2016): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-58-71.
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The article deals with the prospects for Russia’s “pivot to the East” taking into account main chances as well as risks in the context of growing challenges in East Asia. The author stresses that national and regional misbalances in East Asia are the results of the dynamic development of East Asian countries during the last 15 years. “Middle class trap” is at the agenda as the main common problem in China and ASEAN member countries. The analysis focuses also on such issues as broad scaled corruption and state-controlled legal system, quality of political, social institutions and social lifts, role of nationalism and culture. Regional misbalances in infrastructure and R&D as well as the crisis of regional institutions are characterized as new challenges to integration trends in East Asia and Asia-Pacific area in general. According to the author’s view, there are three different types of policies to meet the domestic challenges and to overcome “middle class trap”: Japanese, South Korean and Chinese. Prime Minister Ikeda’s “income-doubling plan” accompanied by public activity is described as an effective reform-oriented policy. South Korea’s transition from dictatorship to democratic society and more flexible economy is another type of positive reform policy. According to China’s modern domestic strategy, a lot of attention is paid to administrative measures against corruption, modification of social policy, reforms of banks, etc. At the same time, public activities and legal system, in spite of some improvements, are still under rigid administrative control. Meanwhile, the role of law will be crucial factor of successful development of East Asian countries at the stage of “middle class economy”. To a large scale, the prospects for regional integration depend on growing creative role of China (for example, investments into regional infrastructure and establishment of special bank, initiations of the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area). At the same time, China will continue cooperation and dialogue with other countries, first of all with the USA. ASEAN members increase their activity to improve sub-regional cooperation and relations with United States and Japan in order to couterbalance China’s influence in East Asia. Finally, the author describes Russia’s policy towards East Asia and the Pacific, including brief history, main trends and key priorities at the current stage. “Free Vladivostok port” and some other initiatives to realize more flexible economic strategy towards East Asia and Pacific will give opportunity for Russia to promote its integration into the Pacific Area. Transition of Russia’s export structure from resources and energy to innovation goods and services is at the agenda.
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Li, He. "China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, no. 2 (November 16, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.
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Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.
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Gamerman, Evgenii Vyacheslavovich. "Migration and security in Northeast Asia: political and economic aspects." Международные отношения, no. 2 (February 2020): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.2.28836.
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The subject of this research is the migration processes with regards to national, regional and international security. The author examines threats to security of the Far East related to external and domestic migration; as well as similar processes in the countries of Northeast Region and their impact upon the state of regional security overall. The goal of this work is to analyze this phenomenon in Northeast Asia, and the influence of migration processes upon regional security. The link between migration and security is bilateral. On one side is security of the countries and societies directly affected by migration; while on the other – security of actual people who comprise the migration flows. The research employs the comparative and historical approaches, which allow analyzing the peculiarities of formation of the “agenda” of regional security in the Northeast Asia, including the questions of migration, as well as trace the transformation of national approaches towards ensuring regional security along with the threats themselves in the sphere of migration. The Russian political science does not currently contain works that view the problems of migration in Northeast Asia in the context of regional and international security (despite the fact, that there is multiple research on migration overall). Migration is a not a potential challenge, it is a real threat to security. None of the countries in the region was able to avoid the influence of at least separate aspects of migration processes.
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Jalil, Siti Ayu, and Muzafar Shah Habibullah. "Impact of Kyoto Protocol and Institutional Factors on Carbon Dioxide Emissions in Asia-Pacific Region." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 1, no. 2 (May 31, 2013): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v1i2.9124.
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This study investigates the impact of Kyoto Protocol and four institutional factors i.e. political stability, property rights, corruption and freedom of trade on the growth of per capita CO2 emissions in Asia and the Pacific region for the period of 1971-2009. The region consists of East Asia, South Asia and the Pacific islands are the fastest growing economic region and the source of global greenhouse gas emissions. A dynamic panel data model based on the Generalised Method of Moments (GMM) technique is utilized to examine these impacts. The findings indicate only Kyoto commitment (Kcom), Kyoto Clean Development Mechanism (Kcdm) and Corruption (COR) describe statistically significant positive effects on CO2 emissions.
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Teslenko, S. S. "Political practices of transformation of East and Southeast Asia countries." Актуальні проблеми політики, no. 67 (May 25, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/app.v0i67.1162.
