Готові списки джерел за темами / Political and societal involvements

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Political and societal involvements"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 липня 2024

Оновлено: 7 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Political and societal involvements":

Raisio, Harri, Seija Ollila, and Pirkko Vartiainen. "Do youth juries enhance youth political and societal participation?" Scandinavian Journal of Public Administration 15, no. 3 (September 15, 2011): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.58235/sjpa.v15i3.16171.

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The civic engagement of young people can be considered problematic in Finland. Still, the issue might be that youth actually are interested in politics and societal issues. They merely are not interested in the existing methods of political and societal participation. As a path forward the youth jury is tested in the Vaasa experiment. The underlying thought is that it would be something other than “politics as usual” and thus be more interesting to youth. So far only a few youth juries have been implemented and analyzed worldwide (e.g. Carson et. al. 2004; Iredale et. al. 2006). As a result Vaasa youth jury gives strong validity to the theoretical presumptions of youth juries. Participation into the youth jury was seen as a positive experience by many jurors. As a path forward on increasing youth involvement jurors underlined the possibilities of youth juries. Jurors also showed signs of positive attitudinal changes towards societal and political participation. However attitudinal change didn’t take place towards interest in positions of trusts. This can be seen as an indication that it is not that youth are passive and not interested, but that there are not possibilities to influence which would be stimulating enough for them.

Zuhro, R. Siti. "The Bureaucracy Neutrality in Indonesian Politics." BASKARA : Journal of Business and Entrepreneurship 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24853/baskara.3.2.9-21.

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The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections. This study showed that after 75 years of independence, Indonesia must continue to struggle to build a bureaucracy that is professional (effective and efficient) and politically neutral.

Zuhro, R. Siti. "THE BUREAUCRACY NEUTRALITY IN INDONESIAN POLITICS." BASKARA : Journal of Business and Entrepreneurship 3, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24853/baskara.3.2.55-67.

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Vira, Annisa, Pulung Sumantri, and Abdul Azis. "Peranan Tokoh Intelektual Muda dalam Perkembangan Politik di Indonesia pada Era Digital." Polyscopia 1, no. 1 (January 26, 2024): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.57251/polyscopia.v1i1.1235.

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Democracy's vitality in a nation hinges on the depth of political engagement, evident when the populace actively participates in events like presidential and regional elections. The level of political involvement serves as a pivotal gauge for a country's democratic progress, reflecting genuine concern for political development. This engagement, influenced by diverse societal groups, notably the youth, holds significance. Generation Z and Millennials, the key demographics, wield considerable influence, with Generation Z earning the moniker "the mobile generation" due to a 93.9 percent internet dependence. Meanwhile, Millennials, with an 88.4 percent reliance on the internet, grapple with career pursuits. In politics, the youth are coveted assets, pivotal in election contests for state leaders, regional heads, or representatives, given their distinct voices and impact on societal dynamics.

Puaschunder, Julia M. "The Role of Political Divestiture for Sustainable Development." Journal of Management and Sustainability 6, no. 1 (February 26, 2016): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jms.v6n1p76.

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<p>In the wake of historical and political events, stakeholder pressure can trigger shareholders to divest from politically incorrect markets with the goal of accomplishing socio-political change. While mainstream development research advocates for more private investor involvement in sustainable development to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG)s in funding infrastructure, health, education and climate change mitigation; the following paper introduces political divestiture as an alternative means to implement sustainable development. While foreign investment can create positive conditions for improving societal development, also politically incorrect usage of funds or regulatory lacunae can do harm in the developing world. Political divestiture is portrayed as an innovative investment allocation to maximize positive development impacts of investment whilst minimizing associated risks of politically insecure markets. In an attempt to balance risk and access to capital, political divestiture is proposed as a means to implement sustainable development by removing funds from politically incorrect regimes in order to be channeled towards socially responsible and sustainable finance solutions. Future research outlooks on political divestiture as sustainable development driver comprise the antecedents and success factors as well as institutional and international frameworks to foster Financial Social Responsibility in the long-term international development domain.</p>

Dahl, Viktor, and Håkan Stattin. "Beyond the limits: involvement in illegal political activities." European Political Science Review 8, no. 1 (January 12, 2015): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000435.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the adolescents who cross the boundaries of legality, also including illegal political means in their political action repertoire. The data comprised of questionnaire responses from middle and late adolescents in a Swedish city of around 130,000 citizens. Analyses of covariance, EXACON, and logistic regression were used to examine the extent to which adolescents including illegal political activities in their political activity repertoire compare with their legally oriented counterparts. Adolescents using illegal political activity reported higher levels of political interest and goal-orientation than adolescents involved solely in legal political activity. The major contrasts with legal political activism were that illegal political activism seemed to co-occur with (a) reluctance to accept authority, irrespective of the context (societal, school, or parental) and (b) approval of violent political means. In a simultaneous model, further analysis revealed that reluctance to accept authority reduced the predictive power of illegal political activities with regard to approval of political violence. This suggests that the tendencies to approve of political violence, among adolescents involved in illegal political activities, might be partially explained by challenges toward authority. To conclude, adolescents in illegal political activism seem to have similar resources for political engagement as their legally oriented counterparts. However, adolescents involved in illegal political activity seem more likely to let ends justify the means. Most likely, this position is related to authority challenges.

Nederhand, José, and Erik Hans Klijn. "Stakeholder Involvement in Public–Private Partnerships: Its Influence on the Innovative Character of Projects and on Project Performance." Administration & Society 51, no. 8 (December 27, 2016): 1200–1226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399716684887.

