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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Palestinian Arabs – Ethnic identity"

1

Hammer, Juliane. "Family and Gender among American Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2000): 126–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v17i3.2054.

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Family and Gender among American Muslims presents a multitude of theoreticaland empirical discussions about the issues of family and gender in variousAmerican Muslim communities.Divided into three main sections, the first section, "Values, Structure, andVariations in Muslim Families" presents articles based on empirical researchon issues such as the role of women in an Iranian ethnic economy, the selfevaluationof Palestinian women's lives, the issue of mut'a-marriage amongLebanese Shi'as, and the problems of South Asian Muslim families in theUnited States. The second section, "Practical Issues for Families,'' providesinsight into health issues, the work of an Arab-American community center,care for the elderly and problems of second-generation Arabs with marriageand role conflicts. The third section presents an interesting account of fiveMuslim immigrants, as narrated by them.The book is an insightful introduction into some of the problems faced byAmerican Mu Jim immigrants and their children on a daily basis. The questionsof how to preserve an ethnic and religious identity in a society that hasdifferent values and mies is central to the lives of these American Muslims. Itis a recurring theme running throughout most articles and illustrated in differentways. Some of the authors highlight problems and make recommendationsto parents, community leaders, teachers, and social workers on how to solvethese problems.The first article by Yvonne Y. Haddad and Jane I. Smith gives an overviewof the important topics concerning Islamic values and the questions of gender,such as dating, marriage, women and work, birth control, raising of children,and the observation of American holidays. The authors present a realistic ...
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2

Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.

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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.
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3

Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Comparative Study of Muslim Minorities." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 1991): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2628.

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Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Muslim communities in Western Europe.The foregoing circumstances have highlighted the need for serious researchon Muslim minorities within a comparative framework. What follows is apreliminary outline of a research framework for a comparative study of Muslimminorities using the Indian Muslims as an illustrative case.The Salience of TraditionOne of the most significant transnational phenomena in the four decadessince mid-century has been the revival of communal consciousness amongminorities in a large number of countries throughout the world. This tendencytoward cultural regeneration has been noted among such diverse ethnic groupsas Afro-Americans, French Canadians, Palestinian Arabs, the Scots of GreatBritain, Soviet minorities, and native Americans. A common tendency amongthese groups is to reach back to their cultural traditions and to explore thoseroots which have served as the historical anchors of their present communalexistence. Significantly, this quest for tradition has had a salutary impactupon the lives of these communities, for it has reinforced their collectiveand individual identities and has enabled them to confront the multipledifficulties of modem life more effectively. By according its members a sense ...
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4

Elmaliach, Tal. "Jewish Radicals: Zionism Confronts the New Left, 1967–1973 A Comparative Look: Introduction." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0187.