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The article considers models of political transformation in East Asian countries. The analysis of political practices of transformation of the countries of East and South-East Asia is carried out in the study. The research contains the factors that influenced the successful implementation of modernization projects in the states of the region. The specific features of the political transformations of the states of the region associated with the formation of non-Western democracies on the basis of “development authoritarianisms” are revealed. Carrying out large-scale transformations is connected with the need to establish sovereignty in the postcolonial period and ensure national security in the current geopolitical conditions. The success of the East Asian model of transformation is also associated with the preservation of elements of traditional regulation, a unique synthesis of traditions and innovations based on a special, synthetic way, non-Western and nonmobilization type. Governments and national leaders play a special role in the political practices of non-Western modernization, ensuring the planning of modernization strategies. A separate role in the transformation belongs to the competent bureaucracy with a minimum degree of corruption. And the transformations were carried out by authoritarian methods. Non-Western modernization is of interest both from a theoretical and empirical point of view, especially given the effect of the non-Western approach to transformation, embodied in the so-called Asian economic miracle and contributing to national consolidation in Southeast and East Asia. For developing countries, it is important to choose the ways of their socio-political and economic development, especially in the context of globalization. The study of the experience of the countries of Southeast and East Asia allows us to identify the main directions of their development that have transformed societies, and to determine an acceptable development strategy for the state. Back in the 1990s, concepts were put forward according to which the 21st century would be the era of domination of the Asia-Pacific civilization, which replaces the Euro-Atlantic one. The modernization of the countries of Southeast Asia is becoming a factor in reformatting the established world order, creating a new balance of power in the international arena and new centres of influence in political and economic relations.
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Mel'yantsev, V. "Crisis in Arab World: Economic and Social Aspects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2011): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-10-73-83.
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The article considers macroeconomic and social factors of the upsurge of socio-political instability in the Arab world. The Arab countries are compared with other states in the Arab-Muslim world, as well as with the economically fast-growing economies of East and South Asia. It is concluded that Arab countries loosely fit into the promising growth model of the XX century and they are in need of profound reforms.
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Batalla, Eric Vincent C. "Interests, Identities, and Institutions in the Politics of Regional Economic Construction in East Asia." Philippine Political Science Journal 31, no. 1 (December 21, 2010): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101003.
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This essay examines the politics of regional economic construction in East Asia based on the comparative politics framework of Kopstein and Lichbach (2009). The framework highlights three important aspects of domestic politics, namely: interests, identities, and institutions and relates these aspects to the global (or regional) context. The essay stresses the importance of domestic politics to regional affairs and therefore, should be considered in future assessments of the prospects of regional economic construction. It suggests a research agenda in aid of ongoing regionalization processes.
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Sabol, Steven. "Martha Brill Olcott, Kazakhstan: Unfulfilled Promise. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for Peace, 2002, xii, 321 pp. + appendices. Washington, DC." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200020869.
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Pessimism and skepticism dominate this most recent work by Martha Brill Olcott, one of the leading scholars of Central Asia and the Eurasian realm. Her central theme is that, even with abundant natural resources, an educated population, and a situation between East and West, Kazakhstan's seemingly bright future and promised prosperity failed to materialize. In short, political and economic corruption has dominated the transition from Soviet dependency to post-Soviet independence.
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EZEIBEKWE, OBINNA FRANKLIN. "FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES." Global Economy Journal 20, no. 03 (September 2020): 2050016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2194565920500165.
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What are the economic, political, institutional, socio-cultural, and geographical determinants of financial development in developing countries? This paper uses the two-way fixed effects (with clustered standard errors) and annual panel data from 1980 to 2018 for 69 developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and North Africa, East and South Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean to address this question. The principal component analysis is employed to construct a financial development index based on three financial development indicators. This study builds on the previous studies by introducing new potential determinants of financial development such as the perception of corruption, and by exploring important quadratic and interaction effects. The results show that national income, trade openness, indices of political stability and Polity2 (a democracy score), perception of corruption, the predominant religion in the countries, and geographical factors such as territorial access to the sea explain the differences in the levels of financial development across countries and regions. A rise in national income leads to a higher level of financial development and countries with a high perceived level of corruption have a lower level of financial development. There is strong evidence of threshold effects as trade openness has a diminishing marginal effect on financial development while the auxiliary growth regressions show that financial development has an increasing marginal effect on national income. Of the five regions studied, East and South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa have the highest and lowest levels of financial development, respectively. Also, fuel-exporting countries, least developed countries, and landlocked countries tend to have lower levels of financial development. These results have relevant policy implications for developing countries in their continued efforts to achieve better financial development and ultimately, sustainable economic development.