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This article examines to what degree citizens and societal stakeholders are involved in Public–Private Partnership (PPP) projects, what factors account for their involvement, and what the effects are on the performance and innovativeness of the projects. This research, based on a survey in 2014 consisting of 144 respondents involved in Dutch PPP projects, shows that although trustful relationships between actors enhance the inclusion of societal parties, the presence of a contract that allows for flexibility leads to more citizen involvement. Furthermore, we found that the involvement of stakeholders leads to more innovative projects but not necessarily to better performing projects.

Daniel, Christopher. "Political Science as Training for the Information Age." Political Science Teacher 3, no. 4 (1990): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089608280000115x.

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Computers inspire mixed emotions among political scientists. Love, hate, fascination, ennui, and frustration sometimes occur during the course of a single computer work session. Individuals come to terms with the beast in varying ways; obviously personal work style and level of computer dependency are each scholar's own business. However, expanded use of information technology in the disciplinary curriculum is a common concern deserving discussion. Like earlier debates between behavioralists and traditionalists, the current discussion raises questions about the discipline's central purpose. This essay reviews proposals to “computerize” political science curricula in light of contemporary theories about information and managerial work.Historically, political scientists' computer involvement has been limited, but it is now intensifying in response to educational, technological, and environmental influences. Political scientists have used computers as teaching tools since at least the early 1970s, when the APSA “SETUPs” began appearing, but as novelty items, diversions reflecting the devotion of idiosyncratic individuals. This publication has disseminated many such “experiments,” as have Social Science Computer Review and the National Collegiate Software Clearinghouse. Even as desktop machines began proliferating in the early 1980s, their use in the classroom was considered to be optional, something peripheral to the discipline which one could attempt if one had the inclination.This laissez-faire ambience may be ending in the face of societal transformations. In the classroom political scientists foster intellectual skills broadly useful to former students. A student may be an activist or an avid pre-lawyer, but his or her future professional development will be built on analytical, and communications skills honed in political science courses. This linkage between political science classrooms and the professional world could weaken if we do not adopt to societal change.

Yoshimatsu, Hidetaka. "Japan's Keidanren and Free Trade Agreements: Societal Interests and Trade Policy." Asian Survey 45, no. 2 (March 2005): 258–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.2.258.

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This article examines how societal actors' preferences and activities impinge on the evolution of a state's regional economic agreements in light of Keidanren's involvement in Japan's free trade agreements with Singapore, Mexico, and South Korea. The business federation has promoted the agreements by playing the role of a pressure group and information provider.

Auškalnienė, Lina. "Dalyvavimas internete: politiškai aktyvus jaunimas ir jo komunikacija socialinėse medijose." Informacijos mokslai 59 (January 1, 2012): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2012.0.3110.

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Informacijos ir komunikacijos technologijų plėtra yra viena pagrindinių charakteristikų, apibūdinančių socialinius, kultūrinius, ekonominius XXI a. demokratijos procesus. Fundamentalūs kaitos procesai veikia ir politikos komunikacijos sritį – neišvengiama pokyčių, įsitraukia nauji veikėjai, naudojami nauji įrankiai, kinta komunikacijos įpročiai. Šio straipsnio tikslas – apžvelgti literatūrą, kurioje nagrinėjami iššūkiai bei galimybės, siejamos su piliečių įsitraukimo bei politinio dalyvavimo praktikomis socialiniais tinklais ir ryšiais grindžiamoje virtualiojoje erdvėje. Straipsnyje taip pat pristatomas bandomasis tyrimas, analizuojantis politiškai aktyvių jaunų žmonių demokratinio įsitraukimo praktikas socialinėse medijose. Keliami klausimai aktualūs ir ateities tyrimams bei diskusijoms: ar socialinės medijos galėtų tapti patraukliu kanalu, prisidedančiu aktyvinant jaunų auditorijų politinio bei pilietinio dalyvavimo praktikas?Assessing participation online: Youth and Their Involvement in Social MediaLina Auškalnienė SummaryThe role of political participation and civic engagement as the backbones of modern deliberative democracy is challenged by new opportunities for involvement online. Fundamental societal transformations, facilitated by new technologies, are changing the way we interact, communicate, produce and exchange knowledge. By nature being a bottom-up experiment, social media are more and more involved into the everyday communication practice and become one of the major political communication channels.The purpose of this paper is to review the literature analysing the democratic citizens’ engagement and political participation in the era of the Internet, particularly focusing on the involvement of young people in the decision-making process. Moreover, a pilot case study is presented, reflecting the practices of politically active young individuals in the online communicative space. The data available are analysed to shed some light on the debate and to focus attention on several aspects of youth participation. Looking further, the questions are raised: is the Internet an attractive channel to enhance political interest and discussion among the youngsters? What impact may online communication practice via social media have on civic and political participation of young people offline?Key words: social media, political participation, democratic engagement, political communication, Internet, youth

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Дисертації з теми "Political and societal involvements":

Paré, Sophie. "L’engagement religieux, politique et sociétal des Kriegsenkel dans l’Allemagne contemporaine : Répercussions du national-socialisme dans l’histoire familiale et les biographies individuelles." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Angers, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023ANGE0084.

