Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Nonviolent protest"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся зі списками актуальних статей, книг, дисертацій, тез та інших наукових джерел на тему "Nonviolent protest".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Статті в журналах з теми "Nonviolent protest"
1
Makarenko, Kirill Mikhailovich, and Aleksei Ivanovich Bardakov. "Violence or nonviolence: instrumental nature of protest mobilization." Право и политика, no. 11 (November 2020): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.11.34598.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Protest mobilization is a complex multifaceted process, the implementation of which depends on the range objective and subjective factors. Recurrent mass protests aimed against the activity of government structures in different regions of the world, as well as unprecedented decrease in violence worldwide, actualize the questions associated with the motives of protest activity, as well as the instruments that characterize protest mobilization. The subject of this research is the instruments of protest political mobilization. The goal consists in delineating the boundaries of resorting to violence and nonviolence as the instruments of protest mobilization. Leaning on the principles of Charles Tilly’s Repertoire of Contention towards analysis of violence and nonviolence in political activity, as well as using the analysis of relevant data on the practices of protest activity, the authors formulate the following conclusions: 1) both violent and nonviolent instruments, which intersect within the framework of mass actions to various extent, underlie protest activity; 2) violence is an integral part of mass protests, however, the magnitude and intensity of violence is determined by the level of political dissatisfaction of the subjects of collective activity and the scale of available resource base; 3) statistically, nonviolent forms of mass protest are more successful in attaining the goals by the subjects of mobilization.
2
Case, Benjamin. "Molotov Cocktails to Mass Marches: Strategic Nonviolence, Symbolic Violence, and the Mobilizing Effect of Riots." Theory in Action 14, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2102.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
What effects do violent protests have on social movement mobilizations? In recent decades, the field of nonviolence studies has popularized a strategic nonviolence framework to understand activist tactics. This framework is problematic in two ways. First, dominant theories argue that violent protest actions demobilize nonviolent protest. However, there is less empirical support for this claim than often assumed. Current quantitative findings on the demobilizing effects of violent protest rely on a false dichotomy between violence and nonviolence that obscures the effects of low-level violent actions. Through statistical analysis of protest trends in the US over 72 years, I show that riots have an overall mobilizing impact on nonviolent protests. Second, the strategic nonviolence framing encourages an instrumental view of tactics that is prone to miss the symbolic and emotional aspects of different types of actions. Through qualitative interviews with participants in the black bloc tactic, I explore the experiential effects of the riot, and find that rioting can have deeply empowering emotional impacts on participants, with lasting effects that sustain activists’ political engagement. In combination, these results demonstrate that low-level violent actions interact with movements in more dynamic ways than dominant theories have understood. [Article copies available for a fee from The Transformative Studies Institute. E-mail address: journal@transformativestudies.org Website: http://www.transformativestudies.org ©2021 by The Transformative Studies Institute. All rights reserved.]
3
Dahlum, Sirianne. "Students in the Streets: Education and Nonviolent Protest." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 2 (April 2, 2018): 277–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758761.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study investigates whether protest movements consisting of students and educated protesters are more likely to (a) use nonviolent rather than violent resistance and (b) successfully reach their goals. Extant literature suggests that education is negatively linked to violent conflict, and the commonly assumed mechanism is that educated groups are less likely to resort to violence. Moreover, many argue that education is a force for regime change and democratization, by inducing successful protest movements. This article is the first to systematically test implications of these mechanisms at the protest level. The empirical analysis builds on original data on the educational background of participants in all protest campaigns aiming for regime change from 1900 to 2006 identified in the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes Dataset 1.0. I find robust evidence that protest movements with a high degree of involvement by students and graduates are more likely to turn nonviolent. Moreover, there is some (although weaker) evidence that these movements are more likely to achieve their goals, but only due to their nonviolent dispositions. This adds to the literature explaining why some movements resort to nonviolence (and succeed), by establishing that the identity and socioeconomic background of protesters matter.
4
Solt, Frederick. "Economic Inequality and Nonviolent Protest*." Social Science Quarterly 96, no. 5 (September 14, 2015): 1314–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12198.
