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Готові списки джерел за темами / Phonologie de la nasalité

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Phonologie de la nasalité"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 22 червня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Phonologie de la nasalité":

1

A., Oladimeji Olaide, and Opoola Bolanle T. "Ikhin Tone and Nasality: Autosegmental Effects." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 603–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1204.11.

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In generative phonology, tone and nasality are described as suprasegmental phonological units. This implies that their survival depends on the segments on which they are grounded. Thus, when a tone bearing unit or nasality bearing unit disappears, any of these segments also disappears. In autosegmental theory, however, tone or nasality survives after the deletion of segment to which it is attached. This phenomenon is termed ‘stability’ which is the foundation for autosegmental phonological theory. Stability is the survival of tone and nasality after the deletion of segments on which they are grounded. Tone and nasality exhibit stability in Ikhin, a North-Central Edoid language spoken in Edo State, South-South, Nigeria. Previous study on Ikhin dwells mainly on the phonetics of the language. This study, therefore, investigates phonological processes such as vowel elision, glide formation and nasalization with a view to determining the stability or otherwise of tone and nasality. This paper confirms that in Ikhin, any process that involves the removal of a tone bearing unit must relate to stability and relate to the creation of contour tones. The study further confirms that nasality remains stable even in the absence of segment to which it is linked. Based on available data, it is argued that the deletion of a Tone Bearing Unit (TBU) or a Nasality Bearing Unit (NBU) does not necessarily involve the deletion of tone or nasality. Infact, it usual does not. The study concludes that tone and nasality are independent segments. They are as independent as consonant and vowel.

2

Kentner, Gerrit. "Phonologie." Linguistische Berichte (LB) 2011, no. 226 (April 1, 2011): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46771/2366077500226_4.

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3

Vaxelaire, Béatrice. "Contrôle du velum et nasalité en français." Scolia 10, no. 1 (1997): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scoli.1997.962.

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4

DELVAUX, VÉRONIQUE. "Perception du contraste de nasalité vocalique en français." Journal of French Language Studies 19, no. 1 (March 2009): 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269508003566.

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RÉSUMÉCette étude examine la perception du contraste de nasalité vocalique en français standard, et vise, plus globalement, à contribuer à une meilleure compréhension des mécanismes présidant à la covariation phonétique dans les langues du monde. Nous présentons les résultats de deux expériences perceptuelles menées sur des auditeurs francophones et anglophones, l'une d'identification, l'autre de discrimination. L'expérience d'identification montre que la combinaison d'une réduction de la proéminence spectrale en F1/F3 et d'un abaissement de la fréquence de F2 est à la fois nécessaire et suffisante à l'identification des nasales du français standard, tous timbres et tous contextes confondus; le recours à la dimension secondaire (F2) est renforcé en contexte nasal. L'expérience de discrimination montre que la combinaison effectuée par les auditeurs entre les deux dimensions covariantes est d'origine sensorielle, et non décisionnelle.

5

Creissels, Denis. "Phonologie segmentale." Mandenkan, no. 49 (June 1, 2013): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mandenkan.597.

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Creissels, Denis. "Phonologie segmentale." Mandenkan, no. 55 (June 30, 2016): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mandenkan.733.

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7

Wallet, Lucille. "La Phonologie de Laboratoire : à l’interface phonologie-phonétique." Langages 198, no. 2 (2015): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lang.198.0133.

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8

Durand, Jacques. "La phonologie multidimensionnelle moderne et la description du français." Journal of French Language Studies 3, no. 2 (September 1993): 197–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269500001757.

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AbstractLe but de cet article est de donner un panorama synthétique d'un certain nombre de concepts et d'idées qui caractérisent la phonologie générative moderne et d'examiner quelques applications à l'étude du français. Derrière le foisonnement de la terminologie et des modèles, il y a quelques idées clefs qui sont partagées par de nombreux chercheurs qui travaillent dans ce qu'on appelle souvent ‘phonologie non-linéaire’, ‘phonologie multilinéaire’ ou ‘phonologie multidimensionnelle’. On partira ici de l'approche de Chomsky et Halle dans leSound Pattern of English(1968), illustré dans de nombreux travaux sur le français, pour déboucher sur des cadres tels que la Phonologie du Gouvernement, la Phonologie de Dépendance ou la Phonologie Moraïque. On verra alors qu'à un système bâti sur des structures relativement pauvres (séquences de traits simultanés et de frontières) que les règles phonologiques manipulent pour produire des formes de surface, on a substitué des approches plus ‘configurationnelles’ où les règles sont écartées en faveur de ‘principes’ et de ‘paramètres’.