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Le national-socialisme représente la période sombre de l’histoire allemande. Il a fait l’objet de nombreuses controverses dans les milieux académiques. D’abord tabouisé dans la société d’après-guerre, il fut mieux assumé officiellement dans les décennies suivantes, si bien qu’une culture du souvenir vit le jour à la fin des années 1980. Signe d'une remarquable volonté d’auto-critique, elle est à saluer. Pourtant, elle ne parvint pas à pénétrer vraiment la sphère privée : c’est ainsi que le passé nazi demeure encore un sujet douloureux dans les familles de nos répondants, qui se considèrent comme Kriegsenkel. Mais qui sont-ils? Kriegsenkel signifie littéralement« les petits-enfants de la guerre ». Le terme se réfère aux grands-parents, impliqués dans le régime hitlérien. Les Kriegsenkel, nés majoritairement entre 1960 et 1980, s’identifient à ce concept par choix. Il implique également l’idée d’une transmission transgénérationnelle de traumatismes provenant du second conflit. Au tournant des années 2000 émergèrent dans les pays germanophones des groupes de parole de Kriegsenkel, ce qui constitua un phénomène inédit. Cette étude présente les résultats d’une enquête qualitative, conduite auprès de Kriegsenkel, dont l’histoire familiale fut marquée par le Troisième Reich. Sont cependant exclus de notre panel les descendants de grands dignitaires nazis. Notre propos est d’explorer les retombées du national-socialisme dans la biographie des enquêtés, sous le prisme de leurs engagements religieux, politiques et sociétaux. L’enquête révèle comment s’articulent mémoire, Histoire et engagements
The National Socialism represents a gloomy period of German history. It has been the subject of numerous controversies in academic circles. Initially considered a taboo in post-war society, it was better accepted officially in the following decades, so much so that a culture of remembrance saw the light of day in the late eighties. This remarkable sign of willingness to beself-critical is to be praised. Nonetheless, it never truly managed to penetrate the private sphere : that is why the Nazi past still remains a painful subject in the families of our respondents, who see themselves as Kriegsenkel. But who are they? Kriegsenkel literally means “The grandchildren of the War”. The term refers to the grandparents who were involved in the Hitlerian regime.The Kriegsenkel, most of whom were born between 1960 and 1980 identify with this conceptby choice. It also involves the idea of a transgenerational transmission of trauma stemming from the second conflict. At the turn ofthe 2000s Kriegsenkel talking groups emerged in German-speaking countries, which was an unprecedented phenomenon.This study presents the results of a qualitative survey of the Kriegsenkel whose family history was marked by the Third Reich. The descendants of leading Nazi dignitaries are however not included in our sample group. Our aim is to explore the fallouts of the National Socialism in the biography of respondents through the prism of their religious, political and societal involvements. The survey reveals how memory, History and involvement fit together

Akers, Laura, and Laura Akers. "Patterns in Individual Endorsement of Societal Metanarratives." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12522.

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Culturally shared beliefs about societies and humanity play a prominent part in world events, from beliefs about the histories and destinies of nations to beliefs about the appropriate relationship between humanity and the natural world. Many of these beliefs are "metanarratives," simplified representations of past and future societal trends, which often have narrative elements, such as goals, dramatic features, a sense of suspense for group members, and affective judgments about the passage of events over time. In this exploratory study, lifelong residents of the United States (N = 299 undergraduate students and 88 members of a web sample of older adults) indicated their degree of agreement with 73 metanarrative statements. Factor analysis of the students' personal belief scores for the 73 metanarratives revealed a pattern of clustering into six factors, indicating that people tend to believe in families of metanarratives. The six factors were Traditional Religion, American Secular Values, International Cooperation, Eco-Romanticism, Anti-Government Cynicism, and Rational Progress. The web sample largely replicated this structure, but with only four factors. The factors were highly correlated with political party affiliation and other psychosocial and demographic variables, including religiousness, Saucier "isms" factors, and MFQ moral foundations. Participants were also asked about the extent to which some of their strongest beliefs were reflected in their personal activities: career choice, leisure time, spending money, voting, joining groups, reading and viewing, and discussion. The 73 metanarratives were coded for several narrative features: evaluative schema (such as Progress or Looming Catastrophe), presence of standard story elements (context, problem, outcome), presence of goals, and presence of references to cognitively exceptional elements (circumstances beyond the ordinary), such as the sacred, transcendental, unique, or extreme. For both samples, metanarratives with an evaluative schema indicating two possible paths were more motivating than those with only one outcome (e.g., stability or a cycle of recurring ups-and-downs). Further, those with goals were more motivating than those without, and for the web sample, those with cognitively exceptional elements were more motivating than those without. Further study of metanarratives should help to better illuminate the factors leading to individuals' decisions to participate in their larger societies.

Ng, Raye. "Corporate culture in Singapore : Chinese capitalism, societal characteristics and political economy." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539507.

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Kang, Jun Hee. "Do societal expectations/pressure drive unhappiness in south korea?" Thesis, Georgetown University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1586276.

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While South Korea is ranked high in education, economies and technological development, the level of South Koreans' happiness has not grown simultaneously. This fact contradicts the common sense that improvements in living standards, such as income or education, lead to gains in happiness or individual wellbeing. In order to examine the phenomenon of decreasing perceived individual wellbeing in light of increasing income levels, I analyze the relationship between societal expectations/pressure and happiness in South Korea, using data from the World Value survey conducted in 2010. The uniquely high concentration on human capital in South Korea has played a major factor for extreme competitiveness. Since the financial crisis in 1997, the competitive job market has produced few job opportunities, which has caused a high level of social pressure. The major finding of this study is that the impact of societal expectations on unhappiness increases as people get older and it is more powerful among people of lower income. Also, social pressure has a greater negative effect on happiness for females than males in South Korea. Even when controlling for independent variables, including job security, wages, and high living costs, I show social pressure to have a first order impact on perceived well-being among Korean citizens. From a policy perspective, low levels of happiness can ultimately cause social instability and loss of human capital. Expected policy implications are increasing the number of college entrance exams and fostering work life balance initiatives. In this sense, the findings of this paper can serve as a guideline for the South Korean government not only to improve the overall economic productivity of South Korean society, but also enhance the quality of life along important societal dimensions.

