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Статті в журналах з теми "New Afrikan Independence Movement"
1
Colenso, Gwilym, and Christopher Saunders. "New light on the Pan-African Association: Part I." African Research & Documentation 107 (2008): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019282.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Pan-African conference held in London in 1900 was a key moment in the early history of Pan-Africanism. Though the Pan-African Association (PAA) that emerged from it was short lived, the conference was the precursor of subsequent Pan-African conferences or congresses in 1919, 1921, 1923, 1927 and 1945, the last of which laid the groundwork for the advent of the African independence movements of the second half of the twentieth century. W. E. B. Du Bois, who dominated organisational Pan-Africanism later in the century, tended to minimise the significance of the 1900 conference, but he conceded that it “put the word ‘Pan-African’ in the dictionaries for the first time”. The 1900 conference established the idea, basic to Pan-Africanism, of African people and people of African descent uniting globally and leading the movement for their own liberation.
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Colenso, Gwilym, and Christopher Saunders. "New light on the Pan-African Association: Part I." African Research & Documentation 107 (2008): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00019282.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Pan-African conference held in London in 1900 was a key moment in the early history of Pan-Africanism. Though the Pan-African Association (PAA) that emerged from it was short lived, the conference was the precursor of subsequent Pan-African conferences or congresses in 1919, 1921, 1923, 1927 and 1945, the last of which laid the groundwork for the advent of the African independence movements of the second half of the twentieth century. W. E. B. Du Bois, who dominated organisational Pan-Africanism later in the century, tended to minimise the significance of the 1900 conference, but he conceded that it “put the word ‘Pan-African’ in the dictionaries for the first time”. The 1900 conference established the idea, basic to Pan-Africanism, of African people and people of African descent uniting globally and leading the movement for their own liberation.
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Omolewa, Michael, and Ruphina U. Nwachukwu. "Freedom: An African Perspective." Paragrana 32, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/para-2023-0010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This paper offers a comprehensive discussion on the concept of Africa and freedom, freedoms in indigenous Africa, literacy and freedom from external forces, freedom under colonial rule, the role of World War II, decolonization and the Independence Movement in Africa, independent African and new challenges for freedom and finally a way forward.
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Wapmuk, Sharkdam. "Pan-Africanism in the 21st century: African union and the challenges of cooperation and integration in Africa." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 10, no. 2 (November 30, 2021): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2021.v10n2.p283-311.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper examines the extent to which Pan-Africanism and Pan-African vision of promoting African unity, cooperation and integration has been achieved under the African Union (AU) in the 21st century. It also assesses the challenges of cooperation and integration under the AU. The paper adopted a qualitative approach, while data was gathered from secondary sources and analysed thematically. It notes that the quest for African cooperation and integration is not new, but dates back to philosophy and vision of Pan-Africanism and Pan-African movement from the 1950s and 1960s. This movement later took roots in the continent and championed the struggle of Africans and peoples of African descent for emancipation and the restoration of their dignity, against slavery, colonialism and all forms of racism and racial exploitation, and to overcome developmental challenges. After independence, the Pan-African movement found concrete expression in the establishment of the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) in 1963, and later transformed to the African Union (AU) in 2002. These continental organisations have served at platforms for the pursuit of Africa cooperation and integration and addressing post-independence challenges with varying successes. The paper revealed that AU’s Pan-African agenda in the 21st century including the African Economic Community (AEC), AU Agenda 2063, and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), are not without challenges. Addressing these challenges holds the key to achieving the continental goal of unity and achieving the vision and goals pan-Africanism in the 21st century in Africa.
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Chabot, Sean. "Transnational Diffusion and The African American Reinvention of Gandhian Repertoire." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.c433532545p7864n.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why did American civil rights activists fail to fully implement the Gandhian repertoire before the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 and 1956? How did transnational diffusion of the Gandhian repertoire proceed over time? Classical diffusion theory provides a useful starting point for answering these questions, but it does not fully capture the twists and turns occurring in the transnational diffusion of a collective action repertoire. To account for the non-linear and contingent aspects of transnational diffusion between social movements, this article proposes an alternative theoretical framework and applies it to the case of diffusion between the independence movement in India and the civil rights movement in the United States. The historical case study emphasizes collective reinvention of the Gandhian repertoire by American civil rights networks, instead of critical mass or individual thresholds; and the intergenerational transfer of relevant knowledge and experience from these implementation pioneers to the new generation of civil rights movement activists. Finally, the article examines whether its alternative theoretical framework only applies to this particular instance of transnational diffusion or whether it has more general relevance for social movement theory.