9

Khachaturyan, Maria. "Phonologie et phonétique." Mandenkan, no. 54 (December 30, 2015): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mandenkan.706.

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10

Angoujard, Jean-Pierre. "La Phonologie Déclarative." Langages 31, no. 125 (1997): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/lgge.1997.1770.

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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Phonologie de la nasalité":

1

Chevrier, Natacha. "Analyse de la phonologie du bribri (chibcha) dans une perspective typologique : nasalité et géminée modulée." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2033/document.

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Le bribri est une langue chibcha parlée au Costa Rica (Amérique Centrale). Les langues chibcha représentent la principale famille de l’Aire Intermédiaire (Constenla 1991), qui relie la Mesoamérique aux zones amazonienne et andine. Ce sont cependant toutes des langues en danger, encore relativement peu décrites.Cette thèse est une analyse de la phonologie du bribri (Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004), problématisée autour de ses caractéristiques typologiques :(i) Le système nasal : le bribri fait partie des rares langues du monde dans lesquelles la nasalité n’est pas distinctive pour les consonnes. Les consonnes nasales présentes dans l’output sont le résultat d’harmonies nasales (Cohn 1993 ; Walker 1998, 2001) et d’hypervoisement par abaissement du voile du palais (Iverson & Salmons 1996 ; Solé 2009). Alors que le premier processus avait en partie été décrit pour le bribri (Wilson 1970 ; Constenla 1982, 1985 ; Tohsaku 1987), le second n’avait pas encore été identifié.(ii) La consonne /tk/ : une unité distinctive, combinant deux lieux, sans pour autant être une consonne doublement articulée, contrairement à ce qui avait précédemment été décrit (Lehmann 1920 ; Schlabach 1974 ; Wilson 1974 ; Constenla 1981 ; Jara 2004). Je propose de l’analyser comme une géminée modulée (contour segment, Sagey 1990).La présente étude s’inscrit dans la lignée des travaux qui considèrent que les structures phonologiques doivent être expliquées par des contraintes phonétiques, comme les travaux précurseurs d’Ohala (1975, 1981, 1983). J’utilise plus particulièrement le modèle de la Phonologie Articulatoire (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). Les analyses s’appuient sur des données acoustiques, récoltées dans deux communautés bribri entre 2012 et 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma et Amubre).En plus d’une démarche typologique et phonétique, j’adopte une approche dialectale et diachronique, afin de mieux appréhender le système phonologique de la langue
Bribri is a Chibchan language spoken in Costa Rica (Central America). Chibchan languages form the main family of the Intermediate Area (Constenla 1991), which links Mesoamerica to the Amazonian and the Andean regions. All of them are endangered and are still under described.This dissertation provides an analysis of Bribri phonology (Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004) problematized according to its typological characteristics:(i) The nasal system: Bribri is among the few languages in the world to lack distinctive nasal consonants. The nasal consonants present in the output result from nasal harmony (Cohn 1993; Walker 1998, 2001) and hypervoicing through velopharyngeal opening (Iverson & Salmons 1996; Solé 2009). While the first process has been partially described for Bribri (Wilson 1970; Constenla 1982, 1985; Tohsaku 1987), the second has not been individuated in the language.(ii) The consonant /tk/: the consonant /tk/ is a distinctive unit which combines two places of articulation. Contrary to what has been previously described (Lehmann 1920; Schlabach 1974; Wilson 1974; Constenla 1981; Jara 2004), it is not a doubly articulated consonant. I propose to analyse it as a contour geminate consonant (based on the concept of contour segment, Sagey 1990).Following Ohala’s pioneering work (1975, 1981, 1983), this work is based on the assumption that phonological structures must be explained by phonetic constraints. More specifically, I use the Articulatory Phonology frame (Browman & Goldstein 1986, 1989). The analysis is based on acoustic data collected among two Bribri communities, between 2012 and 2014 (Bajo Coen - Coroma and Amubre).Along the typological and phonetic approach, I have adopted a dialectal and diachronical point of view to better capture the phonological system of the language

2

Pimenta, Heglyn. "Nasalité et syllabe : une étude synchronique, diachronique et dialectologique du portugais européen." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA080069.