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Salygin, V. I., and S. V. Berezinskiy. "Modern Political and Economic Aspects of the Oil and Gas Complex in the Southeast Asia Region." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-54-59.
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AbstracUThe article reviews the problems caused by the conflict of interests between certain Southeast Asian countries and other states, China foremost, which aroused from oil and gas field development on disputable offshore sections. At the same time the positions of the region's leading transnational corporations in the field of oil and gas policy and their relationships with the countries-ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) members are outlined. Separately are represented the foreign policy stands of Indonesia, Vietnam, Brunei, Philippines and Malaysia on territorial disputes over offshore oil and gas fields. These processes are pushing both European and American business to abandon the conventional schemes and accept the new conditions of their activity in Southeast Asia.
Дисертації з теми "Political corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia"
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Ali, Nasrul. "Corruption and its impact on economic growth : is East Asia special?" University of Western Australia. Economics Discipline Group, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0099.
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[Truncated abstract] The 1997 Asian Financial Crisis raised serious questions about the nature of East Asia's rise to economic prosperity, once labelled as a 'miracle' by the World Bank. In particular, East Asian governments were criticised for allowing rampant corruption to pervade their economies. At a conceptual level, the overwhelming majority of studies argue that corruption, defined as the misuse of public office for private gain, has impeded growth. Empirically, many studies have shown the detrimental impact of corruption on economic growth but few have analysed the particular effect of corruption on East Asia's economic growth in the years leading up to the 1997 Crisis, a period characterised by superior economic growth rates against the backdrop of corruption. This study seeks to fill that gap. By virtue of its clandestine nature, any study on corruption is subject to measurement limitations and this study is no exception. The only available data on corruption are indices published by a handful of various international organisations. Each of these indices follows a similar format: they are based partly or wholly on surveys of the corporate sector in each of the sample countries, the results of which are converted into corruption scores and used to rank the sample countries. Although there is a general consistency in rankings across the different indices, the survey questions tend to equate corruption with bribery. In one survey which questioned respondents about corruption and bribery in separate questions, the results indicated that the two are not necessarily synonymous at least in the minds of respondents. A brief analysis of the nature of corruption within East Asia reveals why the tendency to equate corruption with bribery can be misleading, and therefore raises doubts about the credibility of the aforementioned corruption indices. Many countries in East Asia are shown to harbour a network of patron-client relationships within a centralised framework. ... When using the available corruption indices as measures of corruption in a corruption-growth model that is applied to cross-sectional data covering 141 countries in 1996, corruption is found to have a significant positive relationship with economic growth for two of the corruption indices. However, no particular significant relationship is found to exist for East Asian countries within the sample. The corruption indices are then combined to produce a single index of corruption which is then used in a corruption-growth model and applied to panel data covering 33 countries over a twenty year period from 1984 to 2003. This time the corruption variable is found to have a significant positive relationship with economic growth for East Asian countries (excluding Singapore) during 1986-1996. Finally, the concept of rent-seeking is examined as an alternative to the typical principal-agent model of corruption used in the literature, based on its strong resonance with the particular nature of corruption in East Asia. A measure of rent-seeking is developed, and using cross-sectional data for 57 countries in 1996 reveals that rent-seeking has a significant positive relationship with economic growth.
Книги з теми "Political corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia"
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Governments and markets in East Asia: The politics of economic crises. London: Routledge, 2006.
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1951-, Sangsit Phiriyarangsan, ed. Corruption and democracy in Thailand. Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, 1996.
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Phongpaichit, Pasuk. Corruption and democracy in Thailand. Bangkok: Political Economy Centre, Faculty of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, 1994.
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Lee, Grace O. M. The political economy of the SARS epidemic: The impact on human resources in East Asia. Abingdon, Oxon [England]: Routledge, 2007.
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Burkett, Paul. Development, crisis and class struggle: Learning from Japan and East Asia. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000.
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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia. Chronic kleptocracy: Corruption within the Palestinian political establishment : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, second session, July 10, 2012. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2012.
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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the countries of Central Asia, problems in the transition to independence and the implications for the United States, March 25, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the countries of Central Asia, problems in the transition to independence and the implications for the United States, March 25, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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Sang-in, Chŏn, ред. Hanʼguk hyŏndaesa: Chinsil kwa haesŏk. Kyŏnggi-do Pʻaju-si: Nanam Chʻulpʻan, 2005.