Повний текст джерела
5
Martin, Brian. "Towards strategic rioting?" Theory in Action 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2212.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Benjamin Case (2021) argues that the framework of strategic nonviolence is limited by its assumption that violent protest necessarily demobilises movements, and that rioting can be empowering for participants. However, Case’s statistical analysis of US riots and peaceful demonstrations may not be a comparison of rioting and nonviolent action because it is questionable whether, in the US, peaceful demonstrations should be classified as methods of nonviolent action. Rioting can be empowering, but there is also considerable evidence that participation in nonviolent action can be empowering. Much research remains to be done to determine whether rioting can be a leading or major part of strategic action for social change.
6
SCARRITT, JAMES R., and SUSAN McMILLAN. "Protest and Rebellion in Africa." Comparative Political Studies 28, no. 3 (October 1995): 323–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028003001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the sub-Saharan African portion of the global Minorities at Risk project. It analyzes the relationships between group characteristics, grievances, mobilization, state characteristics, and nonviolent protest and rebellion in Africa and compares these relationships with those found in a global analysis using the same data set. Mobilization is more important than group characteristics or grievances in explaining nonviolent protest and rebellion in the 1980s globally, and especially in Africa because political action there is taken mainly in response to the dynamics of mobilization and state response over the last 30 years. The state characteristics that are associated with the two forms of political action in Africa and globally differ; in the former case the strongest relationships are between greater—although partial—democracy in the 1960s and nonviolent protest and between competitiveness of participation in the 1960s and rebellion. An interpretive explanation of these differences is presented.
7
Gleditsch, Kristian S., and Mauricio Rivera. "The Diffusion of Nonviolent Campaigns." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 5 (September 2, 2015): 1120–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715603101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Existing research has uncovered strong geographical clustering in civil war and a variety of diffusion mechanisms through which violence in one country can increase the risk of outbreaks in other countries. Popular coverage of nonviolent protest often emphasizes regional waves like the 1989 revolutions in Eastern Europe and the Arab Spring. However, most research on nonviolence focuses only on features within countries affecting motivation and opportunities, and we know little about the possible role of diffusion and transnational factors. We detail how nonviolent campaigns in other states can increase nonviolent mobilization and direct action, highlighting important differences in the likely actors for violent and nonviolent direct action and the relevant diffusion mechanisms. We find strong empirical evidence for diffusion in nonviolent campaigns. The effects are largely confined to campaigns in neighboring countries, and there is little evidence of global diffusion. The potential diffusion effects are also specific to whether dissent is violent and nonviolent rather than general political instability. Moreover, we find that the effects of neighboring campaigns on nonviolent direct action apply only in cases with plausible motivation for contesting the government, and the effects are stronger when the regional environment can help expand opportunities for organizing dissent.
8
Kim, Nam Kyu, and Alex M. Kroeger. "Conquering and coercing: Nonviolent anti-regime protests and the pathways to democracy." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 5 (May 7, 2019): 650–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319830267.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent research finds an association between nonviolent protests and democratic transitions. However, existing scholarship either does not specify the pathways through which nonviolent protests bring about democratization or conduct systematic empirical analyses demonstrating that the specified pathways are operative. This article proposes four pathways through which nonviolent anti-regime protests encourage democratic transitions, emphasizing their ability to directly conquer or indirectly coerce such transitions. Most simply, they can conquer democratic reforms by directly overthrowing authoritarian regimes and installing democracies. They can also coerce democratic reforms through three additional pathways. Nonviolent anti-regime protests can coerce incumbent elites into democratic reforms by threatening the survival of authoritarian regimes. They also increase the likelihood of elite splits, which promote negotiated democratic reforms. Finally, they encourage leadership change within the existing authoritarian regime. Following leadership change, nonviolent movements remain mobilized and are able to coerce democratic concessions from the regime’s new leaders. Our within-regime analyses provide robust empirical support for each pathway. We show that nonviolent anti-regime protests conquer democratic reforms by ousting autocratic regimes and replacing them with democracies. Nonviolent anti-regime protests also coerce elites into democratic reforms by threatening regime and leader survival. These findings highlight the importance of protest goals and tactics and also that nonviolent anti-regime protests have both direct and indirect effects on democratization.