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La nasalisation vocalique en portugais est un sujet qui a suscité de nombreuses recherches, notamment (i) sur le statut des voyelles nasales : voyelles nasales phonologiques (/Ṽ/) ou rimes syllabiques complexes (/VN/ ou /VV/) ? Et (ii) sur les changements à l’origine de la convergence des terminaisons latines -ANE, -ONE, ANU, UDINE, -ANT et -UNT dans la diphtongue nasale -ão.Nous procédons à l’analyse critique des recherches menées sur la structure syllabique et les voyelles nasales de cette langue pour en proposer une nouvelle analyse synchronique, en nous fondant sur le modèle dit du « CV strict » de la Phonologie du Gouvernement, où les structures à constituants hiérarchisés sont remplacées par des relations latérales entre positions. Nous basons notre analyse synchronique sur trois aspects : (i) des données historiques, car les changements diachroniques nous donnent des informations à propos des conditions nécessaires à la formation des noyaux nasals ; (ii) des données de phonétique acoustique, en partant du principe que la durée phonétique est l’un des corrélats de la complexité phonologique des noyaux nasals ; (iii) des données de variation dialectale.Enfin, dans la partie diachronique de l’étude, nous montrons comment le modèle proposé aide à expliquer les changements phonétiques qui ont mené à la constitution des noyaux nasals du portugais moderne ou l'en ont empêchée
Vocalic nasalisation in Portuguese has been the subject of numerous studies, especially regarding (i) the status of nasal vowels: are they phonological nasal vowels (/Ṽ/) or complex syllable rhymes (/VN/ or /VV/)? And (ii) the changes responsible for the convergence of the Latin endings -ANE, -ONE, ANU, UDINE, -ANT and -UNT into the nasal diphthong -ão.We proceed with a critical analysis of the studies on this language’s syllable structure and nasal vowels to propose a new synchronic analysis of it, based on the “Strict CV” model of Government Phonology, where hierarchical constituents’ structures are replaced by lateral relations between positions. Our synchronic analysis will be based on three aspects: (i) on historical data, diachronic changes providing information on the conditions required for forming a nasal nucleus; (ii) on acoustic phonetic data, assuming that phonetic duration can be a correlate to nasal nuclei phonological complexity; (iii) on dialectal variation data.Lastly, in the diachronic part of this thesis, we demonstrate how the model we propose helps to explain the phonetic changes that either led to the creation of modern Portuguese nasal nuclei or prevented it

3

Pulleyblank, Doug. "Patterns of Feature Cooccurrence: The Case of Nasality." Department of Linguistics, University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/227258.

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It is widely acknowledged that certain feature combinations are more likely to occur than others. For example, the feature of nasality is much more likely to appear on segments that are voiced than on segments that are voiceless (see discussion below). Several properties of such combinatorial restrictions are important, including the following: (i) the motivation or source of such restrictions, (ii) their cross-linguistic variability, (iii) their language -internal strength, (iv) the manners in which they manifest themselves. This paper examines certain aspects of the phonology of nasal segments that bear on these issues. The paper focusses on the phenomenon of nasal opacity, where opacity is used to refer to the arresting of a process of feature propagation. When some feature (in this paper, nasality) is transmitted throughout some domain, the presence of certain opaque segments interrupts such a transmission. It is shown that in a wide range of cases involving nasality, the class of opaque segments is systematically defined. Blocking is not due to the lexical idiosyncracy of particular segments; the class of blockers is defined in terms of particular phonological features. This property raises two important issues. On the one hand, how can the possible classes of blockers be characterised in terms of their feature composition? On the other hand, by what mechanism do the opaque elements actually accomplish blocking. In the following sections, I first discuss certain cross-linguistic generalisations concerning cooccurrence restrictions involving nasality; I go on to demonstrate that the types of cooccurrence restrictions governing segmental inventories also define typical classes of opaque segments; finally, it is demonstrated that the actual mechanism for accomplishing the blocking of feature transmission involves feature cooccurrence restrictions in a central way.

4

Ploch, Stefan. "Nasals on my mind : the phonetic and the cognitive approach to the phonology of nasality." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1999. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/28526/.

