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Статті в журналах з теми "Non-prolifération nucléaire – Coopération internationale":
Thränert**, Oliver. "Regretterions-nous vraiment le Traité sur la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires ?*." Études internationales 40, no. 3 (September 21, 2009): 359–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/038089ar.
Soutou, Georges-Henri. "La France et la non-prolifération nucléaire." Revue Historique des Armées 262, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rha.262.0035.
Mannully, Yash Thomas. "La coopération nucléaire entre les États-Unis et l'Inde et la non-prolifération." Bulletin de droit nucléaire 2008, no. 2 (January 27, 2009): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/nuclear_law-2008-5k9gvsvgg9jc.
Lefebvre, Maxime. "Les garanties de l'Agence internationale de l'Energie atomique à l'épreuve des crises récentes du régime de la non-prolifération nucléaire." Annuaire français de droit international 42, no. 1 (1996): 137–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/afdi.1996.3375.
Дисертації з теми "Non-prolifération nucléaire – Coopération internationale":
Mangin, Maïlys. "La conversion de l'AIEA à la lutte contre la prolifération nucléaire : une internationalisation tactique des jeux gouvernementaux nord-américains, d'Atoms for peace aux sanctions contre les « Atomic ayatollahs »." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2022-....), 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022ULILD024.
This thesis analyzes the transformations of the IAEA's (International Atomic Energy Agency) nuclear non-proliferation missions and the uses to which they are put, from its creation during the Cold War to the Iranian nuclear crisis. It exposes the social foundations of a process of politicization of the IAEA, characterized by the intensification and conflictualization of exchanges of blows between the social actors and sectors that mobilize the institutional resources of this IO. Drawing on a variety of interviews and archives, the thesis sheds light on the constraints that this politicization context exerts on the perceptions and practices of actors both inside and outside the IAEA's institutional boundaries. The thesis first traces how the bipolar system, and then its collapse, influenced the way in which North American foreign policy actors addressed the problem of nuclear proliferation, and structured the ways in which the IAEA was mobilized in this respect. After having been a by-product of the United States' civilian nuclear export policy, the IAEA's non-proliferation activities were called into question as part of US struggles to restructure post-Cold War foreign policy in the Middle East. This thesis then analyzes how this politicization process, as a logic of situation, structures the way in which the IAEA's expertise is produced and mobilized in the context of the Iranian dossier. It shows that the IAEA's investigation in Iran, from 2003 onwards, is as much an autonomous technical process as a fuel for the competition to define (un)acceptable Iranian nuclear activities. In this respect, this thesis proposes an alternative to “circulatory” sociology, substituting the study of import-export logics between national spaces with that of tactical interdependence between social spaces with no geographical proximity. Going beyond the opposition between instrumental uses and legitimizing virtues of IOs, this approach helps to renew the analysis of the strategic uses of IOs and their effects
Drobysz, Sonia. "L' Agence internationale de l'énergie atomique et la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires." Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010299.
Khaitous, Tariq. "Les paradoxes de la prolifération nucléaire depuis la fin de la guerre froide." Cergy-Pontoise, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007CERG0338.
During the Cold War, nuclear proliferation helped to establish a balance of power between the U. S and the Soviet Union and allowed them to avoid war. But since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the dynamics of nuclear proliferation changed. Much progress has been made regarding disarmament and the universality of the NPT. However, a serious of world events weakened the Nonproliferation regime and caused a crisis of nuclear proliferation. In 1991, Iraq developed a secret nuclear program that surprised the international community. The country developed not only material fissile, but also the techniques that transform them into a nuclear weapons. North Korea violated the NPT on several occasions and proceeded recently to its first nuclear test. Three nuclear states, India, Israel and Pakistan are still out of the regime and pursuing the development of their nuclear potential. Iran is still continuing its ambitions to acquire nuclear weapons against its commitments to the NPT and the IAEA protocol. The illegal trade of nuclear material in the black market is a threat to the international system and the verification control. The disarmament of the five nuclear powers is not yet accomplished. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty has not been implemented and the negotiation regarding the Fissile Material Cut Off Treaty to stop the production of highly enriched uranium has been continuing since 1993. Our approach aims to analyze the crisis of nuclear proliferation since the end of the Cold War through a deep study of its failures. Also, we will examine measures that should be undertaken by the international community in order to stop nuclear proliferation and save the regime from total collapse
Safaf, Salam. "La politique étrangère de l'Iran et la problématique de la prolifération nucléaire au Moyen-Orient." Toulouse 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010TOU10034.