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The identity crisis that many Jewish radicals in the West grappled with in the 1960s and early 1970s was the subject of Sol Stern’s essay “My Jewish Problem – and Ours,” which appeared in the August 1971 issue of Ramparts, one of the most important organs of the American New Left.1 Stern, a key New Left activist and a former editor of the magazine, pointed to a paradox at the root of this crisis. Classical Marxism viewed Jewish nationalism as diametrically opposed to Marxist ideology. Nonetheless, in the wake of the Holocaust and the founding of the state of Israel, the global Left supported the Jewish national cause. This support was, however, short-lived. It was shaken first by Israel’s collusion with Britain and France during the Suez crisis of 1956. The escalation of the Israeli-Arab conflict in the second half of the 1960s then completed the global Left’s turn against Israel.2 Stern and his Jewish comrades consequently found themselves torn between their allegiance to the New Left and their continued support for Israel, sustained by their conviction that the Jewish state had faced a deadly threat from its enemies in 1967. Following a series of aggressive military and diplomatic moves by Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser during the tense early months of that year, war broke out on June 5 and ended six days later in a decisive and unanticipated Israeli victory. Israel captured large swathes of Egyptian, Syrian, and Jordanian territory, most consequentially the West Bank and Gaza Strip, areas densely populated by Palestinian Arabs, including many who had become refugees just nineteen years earlier in the war of 1948. Most Jews, and many in the Israeli leadership, viewed these two areas as part of the Jewish birthright and saw their capture as the liberation of territories that justly belonged to the Jewish people and state. While the Jewish members of the New Left believed that Israel should relinquish the West Bank and Gaza Strip and permit them to become an independent Palestinian Arab state, they maintained that Israel had captured them in a war of self-defense. As they saw it, Israel’s astonishing victory was the triumph of a country with a strong socialist tradition against the forces of reaction. Stern maintained that the West’s Jewish leftists found themselves facing a new edition of the classic Jewish Question – to integrate into the modern world, they were expected to divest themselves of their particularist identity and adopt exclusively universal values. This volume examines the social, political, and ideological manifestations of this resurgence of that dilemma. Each article focuses on how the issue played out in a particular country – the United States, France, Argentina, and Israel – between 1967 and 1973, when the drama reached its climax. In each of these places, the New Left attacked Israel and pro-Zionists activists reacted, leading to internal tensions on each side. University campuses emerged as the main theater of action. In tracing these confrontations, this collection casts new light on the difficulties faced by experience of young Jewish radicals struggling to integrate their particularist ethnic sentiments with their socialist universal values. The conflict that followed the Six-Day War can, however, only be understood against the background of the relationship between the Jews and the Left prior to 1967.
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5

ATANASIU, Mirela. "MULTILATERAL CONFLICTS OF PALESTINE - HISTORY, PRESENT AND TRENDS." Strategic Impact 79, no. 2 (October 7, 2021): 56–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/1841-5784-21-04.

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Анотація:
Palestine, a historical land inhabited by both Jews and Arabs, has been the source of disagreement for the two ethnic communities since their establishment in this territory. Over time, as a consequence of this antagonism, the Middle East region has hosted a multilateral conflict generated by a number of factors (historical, ethnic, national and religious), which is currently manifested in three subsequent disputes: Arab-Israeli, Israeli-Palestinian and religious. The social dispute was initially generated by the inter-communal misunderstandings between Arabs and Jews, in the territory of the British mandate of Palestine and degenerated into a series of wars between Israel and the Arab states that led to an open armed conflict between Israel and Gaza. Also, the religious dispute, which permanently accompanied the other two, is related to the equally claiming by Jews and Muslims of both the entire territory of this historical land, as well as Jerusalem. The paper is intended to be a clarification of what the historic Palestinian region represents and how it has transformed under the impact of the conflict generated against the background of the desire for statehood expressed by Jews and Arabs in the same space. In the following, some aspects will be shown presenting the historical sources of territoriality, statehood and conflict in the region, and current forms of Palestinian multilateral conflict, as well as the predominant side of the conflict in the contemporary period, focusing on developments in the first half of 2021, but also some trends that are expected in the evolution of the Palestinian issue.
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6

Shehadeh, Maysoun Ershead. "The Arabs in Israel—Hybrid Identity of a Stateless National Collectivity." Mediterranean Studies 29, no. 1 (May 2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.29.1.65.

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Abstract The debate concerning the identity of Arabs in Israel involves a dimension that has not yet been studied—the hybrid identity of a stateless minority. The definition of Israel as a Jewish state, the fact that Arabs in Israel do not take part in the country’s Independence Day, and the emergence of a national movement among Arabs in Israel demanding cultural but not territorial autonomy are major factors that foreground this status of Arabs in Israel. The current study focuses on the influence of activist Arab groups—political, literary, and journalistic—within the Israeli Communist Party. The party operated as a group of “populist intellectuals” immediately following its consent to the Palestine Partition Plan. The goal of the Communist Party was to engineer the identity of the Palestinian collectivity in Israel as a hybrid identity adapted to the political and territorial circumstances in the aftermath of the War of 1948.
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7

Ahmad Abdel-Fattah, Mahmoud. "Arabic-Hebrew Language-Switching and Cultural Identity." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.12.1.11.