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This thesis compares two approaches to the phonology of nasality and consists therefore of two main parts: the phonetic approach, which is discussed in part 1, and the cognitive approach (part 2). This is to say that this thesis investigates how the Language Acquisition Device employs nasality to define vocalic or consonantal systems of contrast, on the one hand, and phonotactic constraints and phonological processes, on the other. Ultimately, the phonetic approach is rejected, while the cognitive view is argued to be the more empirical one. Part 1, which deals with the phonetic approach, has three chapters. In chapter 1, I show after a brief introduction to Popper's evolutionary view of research and empiricism, that the assumption that the phonologial behaviour of nasality or any other phonetically defined notion is phonetically motivated or grounded (the 'Phonetic Hypothesis', 'PH') is flawed. Chapter 2 investigates feature theories, e.g. underspecification and feature geometry, and discusses the metatheoretical problems these framework have due to the assumption of the PH. This demonstrates that phonological processes involving 'nasality' cannot be explained by the employment of features. In Chapter 3,1 look at the commonly held view that there is a phonetically motivated phonologically relevant link between nasality and vocalic height or consonantal place of articulation (the 'Heightmyth', 'HM'). Part 2 of this thesis shows in four chapters how a cognitive account avoids the metatheoretical problems of the phonetic approach. In addition, it introduces a new proposal in relation to the acquisitional role of phonology: Chapter 4 provides an introduction to Government Phonology ('GP') and, more specifically, to GP's subtheories dealing with melody: (Revised) Element Theory and the Theory of Generative Constraints. This chapter demonstrates that there are languages with phonetically oral vowels which can phonetically nasalise following oral consonants. In chapter 5, I put forward evidence for the merger of Kaye, Lowenstamm & Vergnaud's L- and N-element into one new element (new) L. The main advantages of such a move are that it helps to keep overgeneration down and that it provides the basis for a integrated account for the cross-linguistically attested phenomena of nasality-induced voicing, Dahl's and Meinhof's Law. Chapter 6 investigates Quebec French nasal vowels, Montpelier VN-sequences and English NC-clusters and proposes a unified account for them. This analysis includes a cognitive explanation of the French version of the Heightmyth, i.e. for the observation that French vowels may not be high. Finally, in chapter 7, I demonstrate that the view that the PH is mistaken points to a new insight: Acoustic cues do not only contain much phonologically useless packaging in addition to phonologically relevant material, but also underdetermine the phonological representation. In other words, acoustic cues do not always contain all the information necessary to determine the internal representation of a segment. This is due to a phenomenon I have labelled 'acoustic cue overlap'. I can show for a number of Turkic vowel systems that they could not be acquired without the help of phonological processes (I- and U-harmony). Similarly, even though phonetically defined cues like 'voiced' or 'voiceless' for segments do not contain much useful information in relation to the phonological behaviour of the segments involved, there is cross-linguistic evidence for my claim that many consonant systems (including those exhibiting voiced-voiceless contrasts) could not be acquired without the helping, i.e. disambiguating, hand of phonology. All in all, the cognitive approach to phonology will not only be shown to be more empirical than the phonetic approach but also to be much more insightful. (Abstract shortened by ProQuest.).

5

Radzhadzhi, Musiiwa Aaron. "Nasal assimilation and related processes in Tshivenda : a linear and non-linear phonological analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52949.

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Thesis (MA)--University of South Africa, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on nasal strengthening and nasal assimilation processes in Tshivenda. Two phonological models are applied in order to present credible descriptions and explanations of these phenomena. After having described the core components of, respectively, the classical Transformational Generative (TG) model of Chomsky & Halle (1968), and the more contemporary feature Geometry (FG) model, analyses of the phenomena are presented. It appears as if the TG model can handle the idiosyncrasies of the language more elegantly, with a sustained high level of credibility. The FG model is unable to render the same results.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie fokus op nasaalversterking en nasaalassimilasie in Tshivenda. Twee fonologiese modelle word aangewend om hierdie verskynsels te beskryf en te verklaar. Die klassieke versie van liniêre fonologie, die sogenaamde SPE model van Chomsky en Halle (1968) is eerste aan die orde gestel. Daar is gevind dat dit tot In groot mate daarin slaag om die onderskeie prosesse te verklaar. Nadat die kernkomponente van die sogenaamde FG model verduidelik is, is hierdie modelook toegepas. Verskeie gebreke in die toepassing van hierdie model het na vore gekom. Ten slotte word bevind dat die klassieke TG model die verskynsels meer omvattend kan hanteer as die FG model.