9
Santoro, Wayne A., and Max Fitzpatrick. "“The Ballot or the Bullet”: The Crisis of Victory and the Institutionalization and Radicalization of the Civil Rights Movement*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 207–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-207.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Many social movements institutionalize and radicalize when nonviolent protest declines. Yet the sparse research addressing this issue has left underanalyzed and undertheorized the role of activist preferences in this process. Using the civil rights movement as our empirical referent, we investigate why some activists (nonviolent protestors) in the late sixties wanted the movement to switch to institutional or violent tactics rather than continue to rely on nonviolent protest. Our central data come from a large probability survey of mainly northern blacks in 1968. Using multinomial regression analysis, we find that feeling disappointed about racial progress pushes activists away from preferring nonviolent protest and instead toward favoring either more moderate or militant tactics. While voting and violence are quite dissimilar tactics, these findings demonstrate that a similar causal process pushes activists in the aggregate toward both directions.
10
Celestino, Mauricio Rivera, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. "Fresh carnations or all thorn, no rose? Nonviolent campaigns and transitions in autocracies." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312469979.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Whereas optimists see the so-called Arab Spring as similar to the revolutions of 1989, and likely to bring about democratic rule, skeptics fear that protest bringing down dictators may simply give way to new dictatorships, as in the Iranian revolution. Existing research on transitions has largely neglected the role of protest and direct action in destabilizing autocracies and promoting democracy. We argue that protest and direct action can promote transitions in autocracies, and that the mode of direct action, that is, whether violent or nonviolent, has a major impact on the prospects for autocratic survival and democracy. We present empirical results supporting our claim that nonviolent protests substantially increase the likelihood of transitions to democracy, especially under favorable international environments, while violent direct action is less effective in undermining autocracies overall, and makes transitions to new autocracies relatively more likely.
Дисертації з теми "Nonviolent protest"
1
Dumas, Nicolas K. (Nicolas Kasem). "Protest without repression : protest policing and nonviolent resistance in the US." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/130601.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, September, 2020Cataloged from the official PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 121-129).
Activists often identify violent repression, and ensuing backlash, as a key mechanism through which peaceful protests can successfully achieve political change. This view has been affirmed by a body of research showing that the violent repression of protest can raise awareness of and build support for the protesters. And US history has many examples of these repression backlash benefiting protesters, from the Birmingham bus boycotts to the "Bonus Army" March on Washington, to the Kent State shootings. However, in the United States, and in other western democracies, the probability of violent police repression of protests has varied significantly over time, as a result of a multitude of institutional factors. While the impacts of repressed protest have been documented, how peaceful protests fare in the absence of repression is less well-understood.
This dissertation explores whether the absence of repression impacts protests' ability to capture attention and persuade the public, and whether the absence of repression impacts the types of protests that are successful. To answer these two questions, I draw on a wide array of data sources, including a novel dataset of local protests coded from protest permit applications, geo-referenced Google search data, Wikipedia page-view data, New York Times coverage data, historical archives of an activist group's internal communications. I show that, while repression makes it easier for protests to garner news coverage, command public attention, and persuade the public, it is not a necessary condition. Peaceful protests can achieve these outcomes without repression if they can become newsworthy in other ways, such as by increasing the scale of the protest.
I also show that in the absence of repression, the types of protests that achieve success are similar in background to the protests that achieve success in the presence of repression. Unlike some other forms of political participation, the resources needed to succeed without repression do not appear to be skewed towards individuals or groups with higher socio-economic status. Although the probability of violent repression changes over time, protests continue to serve as an effective tactic for a relatively small group to capture attention and build broader support.
by Nicolas K. Dumas.
Ph. D.