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The phenomenon of Arabic-Hebrew language-switching is increasingly prevalent among the Palestinian Arabs in “Israel”. This is a preliminary investigative study of Arabic-Hebrew language-switching which deals with the analysis of randomly selected pieces of discourse collected, for the purpose of the study, from various sectors of the Palestinian Arab population. The paper includes three main sections in which an attempt is made to answer the following three questions: (i) which parts of the community use language-switching distinctively in their everyday communication, (ii) what is the nature of such usage and the reasons behind it, and (iii) what is the relationship between language-switching and cultural identity?.
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8

Bagaskara, Faishal Sultan. "Ideologi dan Politik Identitas." Jurnal ICMES 7, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v7i2.175.

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The dynamics of the Palestinian struggle are also colored by the communist movement. This article discusses one of the periods of development of communism in Palestine, namely the founding of the Palestinian Communist Party (PCP) in 1923-1982. PCP was initially founded and dominated by Jewish immigrants from Russia. After officially joining the Communist International (Comintern), they received instructions to carry out Arabization within their party. This Arabization aims to enable the PCP to recruit Arabs and support the struggle of the Arab community, which is the majority in Palestine. This article analyzes the PCP's failure to unite Arabs and Jews, which was caused by differences in political interests. This research uses a narrative and empirical historical approach using critical historical methods (heuristics, verification, interpretation and historiography). The theory used in this research is the theory of ideology and identity politics. The findings of this research are that the emergence of identity politics between Arabs and Jews in the PKP has led to several internal (Arabization) and external policies (British White Paper 1939), which resulted in a dualism that thwarted their efforts to become a revolutionary party against British colonialism in Palestine.
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9

Koptileuova, D. T., and A. E. Zhumadilova. "Identification of Palestinian national identity (based on selected literary works)." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 134, no. 1 (2021): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-134-1-100-108.

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This article examines the phenomenon of the division of Palestinian national identity in relation to Israel based on the literary works of Palestinian writers. To conduct the study, there were used a specific historical method of analysis and interpretation of original literary works to work with the sources. There were selected such works of fiction for the study as Sahar Khalifa’s Wild Thorns (1974), Gharib Haifaoui’s Snatcher of Sleep (2012) and Ibtisam Azim’s The Book of Disappearance (2014) and Said Kashua’s Dancing Arabs (2002). Based on these materials, it is concluded that the Palestinian nation is divided against Israel, from attempted assimilation to armed confrontation. It also concludes that there is short-term pragmatism and a willingness of mostPalestinians to maintain economic relations with Israel,with a consequent increase in thenumber ofArabs who speak Hebrew and are familiar with Jewish culture.
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Siegal, Gil. "Genomic Databases and Biobanks in Israel." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 766–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12318.

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In addressing the creation and regulation of biobanks in different countries, a short descriptive introduction to the social and cultural backgrounds of each country is mandatory. The State of Israel is relatively young (established in 1948), and can be characterized as a multi-religious (Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Druz, and others), multi-ethnic (more than 14), multi-cultural (Western “Ashkenazi” Jewry, Oriental “Sfaradi” Jewry, Soviet Jewry, Israeli Arabs, Palestinian Arabs) society, somewhat similar to the American melting pot. The current population is 8.3 million, a sharp rise resulting from a 1.2 million influx of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s. Seventyfive percent are Jewish, 20% Arabs (the majority of whom are Muslims), and several other minorities. The birth rate is 3.8 per family, the highest in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
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Дисертації з теми "Palestinian Arabs – Ethnic identity"

1

Shaheen, Basima. "The Palestinian Archipelago and the Construction of Palestinian Identity After Sixty-five Years of Diaspora: the Rebirth of the Nation." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc801889/.