The Iranian State is an exception in the International System : the Iranian system of government is composed of institutions created during the Revolution and built upon the two core mainstays : the Islamic one and the republican one. These mainstays correspond to the dual source of the régime's legitimacy : the Divine sovereignty and the will of the People. Thus, the Iranian nuclear policy is not developed and implemented by a single person but rather takes place through a dialectical argument between the Supreme Leader of the Revolution and the executive branch embodied by the President. Iran's behaviour is hence driven by national interest expressed as power, and independently pursues a rational goal : achieving the national security. That is the "Primary Goal" of Iran, emphasizing the ability to protect the national sovereignty and the territorial integrity in an anarchic world. The nuclear energy and particularly the nuclear armament that Iran tries to acquire are consequently a mere additional attribute of power - an attribute that is supposed to counterbalance the weakness of its military weaponry - in a bid to achieve a balance of power against the nuclear countries in the Middle-East, and particularly Israel
Waizer, Stefan. "Institutionnalisation d’un rôle politique au sein de la diplomatie internationale. L’ascension du Haut représentant de l’UE dans le dossier nucléaire iranien (2003-2015)." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/277396.
This thesis analyses the institutionalisation of the EU High Representative in the negotiations on Iran's nuclear programme between 2003 and 2015. Although initially the role of the High Representative in the Iranian dossier was codified in the European treaties, from 2006 onwards, it was notably the UN Security Council resolutions that defined it. Thus mandated by two distinct groups of actors - the EU's institutional actors and the six powers involved in the negotiations with Iran - the EU's chief diplomat is led to assume two contradictory roles, that of the EU High Representative and that of the E3+3 High Representative.By combining sociology of the EU with sociology of IR, this thesis examines the dynamics that led the High Representative to be recognised as legitimate by all those involved in the configuration of the Iranian nuclear dossier. Based on this guiding question, this work proposes an analytical framework for studying the institutionalisation of Europe's foreign policy.The literature on the institutionalisation of common external action is divided between work that looks at the interactions between European actors, on the one hand, and work that studies the institutionalisation of the EU on the international scene, on the other. Thus this bifurcation in the scholarly literature precludes a vision of European integration as the product of the tangle of global and European dynamics. This thesis overcomes this divide in that it puts the internal and external dimensions of the institutionalisation of the EU at the heart of the analysis. Based on the hypothesis of the differentiation of social spaces, I will take into account the distinct logics structuring the global arena of nuclear negotiation and the arena of the CFSP, while apprehending them as entangled arenas. The empirical survey, which is based on interviews and archives, highlights that the High Representative is becoming more autonomous from his obligations as EU High Representative to assume the role of High Representative of the E3+3. Moreover, the institutionalisation of these roles is the product of a multitude of individual interactions within and at the intersection of European and global social spaces.Based on an analysis of the construction of the role of the High Representative in the nuclear dossier and drawing inspiration from the sociology of Michel Dobry, this work makes it possible to conceive the variation of the influence of various social spaces on the institutionalisation of common external action. Rather than focusing on the analysis of one dimension over the other, it is necessary to grasp the trajectory of their relationship in order to grasp the random nature of the construction of Europe's foreign policy in all its complexity. Beyond this, the case study questions the idea of the institutionalisation of the EU as an integration process. Indeed, the EU's inclusion in the global space of international diplomacy allows us to see that it is also a dynamic of empowerment, differentiation and exclusion.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
El, Jadie Amna. "L'énergie nucléaire et le droit international public." Thesis, Tours, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017TOUR1006/document.