Ph.D. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science
2
Hanna, Emelie. "Gendered Forms of Protest : Do Women's Participation Affect the Outcome of Nonviolent Campaigns?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-413337.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the last decades, the world has not only seen an increase in nonviolent campaigns that challenge regimes, but also a dramatic increase in women’s participation in those campaigns. Despite this trend, there are few studies that explain if and how women influence nonviolent campaign outcomes. This study seeks to contribute to this understudied topic by exploring whether female protestors have an effect on the outcomes of nonviolent campaigns. The research question is: Why do some nonviolent campaigns succeed, while others fail? By synthesizing sociological concepts with rational agency-based factors that have proven to produce successful outcomes, I construct three gender-related campaign dimensions: (1) gender framing techniques; (2) gender experiences; and (3) shared gender-equal attitudes, that I argue increase the likelihood of successful campaigns. I evaluate the theoretical arguments in a case study using the method of structured focused comparison on the Sudanese Revolution in Sudan (2018-2019), the Anti-Mubarak Campaign in Egypt (2011), and the Anti-Bouteflika Campaign in Algeria (2011). I find that campaigns that are influenced by gender dimensions also succeed in achieving some or a majority of their goals, while campaigns that are not influenced by gender dimensions fail to achieve their goals.
3
McDuffie, Scott Patterson. "James Lawson leading architect and educator of nonviolence and nonviolent direct action protest strategies during the student sit-in movement of 1960 /." NCSU, 2007. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03212007-153100/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
James Morris Lawson, Jr. grew up in Massillion, Ohio, in a loving Christian home. He became a pacifist at an early age after a memorable encounter with racism. As he matured, he studied nonviolence from the perspectives of Jesus Christ and the great Indian revolutionary, Mohandas Gandhi. After meeting the famous Christian pacifist, A. J. Muste, Lawson became a member of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and a conscientious objector to war. He spent fourteen months in a federal prison after refusing to be drafted into the U.S. military. After prison, Lawson worked in India as a missionary and learned nonviolent direct action strategies from Gandhi?s followers.Inspired by the Montgomery Bus Boycott, Lawson left India and returned to America in 1956 to join the struggle to end racial segregation in America. That same year, Lawson met Martin Luther King, Jr. and upon King?s request, moved to the South to teach nonviolence. Lawson eventually settled in Nashville, Tennessee, to teach nonviolence to a group of young men and women who would become some of the most important ?leaders? in the American Civil Rights Movement. James Lawson made a significant contribution to the student sit-in movement of 1960 by teaching a new idea?nonviolent direct action?to an elite group of student activists. However, his influence has been ignored by most histories of the movement. The following essay brings this elusive figure to the forefront and highlights his impact on the first wave of student activists who spearheaded the nonviolent campaign to overturn segregation.
4
Caulfield, Thomas E. "Nonviolent Resistance to Security Policy in Nationalist Northern Ireland, 1970-1981." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6186.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Political division has plagued Northern Ireland since its partition from the rest of Ireland in the 1920s. Current literature recounts the role of nationalist actors in the violent struggle that erupted in 1969 initiating a 3-decade period of civil strife described as the Troubles. However, very little scholarly coverage exists providing details of nonviolent resistance on the part of some community members. The purpose of this interpretive phenomenological study was to examine the meanings and perceptions evoked from Irish nationalists from Belfast and Derry who chose to challenge security policies through nonviolent actions from 1970 through 1981. Using a chain sampling approach, 14 protesters volunteered to tell their stories. Benet's polarities of democracy unifying model was used as the theoretical framework for the study. The data collected were analyzed using the modified Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method, which involved a synthesis of meanings generated from respondents. Data analysis revealed 4 major themes that underpinned informant experiences of protest: social identity, coping, perseverance, and empowerment. Data showed in many instances that more aggressive security tactics used against demonstrators incited more intense antistate activities. Public administrators, through a combination of written policy and security personnel training, should, therefore, address sociopolitical grievances in a manner that will promote mediation in an effort to avoid instigation of further and more physical protest actions. State officials, as well as elected legislators who write and analyze public policy, may incorporate the findings of this study to expediate the delivery of more democratic government services and to support and promote nonviolent active citizenry.