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This dissertation conceptualizes a Palestinian archipelago based on Mikhail Bakhtin’s theory of the chronotope, and uses the archipelago model to illustrate the situation and development of Palestinian consciousness in diaspora. To gain insight into the personal lives of Palestinians in diaspora, This project highlights several islands of Palestinian identities as represented in the novels: Dancing Arabs, A Compass for the Sunflower, and The Inheritance. The identities of the characters in these works are organized according to the archipelago model, which illustrates how the characters rediscover, repress, or change their identities in order to accommodate life in diaspora. Analysis reveals that a major goal of Palestinian existence in diaspora is the maintenance of an authentic Palestinian identity. Therefore, my description of the characters’ identities and locations in the archipelago model are informed by various scholars and theories of nationalism. Moreover, this dissertation illustrates how different Palestinian identities coalesce into a single national consciousness that has been created and sustained by a collective experience of suffering and thirst for sense of belonging and community among Palestinians. Foremost in the memories of all Palestinians is the memory of the land of Palestine and the dream of national restoration; these are the main uniting factors between Palestinians revealed in my analysis. Furthermore, this project presents an argument that developing a Palestinian exceptionalism as both a response and a solution to the problems Palestine faced in the 20th century has already occurred among diasporic Palestinians as well as those settled in the West Bank. In addition, a significant finding of this dissertation is the generation clash in regarding to the methods of modernization of the West Bank society between the settled Palestinian and those returning from diaspora. Nevertheless, a Palestinian homecoming will require a renegotiation of Palestinian identities in which generation gaps and other disagreements will be resolved and transcended in favor of nation-state building.
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2

Makhoul, Manar. "Seismography of identities : literary reflections of Palestinian identity evolution in Israel between 1948 and 2010." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607918.

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3

Munayer, Salim G. "The ethnic identity of Palestinian Arab Christian adolescents in Israel." Thesis, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421097.

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4

Almarhabi, Maeed. "CULTURAL TRAUMA AND THE FORMATION OF PALESTINIAN NATIONAL IDENTITY IN PALESTINIAN-AMERICAN WRITING." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1605614421967042.

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5

Karnes, Jesse Deneen. ""It's our country too!" Palestinian identity and the Islamic claim to human righs in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan /." Diss., UC access only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=90&did=1887560071&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=7&retrieveGroup=0&VType=PQD&VInst=PROD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1270249121&clientId=48051.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Riverside, 2009.
Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 270-285). Issued in print and online. Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations.
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6

Parnell, Matthew B. "Palestinian-Americans: construction and maintainence [i.e. maintenance] of political and cultural identity in diaspora /." Electronic version (PDF), 2006. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/parnellm/matthewparnell.pdf.

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7

Shihade, Magid. "The history of an incident and its lessons : communal violence among Arabs in Israel /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10836.

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8

Strindberg, Nils Tage Anders. "From the river to the sea? : honour, identity and politics in historical and contemporary Palestinian rejectionism." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2646.

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The present thesis seeks to understand and explain the rhetoric and behaviour of the rejectionist 'current' within the Palestinian national movement. It proceeds from the view that extant scholarship, primarily from within the fields of terrorism and security studies, has profoundly misunderstood rejectionist speech and behaviour by ignoring the explanatory capacity of Emic - the research subject's perception - as well as the influence of the sociocultural milieu within which rejectionism exists. The thesis proceeds to set up a 'socioculturally sensitive' analytical framework drawn from social identity theory, a heuristic, non-reductionist model for understanding group interaction and conflict. Emphasizing cultural norms and cues identified by anthropologists as salient in the eastern Mediterranean, the thesis suggests that the social value of honour, patron-client dynamics and a firmly entrenched group orientation must be significant elements of a model for understanding rejectionist behaviour. The main analytical narrative suggests that for reasons derived from ideology, patron-client relations and group dynamics, what has distinguished the rejectionists from the mainstream have been a qualitatively different set of preconditions for, and objectives of diplomatic negotiations. To the main rejectionist factions the goal of liberating Palestine has always been inextricably intertwined with the goal of restoring national honour; one without the other has been impossible and to claim otherwise would mean a depletion of factional and personal honour. To the rejectionists, there has never been any question of deviating from the fundamental goals - national recognition, repatriation, self-determination and independent statehood, not even for tactical reasons. This 'higher standard' likely derives from their structurally and politically subordinate position within the national movement, and the need to creatively enhance their own social status and appeal.
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Abu, Zahra Nadia. "Legal geographies in Palestine: identity documentation, dispossession, repression and resistance." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491590.