6

Prunet, Jean-François. "Spreading and locality domains in phonology." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=74017.

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7

Tourville, José. "Licensing and the representation of floating nasals." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39274.

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It is commonly agreed that phonological elements must be prosodically licensed in order to be interpreted phonetically (cf. Ito, 1986). The licensing of segments is generally assumed to follow from the Universal Association Conventions. The licensing of phonological units smaller than the segment, however, has not been fully addressed. There is no agreement on the exact licensing mechanisms at play and on what constitutes a proper anchor for the initial association of floating subsegmentals. This thesis proposes a principled account of subsegmental licensing within the theory of segmental structure known as feature geometry, as modified by Piggott (to appear). It is shown that the manifestation of nasality in Maukaka, Koyaga, Jula, and Terena result from the way licensing operates. It is argued that, universally, floating subsegmental units are licensed through mapping, which associates a unit to an available position. It is also proposed that whenever there is no proper position for the mapping of a subsegmental element, this element may be licensed by Chomsky-adjunction. This type of adjunction has played a role in syllabification but not in the organization of feature.

8

Maepa, Mafotha Charles. "Nasal strengthening in Northern Sotho." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52348.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study focuses on the phonological process of Nasal Strengthening in Northern Sotho. It sets out to employ two phonological models to describe the phenomenon in order to determine which model presents the most credible explanation for the phenomenon. The core elements of a classical linear model, the so called SPE model of Transformational Generative (TG) phonology is described and applied to the phenomenon. It is indicated that a number of phonological rules are actually involved in the process as a whole. It is argued that the following rules are in fact involved in the generation of appropriate phonetic outputs: a strengthening rule, a homorganic nasal assimilation rule and a nasal deletion rule. The previously inexplicable /k'/ insertion rule is shown to be nothing more than part of a more general process of glottal stop strengthening. This is indeed a new view with respect to the traditional stance on "vowel strengthening." Although the majority of the sound changes may be accounted for within a TG model, the formalism of the strengthening rule itself unfortunately does not reflect any phonetic explanation for the phenomenon. A second, non-linear, phonological model, i.e. a Feature Geometry model (FG) is described and applied to the same phenomenon. It appears that although the more contemporary FG model presents innovative ideas on the structure of phonological representations and processes, it can not account for the strengthening of voiced fricatives at all. At the most this model seems to be able only to account for voiceless fricatives being strengthened to voiced obstruents. It is clear that none of the models can present a complete and credible account of Nasal Strengthening in Northern Sotho.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie focus op die proses van Nasaalversterking in Noord Sotho. Twee fonologiese modelle word gebruik in die analise van die verskynsel ten einde te bepaal welke model die mees geskik is om 'n geloofwaardige verklaring aan te bied. Die hoofelemente van 'n lineere Transformasioneel Generatiewe (TG) model word beskryf en toegepas in Noord Sotho. Daar word aangetoon dat die proses uit 'n verskeidenheid verwante prosesse bestaan en daar word geargumenteer dat die volgende reels almal 'n rol speel: "n verstekingsreel, 'n homorgane assimilasiereel en 'n nasaaldelesiereel. 'n Vorige onverklaarbare Ik.'/ invoegingsreel word geherinterpreteer as 'n glottale stop versterkingsreel wat nuwe verduidelikings bied vir die sg versterking van vokale. Alhoewel die meeste van die klankwisselinge verantwoord kan word binne 'n TG model, bied die format van die versterkingsreel ongelukkig geen fonetiese motivering vir die proses aan me. 'n Tweede model, die sg Kenmerkgeometrie (KG), is vervolgens beskryf en toegepas. Dit het heel gou geblyk dat hierdie model, ten spyte van baie innovasies, nie in staat is om die versterking van sternhebbende frikatiewe te verantwoord nie. Dit kon slegs 'n sinvolle beskrywing van die versterking van stemlose frikatiewe moontlik maak. Uit hierdie studie blyk dit dat nie een van die twee modelle wat aangewend is 'n volledige en geloofwaardige beskrywing van die verskynsel van Nasaalversterking in Noord Sotho kan aanbied nie.