5
Burton, Kerry. "Re-presenting geopolitics : ethnography, social movement activism, and nonviolent geographies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3607.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis starts from the premise that Geopolitics is performative, an iterative discourse “of visualising global space…reproduced in the governing principles of geographic thought and through the practices of statecraft” (Agnew 1998:11). During the last decade, two dominant discourses have shaped the contemporary geopolitical imagination – the ‘war on terror’ and ‘climate change’. These have steered conceptualisations of security and insecurity - performative iterations of who, where, and what poses a threat. The resulting geopolitical picture of the world has enabled the legitimisation of human and geographical domination – an acceptance of geographical norms that enable the continuation of uneven geographies. The research is concerned with the performative spaces of alternative geopolitics; spaces that emerge where nonviolent social movement activism and geopolitics intersect and the sites through which these are practiced and mediated. The motivations are twofold. The first is a desire to intervene in a critical geopolitical discourse that remains biased toward engagement with violent geographies. The second is to take seriously ‘geopolitics from below’, alternative geographical imaginations. I address the first of these through research that is concerned primarily with the spacing of nonviolence – the performed and performative spaces of nonviolent geographies shaped through a politics of the act. The second is approached through substantial empirical engagement with social movement activists and sites of contention and creation in opposition to dominant environmental geopolitics. ‘Militant’ ethnographic research took place over six months in 2009. It traced the journeys of two groups as they organised for, and took part in, large counter-summit mobilisations. The first was a UK based social movement, the Camp for Climate Action (UK). The second was an intercontinental caravan, the Trade to Climate Caravan. Both groups shared a common aim – to converge on the 16th of December in a mass demonstration of nonviolent confrontation; the ‘People’s Assembly’, to contest dominant discourses being performed inside the intergovernmental United Nations Conference of the Parties 15. Social movement groups from around the world would present alternative narratives of insecurity and offer ‘alternative solutions’ garnered through non-hierarchical forms of decision-making. The research followed the route each group took to the People’s Assembly and the articulations (narrative and practices) of nonviolent action.
6
Omar, Abdurahman. "The Ethiopian Muslims Protest in the Era of Social Media Activism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-419675.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Islamic movement study mostly focused on radical, extremist, violent, or military aspects. The current research was carried out to examine the nonviolent elements of the Islamic movement. Based on the ethnographic photo research conducted in the Ethiopian Muslims Protest, the Islamic movements nonviolent aspect investigated. The Ethiopian Muslims were organized social media-led protests called Let Our Voices be Heard for their religious rights between 2011 and 2015. The study first examined where this Let Our Voices be Heard protest fits in civil resistance studies. Second, it investigated Facebook's role in initiating, organizing, and sustaining the nonviolent Islamic movement in Ethiopia. Using Johnston's defining terms of social movement theory, the Let Our Voices be Heard protest tested. The result shows that the protest well fit with the dimensions and components of social movement theory. The result indicates that the Let Our Voices be Heard protest exemplifies nonviolent Islamic movement in the Eastern Africa region, Ethiopia. The study further shows that Facebook, when used for a common goal, is a robust platform for successfully mobilizing nonviolent Islamic movements.