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Dierauff, Evelin [Verfasser]. "Translating Late Ottoman Modernity in Palestine : Debates on Ethno-Confessional Relations and Identity in the Arab Palestinian Newspaper Filasṭīn (1911–1914) / Evelin Dierauff". Göttingen : V&R Unipress, 2020. http://www.v-r.de/.

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Книги з теми "Palestinian Arabs – Ethnic identity"

1

Dajani, Maha Ahmed. The institutionalization of Palestinian identity in Egypt. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo Press, 1986.

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2

Miari, Sunaina. Palestinian refugees: Different generations, but one identity. Edited by Jāmiʻat Bīr Zayt. Maʻhad Ibrāhīm Abū Lughud lil-Dirāsāt al-Dawlīyah. Birzeit: Ibrahim Abu-Lughod Institute of International Studies, 2012.

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3

Ashkenasi, Abraham. Palestinian identities and preferences: Israel's and Jerusalem's Arabs. New York: Praeger, 1992.

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4

Ashkenasi, Abraham. Palestinian identities and preferences: Israel's and Jerusalem'sArabs. New York: Praeger, 1992.

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5

Ali, Khalidi Muhammad. Manifestations of identity: The lived reality of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Beirut: Institute for Palestine Studies, 2010.

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6

Kanāʻnah, Rawḍah, та Īzīs Nuṣayr. Fī ghurbat al-waṭan: Al-ithnīyah wa-al-jindar ladá al-Filasṭīnīyīn fī Isrāʼīl. Rām Allāh: Madār, al-Markaz al-Filasṭīnī lil-Dirāsāt al-Isrāʼīlīyah, 2015.

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7

Rabinowitz, Dan. Antropologyah ṿeha-Palesṭinim. Raʻananah: ha-Merkaz le-ḥeḳer ha-ḥevrah ha-ʻArvit, 1998.

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8

Muḥammad, Jibrīl. Dirāsah ḥawla fāqidī al-huwīyah. Rām Allāh: al-Hayʼah al-Filasṭīnīyah al-Mustaqillah li-Ḥuqūq al-Muwāṭin, 1998.

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9

Ḥanafī, Sārī. Bayna ʻālamayn: Rijāl al-aʻmāl al-Filasṭīnīyūn fī al-shatāt wa-bināʾ al-kiyān al-Filasṭīnī. Miṣr al-Jadīdah: Dār al-Mustaqbal al-ʻArabī, 1996.

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10

Ortlieb, Sylvia. Palästinensische Identität und Ethnizität: Genese und Entwicklung des Selbstverständnisses der Palästinenser. Köln: ISP, 1995.

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Частини книг з теми "Palestinian Arabs – Ethnic identity"

1

Litvak-Hirsch, Tal, Dan Bar-On, and Julia Chaitin. "Whose House is This? The Palestinian ‘Other’ and the Construction of Jewish Israeli Identity." In Majority Cultures and the Everyday Politics of Ethnic Difference, 206–25. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582644_12.

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2

Massari, Alice. "Introduction." In IMISCOE Research Series, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71143-6_1.

