Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Partido Socialista (Dominican Republic)"

A caracterização politico-ideológica e a análise dos movimentos nacionalistas An The political-ideological characterization and analysis of Angolan nationalist movements and the conflicts between them, has always been subject of major and passionate political-academic discussion, which became an important component of the nationalist movements’ international and domestic characterization and definition. The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) rapidly acquired the epithet of leftist, Socialist and Marxist since the anti-colonial struggle through the independence and afterwards. However, during the so-called founding period of an officially proclaimed Socialist MPLA, in an apparent contradiction, the MPLA’s governing practice went objectively in an opposite direction, while still reinforcing that unquestioned epithet of Socialist. It is here argued that foreign attributed classifications (political and academic), influenced by the passionate political-idological struggles of the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, the civil war and the Cold War, ended up diplomatically-politically assumed (instrumentalised) by the movement itself, whereby an illusive characterization/identification prevailed, hampering a more objective analysis of the post-independence political practice. Our paper will focus on the contrast between the academic discussion on the political-ideological characterization of the MPLA (part I) and the governing practice of the party during the administration of the first President of the Republic, which was the founding period of the MPLA as a so-called Marxist-Leninist Socialist party (part II). Keywords: Angola; MPLA; Socialism; Agostinho Neto administration; political orientation. golanos, assim como os conflitos entre eles, foi sempre sujeita a apaixonadas discussões politico-académicas, que se tornaram um importante componente da definição doméstica e internacional dos movimentos nacionalistas. O MPLA rapidamente adquiriu o epíteto de esquerdista, Socialista e Marxista desde a luta anti-colonial, durante o processo da independência e depois da independência. No entanto, numa aparente contradição, durante o designado período fundacional de um oficialmente proclamado MPLA, a prática politico-governativa do partido prosseguiu numa direção oposta, ao mesmo tempo que reforçava o epíteto de Socialista. Este texto argumenta que as classificações atribuídas a partir de fora (políticas e académicas), influenciadas pelas apaixonadas lutas politico-ideológicas das décadas de 1950, 1960 e 1970, a guerra-civil e os alinhamentos da ‘Guerra Fria’, acabaram assumidos (instrumentalizado) pelo próprio movimento/partido, num processo mediante o qual prevaleceu uma ilusória caracterização/definição ideológica, obstaculizando uma análise mais objectiva da prática política do pós-independência. Este texto focar-se-á no contraste entre a discussão académica acerca da caracterização político-ideológica do MPLA (parte I) e a prática governativa do partido durante a administração do primeiro Presidente da República, consistindo no período fundacional do MPLA enquanto partido Socialista Marxista-Leninista (part II).

The Marcha Verde movement emerged in 2017 to protest bribery on the part of the Brazilian transnational Odebrecht. It conducted 25 protests in the provinces and large marches in July 2017 and August 2018 but ultimately failed to force the government to try those responsible. As a movement for the democratization of democracy through the construction of citizens’ rights, it was a watershed moment in Dominican political history. However, it did not have time to build the social base that would have allowed it to challenge the authorities. The political parties that supported it were only interested in weakening the official party, and the electoral race intervened as the way to channel the movements’ demands, leaving the radicals alone in calling for a transformation of the political sphere. El movimiento Marcha Verde surgió en 2017 en protesta contra los sobornos efectuados por la transnacional brasileña Odebrecht. Aunque organizó 25 protestas en las provincias y grandes marchas en julio de 2017 y agosto de 2018, no logró forzar al gobierno a enjuiciar a los responsables. En tanto se trata de un movimiento para la democratización de la democracia a través de la construcción de los derechos ciudadanos, este fue un momento decisivo en la historia política dominicana. Sin embargo, no tuvo tiempo de construir la base social que le hubiera permitido desafiar a las autoridades. Los partidos políticos que lo apoyaron sólo estaban interesados en debilitar al partido oficial, y las elecciones que intervinieron en el proceso se convirtieron en la vía de canalización para las demandas del movimiento, dejando a los elementos radicales solos en su exigencia por una genuina transformación de la esfera política.

From 2020 to 2023, Spain was governed for the first time since the Second Republic (1931 – 1939) by a coalition of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) and the left-wing alliance Unidas Podemos (UP) . Despite, or perhaps because of, their intense legislative work, the political divide between the government and the right-wing opposition deep- ened . In the regional and municipal elections on May 28, 2023, the ruling coalition suf- fered a defeat, leading Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez to call for national elections on July 23, 2023 . The conservative Partido Popular (PP) under Alberto Núñez Feijóo emerged as the strongest force from these elections . However, despite their victory, the PP was unable to form a government majority . Subsequently, the PSOE succeeded in forming a government again, in cooperation with the left-wing alliance Sumar and with the tolerance of various parties, some of which were separatist . This government formation was contingent upon a new and controversial amnesty law, which was crucial for the support of the parties of so-called peripheral nationalism in the election of Sánchez in Parliament . As a result, the political atmosphere in Spain has further deteriorated .