7
Вишневська, Олена Дмитрівна. "Ненасильницький протест: технології трансформації конфлікту". Master's thesis, КПІ ім. Ігоря Сікорського, 2020. https://ela.kpi.ua/handle/123456789/38315.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ненасильницький конфлікт можна вважати особливим видом соціально-політичного конфлікту. Нормативно-правова база України не готова регулювати даний вид протестів. Інстинктивно люди схильні збиратись у натовпи та захищатись. У натовпі людина піддається психологічним змінам: зниження соціальної відповідальності, зниження когнітивних компонентів в поведінці, діє інфантильно. Конфлікт слід розуміти як вид взаємодії між людьми. Трансформація конфлікту полягає у зміні реальності конфлікту через 3 його виміри: сприйняття, контекст та поведінку. Для трансформації конфліктів існують внутрішні інститути (відділи поліції превентивного впливу (поліція діалогу), Національна служба посередництва і примирення) та міжнародного рівня організації (ООН, ОБСЄ) та фонди (РАХ, Berghoff foundation, Caritas, фонд «Відродження»). Серед методів та інструментв трансформації конфліктів я виділила 3: діалог, фасилітація та медіація. У роботі я описала технологію трансформації конфлікту між групами людей під час ненасильницьких протестів – вулична фасилітація. Вулична фасилітація має такі етапи: намір, моніторинг конфлікту, оцінка та картування конфлікту, моделювання та визначення точок входу, первинний психологічний контакт, контакт. Завершальний етап інтервенції в конфлікт виводить людину на зміну стратегії, поведінки. Вуличний фасилітатор здійснює кризову інтервенцію в умовах ненасилля, в точці активної «сірої маси» та надає голосу мовчазній більшості. Вуличний фасилітатор має розвинуті такі компетенції: комунікабельність, емоційний інтелект, гнучкість, здатність до емпатії та самоемпатії, вміння структурно мислити, розуміння власних кордонів та обмежень.Nonviolent conflict can be considered a special kind of socio-political conflict. The legal framework of Ukraine is not ready to regulate this type of protest. Instinctively, people tend to gather in crowds and defend themselves. In the crowd a person undergoes psychological changes: reduced social responsibility, reduced cognitive components in behavior, acts infantile. Conflict should be understood as a kind of interaction between people. The transformation of the conflict is to change the reality of the conflict through its 3 dimensions: perception, context and behavior. There are internal institutions (preventive police units (dialogue police), National Mediation and Reconciliation Service) and international level organizations (UN, OSCE) and foundations (PAX, Berghoff foundation, Caritas, “Vidrodgennja” Foundation) for the transformation of conflicts. Among the methods and tools for conflict transformation, I identified 3: dialogue, facilitation and mediation. In this paper, I described the technology of transforming conflict between groups of people during nonviolent protests – urban peacebuilding. Urban peacebuilding has the following stages: intention, conflict monitoring, conflict assessment and mapping, modeling and identification of entry points, primary psychological contact, contact. The final stage of intervention in the conflict brings a person to change strategy, behavior. The urban peacebuilder carries out crisis intervention in conditions of non-violence, at the point of active "gray mass" and gives a voice to the silent majority. The urban peacebuilder has developed the following competencies: sociability, emotional intelligence, flexibility, ability to empathize and self-empathy, the ability to think structurally, understanding their own boundaries and limitations.
Ненасильственный конфликт можно считать особым видом социально-политического конфликта. Нормативно-правовая база Украины не готова регулировать данный вид протестов. Инстинктивно люди склонны собираться в толпы и защищаться. В толпе человек подвергается психологическим изменениям: снижению социальной ответственности, снижению когнитивных компонентов в поведении, действует инфантильно. Конфликт следует понимать как вид взаимодействия между людьми. Трансформация конфликта заключается в изменении реальности конфликта через 3 его измерения: восприятие, контекст и поведение. Для трансформации конфликтов существуют внутренние институты (отделы полиции превентивного воздействия (полиция диалога), Национальная служба посредничества и примирения) и международного уровня организации (ООН, ОБСЕ) и фонды (РАХ, Berghoff foundation, Caritas, фонд «Возрождение»). Среди методов и инструментв трансформации конфликтов я выделила 3: диалог, фасилитация и медиация. В работе я описала технологию трансформации конфликтов между группами людей во время ненасильственных протестов - уличная фасилитация. Уличная фасилитация имеет следующие этапы: намерение, мониторинг конфликта, оценка и картирование конфликта, моделирования и определения точек входа, первичный психологический контакт, контакт. Завершающий этап интервенции в конфликт выводит человека на смену стратегии, поведения. Уличный фасилитатор осуществляет кризисную интервенцию в условиях ненасилия, в точке активной «серой массы» и дает голос молчаливому большинству. Уличный фасилитатор имеет развитые такие компетенции: коммуникабельность, эмоциональный интеллект, гибкость, способность к эмпатии и самоемпатии, умение структурно мыслить, понимание собственных границ и ограничений.