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Karandeev, Ivan, and Valery Achkasov. "A HISTORY OF AFRICAN AMERICAN SEPARATISM IN THE UNITED STATES." Political Expertise: POLITEX 19, no. 3 (2023): 461–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2023.307.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes the history of the development of the phenomenon of radical African-American movements classified as separatist. The roots of the phenomenon go back to the abolitionist movement of the mid-19th century, but most of these movements appeared in the USA in the 1920s - 1960s, after the migration of African Americans from the southern states, referred to the «black belt» to the industrialized states of the North and their concentration in ethnically homogeneous ghettos of large cities with a disadvantaged socio-economic situation. Irredentist movements that appealed to the construction of African-American identity based on ethnic and cultural nationalism, such as «Back to Africa», which aimed at universal immigration of blacks from the United States, and interpreting the religion «Nation of Islam», gained particular popularity. Separatist movements acted as a radical alternative to the Civil Rights Movement, and the figure of activist Malcolm X, who came out of the Nation of Islam, became a counterweight to Martin Luther King. With the development of the anti-colonial movement in third world countries, organizations such as the Black Panthers and the Republic of New Africa turned to the right of nations to self-determination and left-wing anti-imperialist rhetoric. The activities of other organizations, for example, the Black Liberation Army, can be characterized as terrorist. Later organizations, such as the New Black Panther Party, are often characterized by experts as «hate groups». Although with the success of the integration policy, the popularity of separatist demands has fallen, the actions of African-American nationalist organizations in the conditions of polarization of modern American politics indicate that the forms of struggle of the African-American community for political independence in the future are not exhausted.
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Mbaku, John Mukum. "Constitutions and Citizenship: Lessons for African Countries." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Summary Since the colonial period in Africa, ruling elites have manipulated laws regulating citizenship to advance their political and economic interests. The European colonialists used citizenship laws to enhance their ability to maintain control over the colonies and minimize the ability of Africans to fight for independence. Many Africans believed that independence and the establishment of new institutional arrangements would allow them to develop a common national citizenship, one in which all the citizens of each country would have equality before the law and be granted equal opportunity for self-actualization within all parts of the country, regardless of their racial or ethnic affiliation. However, in the post-independence period, incumbent political elites have been acting like their colonial counterparts and have used citizenship laws to get rid of critical and opposing voices by depriving these people of their nationality. In 1996, for example, Zambia’s ruling political party, the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD), adopted a new constitution, which effectively stripped the country’s independence president, Kenneth Kaunda, of his Zambian citizenship and prevented him from challenging the MMD for leadership of the country. Similarly, in 2000, then president of Côte d’Ivoire, Henri Konan Bédié, changed the constitution and introduced a citizenship clause that effectively disqualified the candidacy of his main opposition, Alassane Ouattara. South Africa’s apartheid regime, on the other hand, introduced a racially-based multilayered citizenship system in which individuals of European origin were placed at the top, enjoying full citizenship rights, and Africans were relegated to the bottom with extremely attenuated citizenship rights. Some African groups were actually forced to lose their South African citizenship. Citizenship is a complex issue and one that citizens of a country must deal with. The paper suggests that in doing so, African countries must not allow citizenship to be defined by race, ethnicity, religion, or other ascriptive traits, but by allegiance or fidelity to a set of values or ideals (e.g., democracy, rule of law, equality before the law) that define the nation.
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Malekela, Samson Peter. "In pursuit of continuity: Maji Maji war and nationalistic movement in 1940s-1950s in Southern Tanganyika." Journal of African History, Culture and Arts 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2023): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jahca.v3i2.591.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dar es Salaam School’s Historians in the 1960s and 1970s established that the Majimaji war fought 1905-1907 had an undeviating connection with nationalistic movements which culminated in Tanganyika’s (Today's Tanzania mainland) independence on December 9th, 1961. This implies that Majimaji and the later nationalistic movements are inseparable since the war started the independence struggles initiatives. Nationalist view was challenged but only until early 1990 when new interpretations emerged and the former was regarded as outlived since its main purposes of building the nation and instilling nationalism to the people were outmoded. It is more than five decades, since Nationalist School presented their interpretation. This paper seeks to check if the contemporary generation perceives the Majimaji in similar consonant with the Dar es Salaam School of African History when nation building through the recovery of African traditional values and instilling patriotism were paramount. Since neither society nor history is static, a study aiming at writing the history of the people by the people through verification. The study is qualitative employing both, primary and secondary sources of data. Oral accounts serves as primary source and documentary reviews from books and journal articles constitutes secondary source. The findings shows that the contemporary peoples’ understanding of the Majimaji war in juxtaposition with nationalistic movements in 1940s and 1950s. Furthermore, it has been reveled that the people in Songea, Southern Tanganyika still have the nationalist view on Majimaji war apparently due to different factors but not limited to it’s nature, history memory, role of the elites and pedagogical practices. Its put forward that Majimaji war has a special place in the history of Tanganyika due to its connectedness, continuity and Change in socio-economic and political aspects. It has also been discovered that Majimaji war had a link with nationalistic movements and its continuity and change prevail to post-independence period.