All states without discrimination have an inalienable right to develop the uses of nuclear energy for civilian purposes, provided they do not divert these peaceful uses to nuclear weapons. However, five states have been granted the right to possess these weapons, that is : United-States, France, Russia, China and United-Kingdom. Around this position a fierce debate, both legal and ethical, has been raised. Indeed for its opponents nuclear represents a persistent risk that is non controllable by science. Major nuclear accidents, radioactive wastes and the use of nuclear for military purposes are unmanageable risks of exceptionnal serious gravity. On the other hand, the proponents of this energy present it as safe, even as part of sustainable development. According to them, nuclear is a reliable means to fight global warming and is also a solution to the energy shortage the world is facing. When analyzing the reliability and the credibility of all arguments for and against this industry, it can be noticed that the lawfulness and legitimacy of the use of nuclear energy are ill-founded. Therefore, we believe there is a need to go beyond nuclear with the conclusion of an international convention dealing with the progressive but comprehensive nuclear ban
Dioum, Sidy. "La mise à l'épreuve du régime de non-prolifération des armes nucléaires et leurs vecteurs au regard des crises contemporaines." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0085.
The end of the East-West confrontation appeared to be a watershed in the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. While the world was celebrating the fall of the Berlin wall, the context that will succeed this time is marked by the continuity and the aggravation of several serious crises linked to nuclear proliferation in India, Pakistan, Iran and North-Korea. These crises occurred even though all nuclear weapons were globally reduced by more than a quarter since the end of the cold war, have been a mixed reaction from the " International community ". These crises show that it is essential to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation system by providing prompt, credible and dynamic responses. While doubts have been raised about the ability of the classical regime to discourage those who wish to develop nuclear activities for other than peaceful purposes, the need to consider appropriate modern tools to change rapidly geopolitical context seemed to be essential. This implies a rearrangement of the classic nuclear non-proliferation system with a view to strengthen the legitimacy of the norm of non-proliferation. In addition, these crises show that it is essential to strengthen the mechanisms for implementation of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT). The application of an additional protocol, coupled with the implementation of a comprehensive safeguards agreement, is indeed essential to obtain full insurance compliance with non-proliferation commitments and is the current standard to allow the agency (IAEA) to fulfill its mission
Monnet, Rodolphe. "La politique extérieure de l'Inde en Afrique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCB025.
Since 2001 and the reshuffling of the balance of power, India has become one of the influential actors in an increasingly multipolar international context. The current groundswells are reshuffling powers between Nations in shaping new alliances and new power games. India is, more than ever, involved in this trend since the current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, came to power in 2014. He conducts an ambitious foreign policy as a means to make his country a global and respected power. The context of the issue detailed in this document is: to what extent does Africa's place in India's foreign policy enables India to reach this status of power? This thesis investigates the following three themes: Firstly, the Indian Ocean's place in the Indo-African relationship should reflect Africa's role in India's will to make the Indian Ocean region a peaceful and secured space in which India is a decisive player in front of powerful and heterogeneous political actors. Secondly, this thesis focuses on assessing Africa's role in India's initiatives to be an influential player on politics on the international agenda through international bodies, its bilateral relations with African states and the Indian diaspora settled down in these countries. Thirdly, India's search for that particular status goes through the economic area and the assessment of India's economic footprint in Africa to better establish its influence on that Continent. This study tries to shed the light on India's foreign policy while the United States are reassessing their involvement in the Indian Ocean, and while China is setting up its "One Belt, One Road" and India and Japan have just come together to propose a new partnership to Africa
Lounnas, Djallil. "La sécurité collective dans l’unipolarité : la crise nucléaire iranienne." Thèse, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4513.