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Costa, Consuelo de Paiva Godinho. "Apyngwa rupigwa : nasalização em Nhandewa-Guarani." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/268994.

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Orientador: Wilmar da Rocha D'Angelis
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem
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Resumo: Os processos de nasalização em línguas Guarani têm sido objeto de interesse da Fonologia há várias décadas, já tendo sido tratados em diferentes abordagens e modelos teóricos. Apesar disso, nenhuma das interpretações sugeridas encontrou aceitação irrestrita entre os estudiosos dessas línguas. Esta tese aborda os processos de nasalização no Nhandewa-Guarani, a língua falada por uma parcialidade Guarani que habita o Estado de São Paulo e o norte do Estado do Paraná, no Brasil meridional, e pretende contribuir à busca por uma interpretação abrangente e conclusiva desses processos nas mencionadas línguas. Além disso, ao tentar abarcar, com o mesmo aparato explicativo, fenômenos de nasalização de outras línguas da família Tupi-Guarani, como o Tapirapé, pretendo romper o círculo que tem separado a análise de fenômenos das línguas Guarani daquela de outras línguas da mesma família e, ao mesmo tempo, romper a barreira que parece existir para uma aceitação de que fenômenos de harmonização nasal também ocorrem no 'ramo Tupi¿ daquela família lingüística
Abstract: The nasalization process in the Guarani languages has been object of the Phonology interest by several decades. This process has been treated by different approaches and theoretical models. Although, none interpretation proposed was unrestrictedly accepted among the scholars of these languages. This work approaches the nasalization process in the Nhandewa-Guarani, language spoken by the Guarani people living in São Paulo and in the north region of Paraná, Southern Brazil. This work intends to contribute to the quest of a productive and conclusive interpretation for the process in these languages. Furthermore, in attempting to include, with the same explanatory apparatus, the nasalization phenomena of the others languages of the Tupi-Guarani family, such as Tapirapé, I intend to break the circle which has separated the analysis of the phenomena of the Guarani languages from those of the others languages in the same family, and, at same time, to break down the obstacle that seems to exist concerning to the acceptation that nasal harmony phenomena also occurs in the 'Tupi branch¿ of that linguistic family
Doutorado
Linguistica
Doutor em Linguística

10

WANG, TSAE TZY. "Etude phonologique et experimentale comparee des occlusives du chinois, du francais et de l'anglo-americain analyse oscillographique du vot et de la nasalite." Université Marc Bloch (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999STR20009.

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Анотація:

Cette etude repose sur les comparaisons phonologique et phonetique des occlusives orales et nasales du chinois, du francais et de l'anglo-americain. En premier lieu, nous comparons le systeme phonologique des trois langues. Sachant qu'en chinois, sur le plan phonologique, les occlusives s'opposent par l'aspiration : /p, ph, t, th k, kh/ ; en francais et en angloamericain, elles s'opposent par la sonorite : /p, b, t, d, k, g/. Partant de cette base phonologique, nous examinons tout d'abord les differences phonetiques a l'aide du vot. Puis, nous comparons les caracteristiques de nasalite sur des traces oscillographiques traites par ordinateur. Les observations conduisant a quelques remarques concernant la nasalisation spontanee des voyelles en chinois. Un des objectifs de cette etude est d'aider les etudiants chinois, francais et americains, lors de leur apprentissage d'une de ces trois langues comme langue etrangere, a etre conscients de la divergence entre les occlusives
This study concerns a phonologic and phonetic comparison of chinese, french and american english oral and nasal stop consonants. First of all, we compare the phonologic system in these three languages. As we know, on the phonological level, stops in chinese are contrasted by aspiration : /p, ph, t, th, k, kh/; in french as in american english, they are contrasted by voicing : /p, b, t, d, k, g/. Based on this phonological information, we examine the phonetic differences of stops using vot and nasal differences by observing their nasality on the oscillograms. These observations will lead to some interesting remarks on spontaneous nasalization of chinese vowels. On of the purpose of this study is to help chinese, french et american students, learning one of these three languages as a foreign language, to be aware of the differences between various stops

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Книги з теми "Phonologie de la nasalité":

1

Tronnier, Mechtild. Nasals and nasalisation in speech production: With special emphasis on methodology and Osaka Japanese. Lund: Lund University Press, 1998.