Saintsing, Matthew B. "A Tale of Two `Kenyas’: An African Case of Societal Securitization." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1439562121.

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Derlich, Stephanie. "Civil society involvement in peace processes : The case of Afghanistan." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105429.

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Civil society inclusion in peace processes has been recognised to be crucial in achieving sustainable peace. The author first reviews the existing academic literature on this, before looking at how civil society, and especially civil society in non-western contexts and armed conflicts can be conceptualised. The variety of approaches and the limitations of Western actor-based concepts in non-Western contexts explains the choice of a function-based model of civil society being chosen to analyse it in the context of international peacebuilding efforts. Its involvement in formal peace processes and negotiations meanwhile is analysed using nine models of inclusion. The case that is chosen for this exploration is Afghanistan. As a multi-facetted country with a long history of armed conflict and foreign involvement, the developments in the past two decades provide an interesting case study. The inductive desk research, using secondary data, is guided by the questions; which concept of civil society has informed the peace building process in Afghanistan in the past twenty years, how civil society in Afghanistan can be conceptualized and how this has affected the peace building process. The findings paint a distinct picture of a country that has been shaped by armed conflict, tracing its roots back to the early days of modern Afghanistan and contrasting existing societal and political structures with Western concepts of civil society and state building. Civil society involvement is being analysed using exemplary stages of peace processes and external peace building efforts. The research concludes that civil society inclusion has been limited by Western concepts of civil society being unfittingly applied to far more complex local realities, thereby excluding relevant actors and limiting the legitimacy and ownership of the peace process, with the prospect of peace being a long way off.

MONTALBANO, GIUSEPPE. "Reshaping hegemony: societal interests and political power in the European post‐crisis financial governance." Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201108.

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A Neo‐Gramscian approach to the analysis of EU integration and policy-making. Mapping the participatory channels in the EU economic and financial policy-making. The formation of the European post‐crisis regulatory agenda. The reform of Basel II and the Capital Requirements’ package. The reform of the Lamfalussy process and the European supervision of the financial markets. The Single Supervisory Mechanism and the path towards the Banking Union. The debate on the Banking Structural Reform: a view on the on going negotiations.

Cooper, Jasmine M. "Reconsidering Well-Being: Optimization at the Societal Level." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1323.

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This paper explores the concept of well-being both in theoretical and practical applications. When it comes to well-being policy, it is apparent that the government’s goal ought to be to maximize the well-being of the citizens within that particular society. In order to do so effectively, there must be a foundational understanding both of the concept of well-being itself, as well as how it functions in application. I argue that preference-based approaches to well-being, which often emply GDP as a key metric, fail to adequately reflect the well-being of a nation’s citizens. I suggest that the Capabilities Approach offers a superior approach to well-being both in theory and in practice. Though it is possible that there are other equal or better options, I find that the Capabilities Approach successfully reaches the genuine depths of a person’s well-being without allowing for one individual’s well-being to impede on another’s. While it is evident that the capabilities approach still faces a number of hurdles and room for development, I hope to have argued that it is a step forward from traditional as well as subjective approaches to well-being. With further research and development, it is evident that this shift will allow for development decisions that are unbiased, equally considering the interests of all citizens, and thus a step forward towards truly increasing the well-being of humans throughout the world.

Acik-Toprak, Necla. "Civic engagement in Europe : a multilevel study of the effect of individual and national determinants on political participation, political consumerism and associational involvement." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2009. http://www.manchester.ac.uk/escholar/uk-ac-man-scw:94093.

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Active and engaged citizens are the backbone of a strong democracy and a vibrant civil society. Yet recent trends of low electoral turnout in Europe and decreasing levels of civic engagement have called into question the legitimacy of governments and the stability of democracy in the long term, particularly in Europe. Against the background of such developments this research sets out to provide a comparative study of civic engagement and analyse the variations in civic engagement between countries. The study is mainly based on the analysis of the European Social Survey 2002, covering 35,000 individuals from 19 European countries and applies advanced statistical modelling techniques including Multiple Correspondence Analysis MCA) and Multi-level modelling. Although there is a good deal of research examining civic engagement using individual level data or aggregate level data, very few studies have combined both approaches. This study addresses this gap and applies multi-level modelling to examine the relative importance of an individual’s socio-demographic characteristics and his/her country in determining levels and types of civic engagement. Thus, it has the advantage of identifying whether civic engagement is significantly affected by country characteristics or the converse, whether a person’s characteristics (age, education, social class etc.) are all that is needed in order to account for the variations in civic engagement. The innovative application of MCA to explore indicators of civic engagement has led to the identification of three dimensions of civic engagement; political activities, political consumerism and associational involvement. Moreover, by projecting all activities on a two-dimensional map it become evident that citizens who tend to carry out ‘individual’ types of political consumerism such as ‘buycotting’, boycotting and signing petitions are also more likely to be involved in New Social Movement organisations. These significant results shed new light on activities usually regarded as ‘individualistic’ type of activities and suggest viewing them in the context of a wider array of collective actions. Furthermore, in addition to the standard contextual measures such as economic development, welfare regime, income inequality, and levels of democracy, this study introduced two innovative policy measures. To consider the impact of government policies on levels of civic engagement measures of governments’ support of the voluntary sector and civic education at school (comparing the education policies of 19 European countries from 1945-2002) were developed. The results confirmed the importance of both individual level characteristics as well as country level characteristics in explaining civic engagement in Europe. However, differences between countries were reduced to a greater degree when contextual factors were introduced. Particularly the welfare state, showed the greatest effect. This implies that socio-economic conditions and in particular social policy and the degree to which it reproduces egalitarian structures determine to a great extent citizen involvement. In other words the results of this study suggest that the national context matters and that governments can and do shape the nature and levels of civic engagement.