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Abstract“How do we see refugees? The refugee has become a multifaceted symbol, the most prominent political figure of our time” states the brochure of an art retrospective by Khaled Hourani, a Palestinian artist reflecting on the reduction of refugees to abstract symbols of victimhood by humanitarian representations. In the eyes of the artist, the blue figure (Fig. 1.1), so common in relief organizations´ visual depictions, is the migrating human being, without a specific national, religious, ethnic, or gender identity. Yet, the visual landscape of contemporary displacement is anything but abstract. Images of overcrowded boats in the Mediterranean, refugee camps, improvised shelters along migration routes, children and families in need, and people stranded behind fences and walls have come to constitute a powerful reminder of contemporary conditions of displacement for people on the move. Yet, the question remains: how do we see refugees?
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3

Butt, Ahsan I. "Peaceful and Violent Separatism in North America, Europe, and the Middle East, 1861–1993." In Secession and Security, 163–213. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713941.003.0006.

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This chapter begins with looking at the Israeli–Palestinian conflict since the 1980s. It discusses Israel's coercive response to Palestinians' secessionist moment, the first intifada. The chapter then investigates how security fears sprung from its rough neighborhood, featuring a history of warfare with its neighbors, and its essentializing of Palestinian nationalism, subsuming it under an “Arab” identity. This chapter also reviews two of the handful of completely peaceful major secessions to occur in the twentieth century: one in 1993 that dissolved Czechoslovakia into its constituent units, and the other in 1905 that separated Norway and Sweden. It illustrates how the muted external security implications of Norwegian and Slovak separatism facilitated their respective host states peacefully negotiating their exit from the polity. The chapter next examines the American Civil War, even though it neither took place in the twentieth century, nor was it, strictly speaking, ethnic in nature.
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Snir, Reuven. "Demise: The Last of the Mohicans." In Palestinian and Arab-Jewish Cultures, 291–324. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781399503211.003.0008.

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The chapter deals with the activities of one of the most prominent among the Arab-Jewish writers, Isḥāq Bār-Moshe, whose literary works consist of two main branches with different generic, thematic, and stylistic preferences: for the expression of his general social, existential, and philosophical views, he employed the genre of the short story, with an obvious inclination toward psychological insights. His short stories generally reflect universal concepts and tend to reveal the inner nature of human beings; they are mostly well removed from any specific time and place, and when read in translation hardly point to the ethnic, religious, or national identity of the author. Bār-Moshe’s novels—the semi-autobiographical novels or memoirs—are used for the recollection of the author’s life in Iraq and for expressing his views regarding the last stage of the Iraqi-Jewish community. The fictional framework is constructed on solid historical material in a way that enables the reader to see the books as an alternative history to the events described from the point of view of an Iraqi Jew living in Israel. Bār-Moshe, whose literary career began in the early 1970s, was one of the last Jewish writers in Arabic.
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Darr, Asaf. "Language Use as a Symbolic Arena for Ethnonational Display." In Between Conflict and Collegiality, 89–111. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501770685.003.0005.

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This chapter assesses how, in war-torn countries, the use of different languages at work sometimes becomes a point of contestation between rival ethnonational groups. Israel provides a vivid illustration of this situation, and the chapter portrays how the use of Arabic and Russian at work manifests the identity of the minority group and can become a source of tension, particularly during politically charged periods. Hebrew constitutes the hegemonic common ground for members of minority ethnonational groups, and both Palestinian Arabs and Russian immigrants typically have a good command of Hebrew and are expected to speak Hebrew in the presence of members of other ethnic groups. The chapter then illustrates how, in each of the three research contexts, local norms have emerged for managing language use within ethnically mixed work teams. It also analyzes the daily management of these norms and the tension caused by their perceived violation.
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Peled, Yoav. "Mizrahi Jews and Palestinian Arabs: Exclusionist Attitudes in Development Towns." In Ethnic Frontiers and Peripheries, 87–111. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429047220-5.

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Webb, Peter. "Arabness from the Qur’an to an Ethnos." In Imagining the Arabs. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474408264.003.0004.