Abstract This article seeks to enhance our understanding of the nature of socialist internationalism, in particular by considering the place of the nation in its functioning and essence. For this purpose, the concept of inter-nationalism is used to study the particular case of the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) during Spain's Second Republic. In the first section, we focus on the meeting of the executive of the International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) in Madrid in 1931, and the subsequent May Day celebrations in the city. In the second, we analyse the use of internationalism by the PSOE in the debates on the decentralization of the Republican state. This article will argue that the PSOE made use of internationalist events to further the internal and external consolidation of the Republic, and its own position in government. Furthermore, internationalism served to uphold the unity and unique qualities of Spanish politics and culture. These considerations enable us to point to both the political and cultural dimensions of the PSOE's identification with Spanish nationalism, and to assert both the nation's importance in socialist internationalism and its role in socialist political culture during the interwar period.

Este artículo analiza la crisis institucional que padece la República Dominicana producto de los altos niveles de corrupción administrativa del gobernante Partido de la Liberación Dominicana (PLD), que la autora identifica como un partido cartel siguiendo el modelo de Katz y Mair (1995, 1996, 2002, 2004, 2009). Se examinan la relación entre corrupción, crecimiento macroeconómico y pobreza, el modelo de partido cartel, la práctica electoral y gubernativa del PLD como un partido cartel y casos factuales de corrupción que involucran a funcionarios del PLD de las administraciones de Leonel Fernández y Danilo Medina, incluyendo el propio expresidente Fernández. Se destaca la impunidad imperante en el país ante los casos de corrupción sostenido por el carácter neo-corporativo del sistema político mediante la entronización del PLD como una organización partido/Estado que controla todos los estratos de la función pública. La autora plantea que ello permite la impunidad de los actos de corrupción y el trasvase a otras funciones administrativas de los funcionarios implicados en actividades de corrupción, frente a un sistema judicial disfuncional, un prevalente sistema de prevaricación y prebendas, y un electorado cautivo sostenido mediante nóminas supernumerarias y subvenciones estatales de carácter populista y clientelar. This article analyzes the institutional crisis prevailing in the Dominican Republic as a result of the high levels of administrative corruption of the official Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) that the author identifies as a cartel party following Katz and Mair’s model (1995, 1996, 2002, 2004, 2009). It is examined the relation between corruption, macroeconomic growth and poverty, the cartel party model, the electoral and governmental practice of the PLD as a cartel party and factual cases of corruption involving PLD officials from Leonel Fernández and Danilo Medina’s administrations, including ex-president Fernández. It emphasizes the country’s prevailing impunity of corruption cases sustained by the neo-corporatist character of the political system through the enthronement of PLD as a party/State organization that controls all the strata of public function. The author points out that this allows the impunity of corruption acts and the transference to other administrative functions of officials implicated in corruption activities versus a dysfunctional judicial system, a prevalent breach of trust and prebends, and a captive electorate sustained through supernumerary appointments and state subventions of popular and patronizing character.

RESUMEN: El principal argumento de este escrito es que la heterogeneidad de los diseños institucionales que prima en el campo electoral en América Latina (Carroll y Shugart, 2005) también se reproduce en el parlamentario. El perfil morfológico del sistema de comisiones propio de cada Congreso y el lugar que la ley les asigna en el proceso legislativo son prueba evidente de ello. Mientras el marco normativo de algunas legislaturas no deja lugar a dudas en cuanto a la intención de delegar en los partidos las decisiones encomendadas a estos cuerpos; en otros casos, ello ocurre en menor medida. En los casos formalmente ceñidos a una lógica de partido, por otra parte, se alientan esquemas de delegación de corte muy diverso. En este escrito se revisa el acomodo institucional del sistema de comisiones de la Cámara Baja en: Argentina; Bolivia; Brasil; Colombia; Chile; México; Paraguay; República Dominicana y Uruguay. En este sentido, el estudio examina tanto la importancia concedida a su trabajo, como algunos aspectos de su morfología que afectan la estructura de incentivos que acota el desarrollo del proceso legislativo. Asimismo, se analizan los procedimientos utilizados en cada Congreso para enfrentar los problemas de acción colectiva. Por último, se presentan algunas ideas para la elaboración de una futura taxonomía sobre la relación que guardan en la región los partidos y las comisiones permanentes del Congreso.ABSTRACT: The main argument of this paper is that the heterogeneity of the institutional framework that prevails in Latin America’s electoral field (Carroll y Shugart, 2005), also reproduces itself in the parliamentary one. This is proved by the morphologic profile of each Congress’ commission system and the place that the law assigns to the system. While some legislative frameworks clearly intend to delegate to parties the decisions entrusted to this bodies; in other cases, this takes place in a less important way. In the cases formally related with a party logic, on the other hand, diverse delegation schemes are encouraged. In this article we analyze the institutional framework of the commission systems of the low chamber in: Argentina; Bolivia; Brazil; Colombia; Chile; Mexico; Paraguay; Dominican Republic and Uruguay. In this sense, this work examines the importance given to their job and some aspects of its morphology that affect the structure of incentives that narrows the development of the legislative process. We also analyze the procedures used by each Congress to solve its problems of collective action. Lastly, some ideas for the elaboration of a future taxonomy on the relationship between parties and permanent commissions in the region are presented.