McCarthy, Liam Patrick. "The operationalisation of political and societal securitization theory, and its application to post-colonial Indonesia." Thesis, Swansea University, 2006. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42546.

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This thesis is both a conceptual analysis of securitization and an analysis of the political and societal security threats that plagued the Sukarno and Suharto regimes in hidonesia. It charts securitization's place within the current security hterature and examines the critiques of these sectors. It addresses the criticism that political security is too broad and lacking a distinct identity of its own. Using the work of Alagappa and Ayoob allows us to expand our understanding of political securitization, the nature of the threats to the sector, define a clear referent object, and apply securitization logic to the study of authoritarian regimes. Secondly, with respect to societal securitisation, this dissertation will develop the current literature to incorporate social psychology theory, which provides us with a clearer understanding of not only how and why social groups, and thus social identities, form but also why it is people need these groups in the first place, and also why inter group conflict can occur. This in turn provides a more robust conception of societal security. The thesis then uses these operationalised security concepts and uses them to analyse postcolonial Indonesia. It argues that the central principles of both the Sukarno and Suharto political regimes had within their guiding principles the antecedents that would lead to their ultimate failure. It also argues that the oppressive policies of the New Order towards ethnic minorities, rather than destroying the targeted groups actually defined and strengthened notions of what it was to be Indonesian.

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Книги з теми "Political and societal involvements":

Panda, Snehalata. Indian politics: A study of people's involvements. New Delhi: Archives Publishers Distributors, 1988.

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Chambers, Robert R. Political theory & societal ethics. Buffalo, N.Y: Prometheus Books, 1992.

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O, Hirschman Albert. Shifting involvements : private interest and public action. 2nd ed. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2002.

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1946-, Holzman Lois, and Morss John R, eds. Postmodern psychologies, societal practice, and political life. New York: Routledge, 2000.

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Magioglou, Thalia. Culture and political psychology: A societal perspective. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, INC., 2014.

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Duerksen, Roland A. Shelley's poetry of involvement. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

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Okoye, Rosemary Ngozi. Misgovernance, poverty and societal tension: The Nigerian experience. Onitsha, Nigeria: Africana First Publishers, 2006.

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J, Berting, and Blockmans Willem Pieter, eds. Beyond progress and development: Macro-political and macro-societal change. Aldershot, Hants, England: Gower Pub. Co., 1987.

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Castriciones, John R. Internal revolution: Alternative recourse to political vengeance and societal perdition. San Juan City: Joruca Publications, 2011.

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Jan, Berting, and Blockmans Wim 1945-, eds. Beyond progress and development: Macro-political and macro-societal change. Aldershot: Avebury, 1987.

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Частини книг з теми "Political and societal involvements":

Lichtenstein, Dennis. "Content Analysis in the Research Field of Transnational Public Spheres." In Standardisierte Inhaltsanalyse in der Kommunikationswissenschaft – Standardized Content Analysis in Communication Research, 99–110. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-36179-2_9.

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AbstractThe public sphere is a communication arena where speakers discuss political and societal issues, positions, and arguments in order to arrive at solutions for common problems. Normative functions of the public sphere in democracies, such as monitoring and control of politics, deliberation, and public opinion formation, have been extensively debated in the fields of communication and political theory, most frequently against the backdrop of the nation-state. Trends of globalization and global governance, however, go along with transformations of the state, the increasing involvement of transnational institutions, and major changes in media systems.

Blum, Sonja, and Jens Jungblut. "Driven by Academic Norms and Status of Employment: The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Germany." In The Advisory Roles of Political Scientists in Europe, 157–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86005-9_8.

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AbstractThe consensus-seeking nature of Germany’s civic epistemology and largely absent structural incentives for advisory work of academics may imply an overall comparatively lower engagement. Yet, German political science stands in the tradition of a ‘watchdog’ of democracy, and the past decades bear witness of continued involvement in societal and political debates. Not least, German political scientists have led a vivid internal debate on the ‘relevance of our discipline’ in recent years, reflected in a number of conferences and publications. Germany thus makes an interesting case regarding the advisory role of political scientists in a comparative perspective. This chapter studies how, to whom, and how often political scientists in Germany provide their expertise for policymaking. It is based on the German results of the ProSEPS survey, accompanied by a case illustration of advice and opinionating on the rise of populism. The analysis shows not only that German political scientists are less active in comparison to colleagues in many other countries but also that they are more active than could be expected—with academic norms and employment situation forming key explanatory factors for the level and forms of engagement.

Martin-Russu, Luana. "Romania’s Nature Conservation Reform: A Surprising Convergence with European Law in Response to Societal Concerns." In Deforming the Reform, 151–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11081-8_5.

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AbstractTo grant more plausibility to the theoretical argument, Martin-Russu includes a second case study in her empirical analysis: an inquiry into Romania’s nature conservation reform and the framework regulating the protection of environmentally significant habitats and species. The evaluation of the legislative performance of the Romanian political elite in the field of nature conservation shows a questionable use of procedures, but this time coupled with a far higher level of responsibility and responsivity to societal concerns.The chapter reveals a reality at odds with the expectation that limited capacities lead to non-compliance; it shows how the lack of institutional capacities led, through the involvement of civil society actors, to a gradual improvement of EU-driven reforms. Martin-Russu provides a detailed account of how the expansion of protected areas in preparation for EU membership generated an increased need for their effective management, which translated into a legislative solution that allowed civil society organizations and the scientific community to assume responsibility for the administration of protected areas on an equal footing with the government. This, Martin-Russu argues, allowed citizens to pursue their interests through the actions and reactions of civil society, promoting the latter’s growth and gradually strengthening its voice.