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Iramdhan, Iramdhan. "Paham Nasionalisme dan Pergerakan Kebangsaan di Indonesia dari Tahun 1900-1942." Sosio e-kons 9, no. 1 (June 17, 2017): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30998/sosioekons.v9i1.1687.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<p align="center"><strong><em>ABSTRACT</em></strong></p><p><em>Penelitian aims to understand or further understand the role of nationalist understanding of the nationalist movement in Indonesia. </em><em>The method used in this research is a literature study method to conduct research some important documents, read and examine the books and other resources related to the title. Heuristics, with traces of book collecting relics of the past, as well as make comparisons avatar opinion of some writers who have some differences. Historically, many methods used in historical research merekonstraksikan past attempts to systematically and objectively by collecting and evaluating and systematize robust conclusions that are connected with the facts. </em><em>The results of this study indicate that in general national movement in opposing and fighting the invaders are repleksi resistance as a result of repression committed by the invaders. Growing and growing nationalist movement carried out by the Indonesian figures are also influenced by the ideology of new growth in mainland Europe in its time was the idealism formation of dissatisfaction with layers of European society in the joints of life, growth, and development of Understand-understood new such as nationalism, liberalism, socialism and democracy that spread across the world make basic materials rose and the growth of the Indonesian National movement. In addition to the influence of Understand-understood new Indonesian national movement also influenced by the presence of the nationalist movement that occurred in mainland Asia and Africa, Imperialism western nations lead the nations of the Asia-Africa losing political independence, on the other nations of Asia and Africa are also experiencing suffering in social-economic and cultural. Asian-African nationalism not only wants to pursue national independence but also has other properties that have some aspect of Indonesian National opening. Pergerakan is a reflection of a sense sebuh oppressed because of colonization that happened, the development of the Indonesian National Movement is a process of resistance undertaken by the Indonesian people because of the existence of the factors driving the arrival of domestic and external factors, as well as their understanding of the formation of new ideologies and national movements grew in Asia and Africa.</em></p><p><em> Keywords: Understand Nationalism and National Movement in Indonesia</em></p><p align="center"><strong>ABSTRAK</strong></p><p>Penelitian ini betujuan untuk memahami atau memahami lebih jauh peranan paham nasionalime terhadap pergerakan kebangsaan di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode studi kepustakaan dengan mengadakan penelitian beberapa dokumen penting, membaca serta meneliti buku-buku dan sumber lainnya yang berkaitan dengan judul. Heuristik, dengan menghimpun jejak buku peninggalan masa lampau, serta mengadakan perbandingan anatar pendapat beberapa penulis yang memiliki beberapa perbedaan. Historis, metode yang banyak digunakan dalam penelitian sejarah yang mencoba untuk merekonstraksikan masa lampau secara sistematis dan obyektif dengan cara mengumpulkan dan mengevaluasi serta mensistematiskan kesimpulan yang kuat yang dihubungkan dengan fakta. Hasil Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pada umumnya pergerakan nasional dalam menentang dan melawan penjajah adalah repleksi perlawanan sebagai akibat penindasan yang dilakukan oleh penjajah. Tumbuh dan berkembangnya Pergerakan nasional yang dilaksanakan oleh para tokoh Indonesia juga dipengaruhi oleh paham-paham baru yang berkembang didaratan Eropa yang pada zamannya merupakan idealisme pembentukan dari rasa ketidakpuasan lapisan masyarakat Eropa pada sendi-sendi kehidupan, Tumbuh dan berkembangnya Paham-paham baru seperti nasionalisme, liberalisme, sosialisme dan demokrasi yang menyebar ke seluruh dunia menjadikan bahan dasar bangkit dan tumbuhnya Pergerakan Nasional Indonesia. Selain adanya pengaruh Paham-paham baru, pergerakan nasional Indonesia juga dipengaruhi oleh adanya pergerakan kebangsaan yang terjadi di daratan Asia dan Afrika, Imperialisme bangsa barat menyebabkan bangsa-bangsa di Asia-Afrika kehilangan kemerdekaan politik, selain itu bangsa-bangsa Asia-Afrika juga mengalami penderitaan dibidang sosial-ekonomi dan kebudayaan. Nasionalisme bangsa Asia-Afrika bukan hanya mau mengejar kemerdekaan nasional melainkan juga mempunyai sifat-sifat lain sehingga memiliki beberapa aspek penting.Pergerakan Nasional Indonesia merupakan sebuh refleksi dari rasa tertindas karena penjajahan yang dialaminya, perkembangan Pergerakan Nasional Indonesia merupakan proses perlawanan yang dilakukan oleh bangsa Indonesia karena adanya dari faktor-faktor pendorong yang datangnya dari dalam negeri maupun faktor dari luar serta adanya pemahaman dari sekian pembentukan paham-paham baru serta pergerakan nasional yang tumbuh di Asia dan Afrika.</p><p>Kata kunci: Paham Nasionalisme dan Pergerakan Kebangsaan di Indonesia</p>