8
Anisin, Alexei. "State repression, nonviolence, and protest mobilization." Thesis, University of Essex, 2016. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/17165/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This four article journal-based dissertation builds on Gene Sharp's framework of nonviolent direct action, along with Hess and Martin's repression backfire, in order to deepen our understanding of how state repression impacts protest mobilization and historical processes of social change. After initially problematizing Gene Sharp’s notions of power and consent with aid of political discourse theory, and two case studies of the 1905 Russian Bloody Sunday Massacre and the South African 1976 Soweto Massacre, the dissertation moves onto specifically explain the conditions under which protest mobilization is likely to continue after severe state repression. A causal process model underpins the logic of the dissertation. It identifies generalizable antecedent factors and conditions under which repression backfire is most likely to occur. Numerous mechanisms are also introduced that help explain the operation of this process across different historical eras and political systems. After applying this process model and its mechanisms to the 2013 Turkish Gezi protests, a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis of 44 different historical massacres is presented in which repression backfired and increased protest in some cases, but not others. Repression backfire is a highly asymmetrical and nonlinear causal phenomenon. I conclude that nonviolent protest strategy has been a salient factor in historical cases of repression backfire and is also vital for the ability of protests to withstand state repression. However, the role of nonviolence is partial and to some degree inadequate in explaining repression backfire if it is not linked to other general factors which include protest diversity, protest threat level, and geographic terrain.
9
Ryckman, Kirssa Cline. "Ratification as accommodation? Domestic dissent and human rights treaties." SAGE PUBLICATIONS LTD, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/620925.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Repression is the expected response to anti-government protest; however, leaders can also accommodate demonstrators. Committing to human rights treaties is considered in this environment, where treaty commitments are conceptualized as a policy concession that leaders can grant dissenters. Past research has shown that top-down domestic pressures, such as new democratic regimes, can influence treaty commitments. This article extends this line of research by considering the influence of bottom-up domestic pressure, arguing that nonviolent, pro-democracy movements can pressure leaders into concessions, as these movements are risky to repress but threatening to ignore. Leaders are expected to seek ‘cheap’ accommodations, and commitments to human rights treaties provide a relatively low-cost concession that also addresses demonstrators’ pro-democracy demands. Using commitments to the nine core UN human rights treaties, results are generally supportive. Governments experiencing a nonviolent, pro-democracy movement are consistently likely to sign human rights treaties. Ratification is also likely but in more limited contexts, and is more closely related to movement success. This suggests that bottom-up pressures can influence commitment to human rights treaties, but there may be little substance behind those concessions. The status quo and cost-averse preferences of leaders lead them to grant accommodations that result in minimal change and cost.
10
Brodrick-Okereke, Mabel. "Women's protests in Egi and Warri, Nigeria, 1998 -2009 : the politics of oil, nonviolent resistance, and gender in the Niger Delta." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607668.
Повний текст джерелаКниги з теми "Nonviolent protest"
1
Gene, Sharp, ed. Nonviolent action: A research guide. New York: Garland Pub., 1997.
Знайти повний текст джерела
2
Meek ain't weak: Nonviolent power and people of color. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2002.
Знайти повний текст джерела
3
Epstein, Barbara. Political protest and cultural revolution: Nonviolent direct actionin the 1970s and 1980s. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.
Знайти повний текст джерела
4
David Dellinger: The life and times of a nonviolent revolutionary. New York: New York University Press, 2006.
Знайти повний текст джерела
5
Political protest and cultural revolution: Nonviolent direct action in the 1970s and 1980s. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.
Знайти повний текст джерела
6
Long, Michael G., ed. We the Resistance: Documenting a History of Nonviolent Protest in the United States. San Francisco, USA: City Lights Books, 2019.
Знайти повний текст джерела
7
Kronenwetter, Michael. The peace commandos: Nonviolent heroes in the struggle against war and injustice. New York: New Discovery Books, 1994.
Знайти повний текст джерела
8
The peace commandos: Nonviolent heroes in the struggle against war and injustice. New York: New Discovery Books, 1994.
Знайти повний текст джерела
9
Nonviolent resistance in the second Intifada: Activism and advocacy. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
Знайти повний текст джерела
10
Christopher, Kruegler, ed. Strategic nonviolent conflict: The dynamics of people power in the twentieth century. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1994.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Nonviolent protest"
1
Franklin, James. "Protest waves and authoritarian regimes." In Social Movements, Nonviolent Resistance, and the State, 98–124. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: The mobilization series on social movements, protest, and culture: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429467783-5.