Plasser, Fritz, Peter A. Ulram, and Harald Waldrauch. "Societal and Political Cleavages." In Democratic Consolidation in East-Central Europe, 147–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26816-0_9.

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Huemer, Michael. "War and Societal Defense." In The Problem of Political Authority, 288–320. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137281661_12.

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Sellami, Abdellatif, Khalid Arar, and Rania Sawalhi. "Structural, Societal, and Political Challenges." In Higher Education and Scientific Research in the Arabian Gulf States, 148–84. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003222750-8.

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Goodman, John. "Muslim Minority Involvement in Politics and Civil Society." In The Minority Muslim Experience in Mainland Southeast Asia, 113–34. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003177227-7.

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Morrison, Janet. "The Political Sphere: Societal and Business Goals." In Business Ethics, 85–117. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30950-1_4.

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Schirm, Stefan A. "Domestic Politics and the Societal Approach." In The Palgrave Handbook of Contemporary International Political Economy, 103–17. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45443-0_7.

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Combei, Claudia Roberta, and Valeria Reggi. "Online communication and societal cha(lle)nges." In Appraisal, Sentiment and Emotion Analysis in Political Discourse, 144–50. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003268345-8.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Political and societal involvements":

Felcis, Elgars, and Renars Felcis. "Degrowth by disaster or design: convergence of crises and possible pathways in Latvia." In 23th International Scientific Conference. “Economic Science for Rural Development 2023”. Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Economics and Social Development, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/esrd.2023.57.005.

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The ongoing climate and environmental breakdown, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Russian war in Ukraine are some of the key events creating a continuous convergence of crises that will likely affect most societal groups and the whole global (dis)order. Based on research within the Latvian Council of Science funded project ‘Ready for change? Sustainable management of common natural resources’, this paper explores firstly, the evidence-based impossibility of perpetual growth; secondly, the already visible signs of socio-economic hardship throughout 2020 - 2023; and thirdly, the possible pathways for actions in Latvia, based on long-term involvement in degrowth movement and participatory action research. We conclude that the early warnings for ‘Limits to growth’ 50 years ago have proven correct and dramatic reductions in emissions and material throughput are necessary to ensure a liveable planet for humans and broader biodiversity. The only substantial historical reductions have happened during the crises, and the decoupling of growth from environmental destruction remains a dangerous illusion. Therefore, the degrowth body of knowledge must be considered as a ‘vision for a better future’ with understanding and respect to planetary boundaries, social equity and other limits. Unfortunately, the lessons from crises indicate that corporate and political elites are afraid to reorganize the growth hegemony-driven economic and political systems. Still, the environmental breakdown has not yet provided such a sense of urgency that COVID-19 did, despite all warnings. The possible pathways in Latvia are not unique in this sense as our research confirms such a lack of sense of urgency and prioritisation of economic aims above environmental/existential, immediate above the more distant. There are aspects of valuable societal and environmental resilience in Latvia that are likely to be useful in adaptation to crises, but growth-based environmental destruction is generally not understood even among many environmentally active people. The strategic vision for alternative development strategies is very limited in Latvia. The high risk of degrowth by disaster remains.

Tehrani, Pouyan Fotouhi, Jochen H. Schiller, Thomas C. Schmidt, and Matthias Wählisch. "On economic, societal, and political aspects in ICN." In ICN '20: 7th ACM Conference on Information-Centric Networking. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3405656.3420229.

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Faraj, Anwar, and Jalil Ali. "The Role of the External Factor in the Processes of Democratic Transition." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp86-96.

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The democratic transition is one of the common terms in academic and societal circles, but it is noticeable that there are discussions and differences of opinions about how to transform from a non-democratic system to a democratic one. Among the things that are disputed is the question; Is the priority given to internal factors or external factors in the transfers? Can democracy be imposed if the state is not internally qualified to accept the transition? This research attempts to address the role of the external factor in the processes of democratic transition by standing on the contribution of theoretical literatures presented in the field of political science and international relations on this topic.

Fung, Henry T. Y. "Impacts of the socio-political instability in Hong Kong on university students’ learning experience." In Seventh International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head21.2021.12834.

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Since the Anti-Extradition Law Social Movement in 2019, Hong Kong has entered an era of socio-political instability. The conflict between student protestants and the government has become increasingly intense, whereas several universities even became the battlefield of the protest and were abruptly shut down in November 2019. To add fuel to the fire, the outbreak of COVID-19 in early 2020 has prompted all universities in the territory to suspend all face-to-face classes and activities for two semesters. All these have impacted university students in Hong Kong socially, academically and psychologically.In light of this, this study aims to explore the ways to which the learning experience of university students in Hong Kong have been impacted by the socio-political challenges. Through conducting a mixed-methods study at a public university in Hong Kong, it was found that university have a high perceived level of stress, high political involvements, unsatisfactory learning experience and poor learning motivation under this socio-political instability. It is hoped that this study can provide informed insights for teachers to understand students’ burdens, stresses, and emotional instability associated with socio-political unrest.

Faraj, Anwar, and Narmeen Ahmed. "The Role of Global Civil Society in Promoting Human Rights." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp295-307.