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2

Prinzhorn, Martin, ed. Phonologie. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-99960-3.

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3

Martin, Prinzhorn, ed. Phonologie. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1989.

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4

Topalli, Kolec. Për historinë e hundorësisë së zanoreve në gjuhën shqipe. Tiranë: Shtëpia Botuese "Enciklopedike", 1996.

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5

Consuelo de Paiva Godinho Costa. Nhandewa Aywu: Fonologia do Nhandewa-Guarani. Campinas, SP: Editora Curt Nimuendaju, 2010.

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6

Duchet, Jean-Louis. La phonologie. 5th ed. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1998.

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7

Duchet, Jean-Louis. La phonologie. 3rd ed. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1992.

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8

Angoujard, Jean-Pierre. Phonologie déclarative. Paris: CNRS éditions, 2006.

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Angoujard, Jean-Pierre. Phonologie déclarative. Paris: CNRS éditions, 2006.

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10

Atindogbé, Gratien. Accounting for prenasals in Bantu languages of zone A. Cape Town: Centre for Advanced Studies of African Society, 2002.

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Частини книг з теми "Phonologie de la nasalité":

1

Wetzels, W. Leo. "Nasal harmony and the representation of nasality in Maxacalí." In Loan Phonology, 241–70. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cilt.307.11wet.

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2

Ramers, Karl Heinz. "Phonologie." In Einführung in die germanistische Linguistik, 71–121. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05424-1_3.

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3

Meibauer, Jörg, Ulrike Demske, Jochen Geilfuß-Wolfgang, Jürgen Pafel, Karl Heinz Ramers, Monika Rothweiler, and Markus Steinbach. "Phonologie." In Einführung in die germanistische Linguistik, 70–120. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-02789-4_3.

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Meibauer, Jörg, Ulrike Demske, Jochen Geilfuß-Wolfgang, Jürgen Pafel, Karl Heinz Ramers, Monika Rothweiler, and Markus Steinbach. "Phonologie." In Einführung in die germanistische Linguistik, 70–120. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05045-8_3.

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Becker, Martin. "Phonologie." In Einführung in die spanische Sprachwissenschaft, 51–69. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05275-9_4.

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Fuhrhop, Nanna, and Jörg Peters. "Phonologie." In Einführung in die Phonologie und Graphematik, 1–177. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-00597-7_1.

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7

Hoffmann-Erz, Ruth. "Phonologie." In Deutsch in der Grundschule, 53–69. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-66653-1_4.

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8

Prinzhorn, Martin. "Einleitung: Modelle der Restriktion in der generativen Phonologie." In Phonologie, 7–30. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-99960-3_1.

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9

Kaye, Jonathan, Jean Lowenstamm, and Jean-Roger Vergnaud. "Konstituentenstruktur und Rektion in der Phonologie." In Phonologie, 31–75. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-99960-3_2.

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10

Piggott, Glyne L. "Die Parameter der Nasalierung." In Phonologie, 76–137. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-99960-3_3.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Phonologie de la nasalité":

1

Wauquier, S. "Acquisition de la phonologie du français : Enjeux théoriques et méthodologiques, données." In Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française 2008. Les Ulis, France: EDP Sciences, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/cmlf08346.

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2

Meynadier, Yohann, Alain Ghio, and Alexendra Césari-Liétard. "Phonologie des voyelles nasales du français méridional à la lumière de l’aérophonométrie." In XXXIVe Journées d'Études sur la Parole -- JEP 2022. ISCA: ISCA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/jep.2022-3.

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3

Fagniart, Sophie, Brigitte Charlier, Véronique Delvaux, Bernard Harmegnies, Anne Huberlant, Myriam Piccaluga, and Kathy Huet. "Développement langagier d’enfants porteurs d’implants cochléaires et normo-entendants : lien avec différents indices acoustiques de nasalité vocalique." In XXXIVe Journées d'Études sur la Parole -- JEP 2022. ISCA: ISCA, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/jep.2022-88.

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4

Lacheret, Anne, Ch Lyche, and Michel Morel. "Phonological analysis of schwa and liaison within the PFC project (phonologie du français contemporain): how determinant are the prosodic factors?" In Interspeech 2005. ISCA: ISCA, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/interspeech.2005-511.

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