The main argument of our thesis is that a unipolar and non hegemonic structure of the international system furthers collective security. After having shown that the present international structure is as such and having justified our neoliberal theoretical approach, we have adopted the interaction model of the Stackelberg leadership model to demonstrate that a conflicting cooperation between rational States, that are respectful of the international order, is possible, which allows them to overcome their collective action dilemma. This cooperation depends on the existence of shared interests, on the ability of the leader to foster cooperation among them, and on structural conditions as well, which enable the setting up of “a reciprocity strategy”. They, thus, form what we call as a “Stackelberg’s group”. With regard to the periphery follower, or defector, he should adjust to the mutual interest of the group, as defined by this latter, as well as cooperate and negotiate with it, under the pressure of sanctions or the use of force if necessary. In the event of a successful negotiation, a Stackelberg equilibrium, furthered by the leader of the group, that is the unipolar and non hegemonic power, is then reached where cooperation between the members of the group, i.e. the States, allows them to get their share, that is a benefit from their mutual interest. In our case study, the Stackelberg’s group includes the five permanent members of the U.N Security Council plus Germany, all acting under the US leadership. Iran is a periphery follower suspected of defection, and the mutual interest is the international security against WMD proliferation. Our empirical assessment shows that the respective conditions, which enable a reciprocity strategy within the Stackelberg’s group, are then met by its members, whereas those of Iran are still under negotiations.
Книги з теми "Non-prolifération nucléaire – Coopération internationale":
Ramberg, Bennett. Global nuclear energy risks: The search for preventive medicine. Boulder: Westview Press, 1986.
Yi, Yong-ho. Hyŏndae kukche kunch'ukpŏp ŭi iron kwa silche: Theory and practice of comtemporary international disarmament law. 8th ed. Sŏul T'ŭkpyŏlsi: Pagyŏngsa, 2019.
Joachim, Krause. Iran's nuclear programme: Strategic implications. New York, NY: Routledge, 2011.
Trade, Canada Dept of Foreign Affairs and International. Nuclear : exchange of letters between the government of Canada and the Swiss Federal Council constituting an agreement concerning the non-proliferation assurances to be applied to tritium and tritium-related equipment transferred, directly or indirectly, from Canada to Switzerland, for use in the fusion programme of the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), and tritium produced or processed with such equipment (with annex), Berne, March 8, 1995, in force March 8, 1995 =: Nucléaire : échange de lettres entre le gouvernement du Canada et le Conseil Fédérale Suisse constituant un accord concernant les garanties de non-prolifération à être appliquées au tritium et aux équipements connexes au tritium transférés, directement ou indirectement, du Canada à la Suisse, pour utilisation dans le cadre du programme de fusion de la Communauté européenne de l'énergie atomique (Euratom), ainsi que le tritium produit ou traité avec ces équipements (avec annexe), Berne, le 8 mars 1995, en vigueur. Ottawa, Ont: Queen's Printer = Imprimeur de la Reine, 1998.
Kissling, Claudia. Civil society and nuclear non-proliferation: How do states respond? Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2008.
K, Bertsch Gary, and Grillot Suzette, eds. Arms on the market: Reducing the risk of proliferation in the former Soviet Union. New York: Routledge, 1998.
National Research Council (U.S.). Office of International Affairs., ed. Proliferation concerns: Assessing U.S. efforts to help contain nuclear and other dangerous materials and technologies in the former Soviet Union. Washington, D.C: National Academy Press, 1997.
Canada. Affaires extérieures et commerce extérieur Canada., ed. Le Canada et les garanties internationales: Vérification de la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires. Ottawa, Ont: Affaires extérieures et commerce extérieur Canada, 1990.
Rioux, Jean-François. La limitation de la prolifération des armements par le contrôle des exportations: Compte rendu d'une conférence internationale qui a eu lieu à Ottawa, les 19, 20 et 21 juin 1991. Ottawa, Ont: Institut canadien pour la paix et la sécurité internationales, 1992.
Yadav, S. N. India and the International Atomic Energy Agency: Mechanisms for nuclear non-proliferation. New Delhi: Jnanada Prakashan, 2011.