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Pursuing the references to ‘Arabs’ in the Islamic-era poetry examined in Chapter 2, this chapter explores the processes by which Arab identity developed as a new form of community in early Islam. Analysis begins with the Qur’an, the first extant text to use the word ʿarabī to describe itself. It is revealed that the Qur’an’s Arabness is not a marker of ethnic identity, but it does mark key shifts which were amplified by new social processes following the Muslim Conquests. Employing models of ethnogenesis to interpret early Islam, this chapter demonstrates how the spread of Muslim communities and the centralisation of the Caliphate fostered an environment conducive to rethinking identities. The new social processes prompted early Muslims to experiment with various terms to define their community, and ‘Arab’ gradually gained traction during the later Umayyad period. The rise of Arabness as an ethnic identity thus closely intertwines with the maturation of Muslim community, but conflicting social pressures and imperfect communal cohesion meant that Umayyad-era Arab identity developed very unevenly in this formative period.
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Salaita, Steven. "Ethnic Cleansing as National Uplift." In Inter/Nationalism. University of Minnesota Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5749/minnesota/9781517901417.003.0003.

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The third chapter compares the colonial narratives of Andrew Jackson and Ze’ev Jabotinsky to illustrate how foundational discourses of settlement traverse time and geography. Both played central roles in horrible acts of ethnic cleansing, Jackson in the Trail of Tears and Jabotinsky in the 1948 nakba (catastrophe), when more than seven hundred thousand Palestinian Arabs were expelled from their homes. They reify the logic of settler colonization and theorize the necessity of violence in the development of a sustainable modernity. In this way, they helped design a strategy that would be used by numerous imperialists in the following decades.
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Fishman, Louis A. "The Emergence of a Collective Palestinian Identity." In Jews and Palestinians in the Late Ottoman Era, 1908-1914, 65–101. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474453998.003.0003.

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Following the Young Turk Revolution, Palestinians began to unite as a people and to take steps to claim the homeland. While Zionism posed a threat to their local hegemony, British imperialism also became a growing concern. It is for this reason that the Palestinians set out on a collective struggle to defend their rights, which was expressed in the form of petitions addressed to the central government in Istanbul and within the local Arabic press. Furthermore, during these years a local identity emerged, Palestinianism, with Muslim and Christian Arabs forming new ties, and the urban population creating new bonds with Palestine’s Arab peasants. Lastly, this chapter shows the worries Palestinians had concerning not only Jewish immigration to Palestine, but also Palestinian emigration from it.
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Ben-Rafael, Eliezer. "The Case of a National Minority." In Language, Identity, and Social Division, 166–76. Oxford University PressOxford, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198240723.003.0014.

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Abstract Another well-known cleavage of lsraeli society differentiates Jews from Arabs. The discussion of this division is often extended to include the Palestinian population of the territories, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip occupied by Israel since 1967. However, since these territories are not part of the Israeli State, they represent an external conflict that is primarily political.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Palestinian Arabs – Ethnic identity"

1

Ganayim, Deia. "Multilingualism and Handwritten Signature: The Case of Palestinian Arab Higher Education Students Israel." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.8-2.

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I examined the relationship between the vitality of language and identity as reflected in the language that Palestinian Arab students of higher education in Israel sign their handwritten signature. To this, I asked the following questions: Do Palestinian Arabs sign in Arabic, their mother tongue and native first language-L1 but still the language of minority for Palestinian Arabs in Israel? Do Palestinian Arabs sign in Hebrew, their second language-L2 but the language of the dominant majority on Israel and the language of most official documents if not all? Do Palestinian Arabs sign in English, the third language-L3 for those in Israel? Or, do Palestinian Arabs sign in a symbolic-logographic manner? I asked 843 Palestinian multilingual Arab students of higher education in northern, central, and southern Israel to sign their own handwritten signature. Their signatures were classified based on the signature language, into Arabic, Hebrew, English and Symbolic-Logographic (difficult to be classified into a specific language). Approximately 81% of the signatures were not in Arabic, the native firs language. The findings were unpredictable and may trigger further investigation of the interplay of multilingualism and majority / minority language interplay.
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