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Cohen, Benjamin J., and Eric M. P. Chiu. Power in a Changing World Economy: Lessions from East Asia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Political corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia"
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Pomfret, Richard. "From Landlocked to Land-Linked? Central Asia’s Place in the Eurasian Economy." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 195–209. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_10.
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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), while primarily a security organisation, has always included economic and human baskets or dimensions. Currently, the Office of the Co-ordinator of OSCE Economic and Environmental Activities operates in four main areas: (1) good governance and anti-corruption, (2) money laundering and financing of terrorism, (3) transport, trade and border-crossing facilitation, and (4) labour migration. This chapter addresses developments in Central Asia since the dissolution of the Soviet Union that are relevant to the third area of OSCE operations. The chapter’s focus is on the potential for the landlocked Central Asian countries to become land-linked, using improved transport connections between East Asia and Europe to promote economic development through export diversification and growth. Rail services across Central Asia improved considerably during the 2010s. They have been resilient, despite strained political relations between Russia and the EU since 2014, and rail traffic between Europe and China continued to increase in 2020 despite the shock of COVID-19. Further infrastructure improvements are promised under China’s Belt and Road Initiative. However, the expanded network has been little used by Central Asian producers to create new international trade, and the improved infrastructure represents a potential opportunity rather than a past benefit. If the Central Asian economies are successful in taking advantage of the opportunity, it will stimulate their trade across the Eurasian region and help economic diversification. The main determinant of success will be national policies and national economic development. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the role of multilateral institutions and, in particular, the prospects for OSCE collaboration with existing fora to promote cooperation and economic development in Central Asia.
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Ha, Jung-ok. "Solving Low Fertility Rate with Technology?" In Gender, Health, and History in Modern East Asia. Hong Kong University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390908.003.0005.
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South Korea's total fertility rate (TFR) in 2005 was 1.08, the lowest in the world. The government launched the National Support Program for Infertile Couples (“the Program”) in 2006 which expenditures for diverse assisted reproductive treatments are subsidized. This chapter seeks to critique three aspects of the Program. First, the Program is a population policy that has not kept up with changes in family values and practices. Second, the Program’s very implementation has created demand, ‘those diagnosed as infertile’ have become ‘infertile members of the population’. Lastly, the Program has resulted in a meaningful increase in the number of in vitro fertilization treatments, and this increase has negatively impacted the health of women and children. Reproduction has always been a field for political struggle, and political imagination-created reproduction is revealed most strikingly when reproduction becomes a “population problem”. South Korea’s National Family Planning Project was brought by the Park Chung-hee government, which emphasized the value of the “modern family,” specifically, “Modernization of the Fatherland,” as part of economic development in the 1970s. The low fertility rate that South Korea is now facing is considered a national crisis and the Program represents the government’s will to solve the crisis through medical technologies. However, the bodies of women are still considered objects in TFR statistics, much as they were in the 1970s. This has led to a situation in which the health and even the lives of women are being endangered once again
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Osamu, Arakaki, and Song Lili. "Part III Regional Regimes, Ch.21 Regional Refugee Regimes: East Asia." In The Oxford Handbook of International Refugee Law. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198848639.003.0022.
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The fives States and eight jurisdictions in East Asia are mostly densely populated and homogeneous, but are diverse in term of their political and legal systems, economic development and positions in relation to refugee movements. The region currently does not have its own regional arrangement relating to refugee protection or human rights. This chapter examines and compares aspects of the refugee protection system in East Asian States, focusing on China, Japan and South Korea, all of which are a party to the Refugee Convention and Protocol. It provides a brief history of refugee laws in these States, critically evaluates legal and policy measures they have taken to implement the Convention and Protocol and looks at the roles of the judiciary and civil society in refugee protection in these States. In conclusion, it outlines the areas of convergence and diversity of refugee protection system in these States as well as the implication of international refugee law in East Asia.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Political corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia"
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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. "ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION: EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." In Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.
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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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Kozhobekov, Muratbek. "Trade and Economic Relations of Early Medieval Kyrgyz State." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01441.
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According to written sources of trade with neighboring countries occupied an important place in the economy of the Kyrgyz State. That would create a successful economy, as well as to meet the needs of consumers the Kyrgyz State established extensive trade links in the Central Asian region. Trading partners of the Kyrgyz in the early middle ages were economic developed countries East and Central Asia. This reflects the fact that the degree of development of the Kyrgyz people related to trading partners. In general terms, the characteristics of the Kyrgyz State trade relations with neighboring countries in the period VII-X centuries. Thus, definition and comparison of different time in bars allow you to re-evaluate the economic and political aspects of the problem components.