Повний текст джерела
2
Hubbard, Amy S. "“Killing the Messenger”: Public Perceptions of Nonviolent Protest." In Recent Research in Psychology, 118–27. New York, NY: Springer New York, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4612-4458-5_13.
Повний текст джерела
3
Hause, Marie. "The Parable of the Wedding Protest: Matthew 22:1–14 and Nonviolent Resistance." In The (De)Legitimization of Violence in Sacred and Human Contexts, 49–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51125-8_4.
Повний текст джерела
4
Harvey, Kyle. "Prayer or Protest? Fasting, Nonviolence, and Anti-Nuclear Activism in the 1980s." In American Anti-Nuclear Activism, 1975–1990, 93–116. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137432841_5.
Повний текст джерела
5
Mantena, Karuna. "Competing Theories of Nonviolent Politics." In Protest and Dissent, 83–121. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The contemporary literature on nonviolent politics relies upon a sharp distinction between strategic and principled nonviolence. Gandhi and King are associated with the latter, defined as a strict moral commitment to nonviolence that both scholars and activists view as unnecessary for the successful practice of nonviolent politics. I argue the distinction between strategic and principled nonviolence is misleading. It misunderstands the most distinctive feature of classical nonviolent politics, namely, how Gandhi and King tethered ethical practice—practices of self-discipline or suffering—to political strategy. This chapter reconstructs an alternative account of nonviolent action—nonviolence as disciplined action—and argues that it is also strategic in orientation but premised upon a different theory of politics and political action. Disciplined action is underpinned by a skeptical ontology of action which highlights the affective dynamics of action. I contrast this to the prevailing model of nonviolence as collective power, which focuses on techniques of mass mobilization and the generation of social power. I distinguish the conceptual logic of these competing theories of nonviolent politics and the differing forms of protest and dissent they recommend.
6
"Protest, Violent and Nonviolent." In Antidemocracy in America, 233–40. Columbia University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/klin19010-028.
Повний текст джерела
7
Gallo-Cruz, Selina. "Marginalization and Mobilizing Power in Nonviolent Social Movements." In Power and Protest, 91–115. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/s0163-786x20210000044008.
Повний текст джерела
8
Bohlman, Andrea F. "Protest." In Musical Solidarities, 107–44. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190938284.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Successful nonviolent protests are the celebrated theaters of musical politics; the same is true for the month of protests that brought about the legalization of the Solidarity Union, the first independent trade union in the Eastern bloc. This chapter takes the reader into the important role that sound media played both in coordinating efforts on the ground and in narrating the August 1980 strikes’ power to a broader public in Poland and abroad. Written and recorded accounts of the protest scenes show sound’s coordinating power and music’s entertainment value for this occupational strike. The charismatic workers’ representative Lech Wałęsa sang at the negotiating table, bringing music to the political stage. The chapter also critiques romantic notions of music and protest to dwell on questions of authorship and agency by tracing the rise of the opposition’s protest anthem, “Walls” (1978), by singer-songwriter Jacek Kaczmarski.
9
Medina, JosÉ. "No Justice, No Peace." In Protest and Dissent, 122–60. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479810512.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter defends a confrontational view of protest that puts civil and uncivil protest in a continuum and argues for the contextual legitimacy of uncivil protest. The chapter argues both against conservative views for which protests are legitimate only if previously authorized and in full conformity with law and order, and against liberal views that allow for civil disobedience but, either for principled or for strategic reasons, allow only for protests that remain civil. I argue that contexts of oppression warrant the use of incivility and mild forms of violence for protesting injustice. Elucidating the history of protests in sports, the activism of Act Up, and the counter-protests of Black Lives Matter, I argue that nonviolent movements of resistance can legitimately use incivility and mild forms of violence while still being committed to the mitigation of violence in the long run.
10
"Steps of a Nonviolent Protest or Movement." In Revolutionary Nonviolence, 41–50. University of California Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv2j6xfhm.8.
Повний текст джерела