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The tolerance is one of the issues that have aroused the interest of specialists and activists in political and cultural affairs in various countries of the world. Especially those countries whose societies have suffered from: societal crises, national or religious differences, and civil wars or internal or external political conflicts. Because of the developments in the human rights movement and the activities of international organizations and their role in alleviating conflicts and building peace in many countries, the issue of tolerance has become one of the global issues that receive the attention of global institutions, including global civil society organizations, which have witnessed an expansion in their activities by developments in Information and communication technology, to contribute an effective role in the cause of tolerance in various countries of the world, and is attracting interaction at the level of the international community.

Rocha, Thayssa A. da, Gustavo C. Rodrigues, Nicoly da S. Menezes, Luciano A. Teran, Ronald P. Marques, and Marcelle P. Mota. "Pessoas com Deficiência como Protagonistas na Construção de Software Acessível." In Workshop em Culturas, Alteridades e Participações em IHC. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/capaihc.2023.236276.

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Including people with disabilities (PwD) in society involves educational, social, economic and political aspects. In the economic aspect, it is important to guarantee dignified and equal employment conditions. The software development market has been seen as an alternative for this public, however, it is necessary to better understand the challenges and realities of the effective inclusion of PwD in these environments, in order to provide an opportunity for participatory and proactive engagement. Therefore, this paper aims to bring up discussions about the importance of the PwD’s involvement in development teams to build a more diverse reality, both in software products and teams.

Folds, Dennis J. "Maintenance of human capital by the healthcare system: Societal and political impacts of healthcare system integration." In 2015 IEEE International Symposium on Systems Engineering (ISSE). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/syseng.2015.7302793.

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Marinić, Damir, and Ida Marinić. "THE PRINCIPLES OF GUIDED EVOLUTION OF SOCIETY – A SYSTEMIC PERSPECTIVE." In NORDSCI Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2021/b1/v4/34.

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Since the beginning of the 21st century, many regions in the world have faced with economic volatility, political instability, environmental degradation, cultural wars and various cyber threats, which only intensified during the coronavirus pandemic. The reason behind these crises is a fragmented character of human interactions that are motivated by self or local interest, despite the fact that we are becoming increasingly interconnected in complex global networks. From a systemic perspective, human interactions in contemporary society are motivated by centrifugal social forces, promoting independence and an increased sense of entitlement, exclusive individualism, hostile competitiveness, all of which are completely purposeless, even harmful in today's global society. We are constantly trying to implement pre-global individualistic values in a global interdependent system, thus causing "cracks" in the social fabric of reality, which we could especially witness during the coronavirus pandemic. In order to bring about a change in current trends, a paradigm shift is required, first of all in human values, which would increase existing centripetal social forces. This means that the generation living today must formulate a commitment to global citizenship alongside involvement in local citizenship. In order to protect ourselves from future outbursts of pandemics and other similar systemic crises, a new vision of human society is required which fosters openness, care for the "other", and mutual responsibility across national borders, as well as cultural, religious, racial, gendered and other divides. The only effective response to global crises is – global response.

Galvão, Neryvaldo, Hélder S. Sousa, and José C. Matos. "Impact evaluation of human-made hazards on terrestrial transport infrastructure assets: modelling variables and failure modes." In IABSE Congress, Ghent 2021: Structural Engineering for Future Societal Needs. Zurich, Switzerland: International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/ghent.2021.1847.

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<p>This work provides an overview of human-made hazards impact on the malfunctioning of terrestrial transportation systems. The impacts evaluation is gathered in four major groups, specifically: human, economic, environmental and political/social impacts. For further characterization or forecast of human-made hazards impact in real case scenarios, a traditional risk assessment framework is proposed by assuming four main steps: i) hazard identification; ii) probability of occurrence; iii) asset vulnerability; iv) impacts. The present work was carried within the SAFEWAY project, which aims at improving the resilience of transport infrastructures, developing a holistic toolset with transversal application to anticipate and mitigate the effects of extreme events at all modes of disaster cycle.</p>

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Звіти організацій з теми "Political and societal involvements":

Kenes, Bulent. Rupert Murdoch: A Populist Emperor of the Fourth Estate. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0004.

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Rupert Murdoch is probably the most controversial media figure in the world. His career, journalism, and political involvements have been a frequent source of controversy. There are a number of book-length biographies about Murdoch and his role as the world’s most influential and populist media mogul.

Soare, Sorina. Romanian populism and transnational political mobilization. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0027.

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Once considered a partial exception to the recent diffusion of populism worldwide, Romania saw Radical Right populism return to Parliament in 2020. The Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) successfully campaigned on a platform of defending the Christian faith, freedom, the traditional family, and the nation. Although the party was initially considered the result of individual entrepreneurship linked to its founding leaders, it has successfully built on diffused networks of societal activism whose origins could be traced back to the early 2000s. However, the AUR’s track record of discourse aligned with Kremlin rhetoric calling for Western economic, political and cultural hegemony to be resisted and rolled back saw a temporary decline in voters’ support for the party. However, the party managed to rebuild consensus strategically by drawing on voters’ increased anxiety regarding the economic effects of the war. This report offers a cogent analysis of the political performance of the AUR, examining the party’s formative phase as well as its evolution since 2020, alongside a discussion of the impact of the war in Ukraine on Romanian party politics.

Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.

Schuster, Christian. Strategies to Professionalize the Civil Service: Lessons from the Dominican Republic. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010594.

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Drawing on a case study of recent reforms in the Dominican Republic, this technical note derives lessons about strategies to professionalize the civil service. As in other countries with less professionalized civil services, the Dominican Republic's political economy is biased against reform: promises of public employment tend to be important to successful electoral mobilization. Nonetheless, passage of a new public service law and its partial implementation were achieved. The case study finds that the construction of a broad societal coalition demanding reform may account for this puzzle. For legislative approval, alliance formation extended to not only traditional reform allies, such as the international community, NGOs, business associations, the media, progressive governing legislators and a politically influential minister, but also novel allies, including opposition parties. Reform implementation was fostered by the periodic and well-publicized societal monitoring of an achievable set of reform objectives aligned with the strategic priorities of the Ministry of Public Administration. As a result, political incentives were tilted towards legal reform passage and incremental compliance in civil service subsystems such as organizational structures, information systems and training not perceived as threatening to core electoral mobilization interests, yet not in more politically contentious subsystems, such as recruitment and selection. The case study underscores the desirability of constructing broad societal coalitions to enable civil service professionalization particularly in contexts where potential societal veto actors with vested interests, such as public sector unions, are largely absent. It also underscores the continued weight of political economy constraints in conditioning the subsystems in which civil service reform implementation may be achieved.

Kokurina, Olga Yu. SOCIETAL-METABOLIC SYSTEM OF THE STATE: EXPERIENCE OF SYNTHETIC RESEARCH. THE ELECTRONIC MANUAL. SIB-Expertise, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/er0756.18122023.

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This electronic manual presents a number of theoretical and methodological tools based on the key concept: “societal (social) metabolism.” In summary, the synthetic concept of societal metabolism goes beyond the perspective of traditional social sciences by contextualizing the biophysical dimension of metabolic exchange between society and nature. Distancing from reductionist approaches, the interdisciplinary concept of societal metabolism recognizes the importance of mutual connections and interactions of factors of material and social exchange, within the framework of established individual and group social practices in the life of society. The electronic manual will be useful to undergraduate and graduate students studying social and political sciences, and to anyone interested in the theory and practice of applying interdisciplinary approaches to social science problems.

Orosz, Anna, and Ferenc Németh. Western Balkans in the year of the COVID-19 pandemic. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.e-2020.99.

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The emergence of the novel coronavirus has altered the political agendas in the Western Balkans as well. Although governments introduced strict measures relatively early, the hasty reopening of borders and (early) elections soon resulted in a relapse. The second wave of the pandemic might hit the economy less but the price in human lives increased. Accordingly, the countries must face with the economic and societal consequences of their poor health systems and political decisions. This analysis will briefly introduce the health, political and socioeconomic dimensions of the pandemic crisis, while also evaluate the role of the EU and other external actors, as well as Hungary played during the epidemic.

Paslavskyi, Ihor. Ukrainian television: problem-content analysis. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11397.

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The article highlights and analyzes the factors influencing the activities of television editorial teams in the period of new political, economic and security circumstances. It is noted that all-Ukrainian influential television channels, which have the highest popularity and high ratings, are oligarchic media with a high level of political involvement. Ukrainian television is widely practicing to narrow the thematic range of programs, reports and programs resulting in unjustified dominance in the television space of entertainment and humorous genres, «ravel journalism», excessive overweight of foreign programs and of obsolete quality film production. In the news programs, some TV companies, including 1 + 1, widely emphasize negative issues that are not typical of Ukrainian society, which often has a petty, urban and secondary status. Instead, a wide range of real, socially important, topical issues and problems remain out of the professional attention of journalists, analysts and experts. Guided only by the criterion of rating programs, programs, stories, topics and problems, TVs lose the most active segment among the audience – critical thinking, knowledgeable, erudite recipient, who, choosing an information resource, increasingly prefers the internet journalism.

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Shahram Akbarzadeh, and Galib Bashirov. Comprehending the Tactics of Strategic Digital Disinformation Operations (SDIOs). European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0024.

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In this paper, we introduce the concept of “Strategic Digital Information Operations” (SDIOs), discuss the tactics and practices of the SDIOs, explain the main political goals of state and non-state actors in engaging with SDIOs at home and abroad, and suggest avenues for new research. We argue that the concept of the SDIOs presents a useful framework to discuss all forms of digital manipulation at both domestic and international levels organized by either state or non-state actors. While the literature has examined the military-political impacts of the SDIOs, we still don’t know much about societal issues that the SDIOs influence such as emotive political mobilization, intergroup relations, social cohesion, trust, and emotional resonance among target audiences.

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Shahram Akbarzadeh, and Galib Bashirov. Strategic Digital Information Operations (SDIOs). European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), September 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0024a.

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London, Jonathan. Outlier Vietnam and the Problem of Embeddedness: Contributions to the Political Economy of Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/062.

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Recent literature on the political economy of education highlights the role of political settlements, political commitments, and features of public governance in shaping education systems’ development and performance around learning. Vietnam’s experiences provide fertile ground for the critique and further development of this literature including, especially, its efforts to understand how features of accountability relations shape education systems’ performance across time and place. Globally, Vietnam is a contemporary outlier in education, having achieved rapid gains in enrolment and strong learning outcomes at relatively low levels of income. This paper proposes that beyond such felicitous conditions as economic growth and social historical and cultural elements that valorize education, Vietnam’s distinctive combination of Leninist political commitments to education and high levels of societal engagement in the education system often works to enhance accountability within the system in ways that contribute to the system’s coherence around learning; reflecting the sense and reality that Vietnam is a country in which education is a first national priority. Importantly, these alleged elements exist alongside other features that significantly undermine the system’s coherence and performance around learning. These include, among others, the system’s incoherent patterns of decentralization, the commercialization and commodification of schooling and learning, and corresponding patterns of systemic inequality. Taken together, these features of education in Vietnam underscore how the coherence of accountability relations that shape learning outcomes are contingent on the manner in which national and local systems are embedded within their broader social environments while also raising intriguing ideas for efforts to understand the conditions under which education systems’ performance with respect to learning can be promoted, supported, and sustained.