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Fonju, Njuafac Kenedy. "The Identification of 134 Typologies of the French and 18 British Exploitative- Looting Pre-Colonial and Colonial Hegemonic Diplomatic Agents (ITFBELPCHDA within 334 Years in Senegal - Goree Island - Cutting Across the Gambian Sphere of Influences 1626-1960." Cross-Currents: An International Peer-Reviewed Journal on Humanities & Social Sciences 10, no. 04 (June 8, 2024): 113–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36344/ccijhss.2024.v10i04.002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present paper is very important in the history of Senegal and African history in general due to several pre-colonial and colonial challenges which the Senegalese went through spanning from 1626 to 1960 at independence from the French colonial hegemony. It identified some 134 French diplomatic agents within 334 years and 18 British agents from 1758 to 1817 due to the profitable slavery and slave trade booming markets cutting across the Atlantic to the New World including other important centre of commercial activities during the period of their exploration, expropriation and exploitation (3Es) ambitions. The areas of the Goree became important transit spots of bundling Africans in the name of slaves with some dumped in the Atlantic Ocean and those survived straight into the American plantains zones under the ownership of the Western European powers with actors coming especially France, Britain, Spain, Portugal, Italy among others. The scrutiny of both specialized sources, documentary and websites sources enable us to use a historical approach thereby bringing out clearly those major European actors who manifested their pre-colonial and colonial ambitions in the name of the countries whose interests overshadowed African development perspectives in spite of several resistance movement organized in search of total liberation in favour of self-determination which was only granted during the second half of the 20th Century. This paper can enable the young generation of Africans to go more deeper into researching what each of the identified Western agents appointed to resident in Senegal did while in office and could facilitate the continuous request for the reparation of pre-colonial and colonial atrocities including looting of African natural resources of that country for their metropolitan development for more than three centuries in the unbearable history of mankind. However, the post-independence challenges of the country owed its seeds from the French presence ..
Дисертації з теми "New Afrikan Independence Movement"
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Silva, José Antunes da. "The development of new religious movements in an African context." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1992. http://www.tren.com.
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Korson, Cadey. "Mapping Narratives of Self-Determination, National Identity, and (Re)balancing in New Caledonia." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1443154738.
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Stiefvater, James. "Merdeka Papua : integration, independence, or something else?" Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/20820.
Повний текст джерелаКниги з теми "New Afrikan Independence Movement"
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Isacsson, Alfred. Always faithful: The New York Carmelites, the Irish people and their Freedom Movement. Middletown, NY: Vestigium Press, 2004.
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V, Hodson H. The great divide: Britain-India-Pakistan : with a new introduction to mark the Fiftieth Anniversary of Independence. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1997.
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Banomyong, Pridi. Political and military tasks of the free-Thai movement to regain national sovereignty and independence: Expounded with official authentic documents by Pridi Banomyong in his letter to Phra Bisal-Sukhumvit, a free-Thai who has been entrusted of missions in Kandy, New Delhi, and U.S.A. [Bangkok: s.n., 1987.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Ninety-ninth Congress, first session, human rights abuses in Cyprus, July 20, 1985, New York, New York. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1986.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, Ninety-ninth Congress, first session, human rights abuses in Cyprus, July 20, 1985, New York, New York. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1986.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred First Congress, first session, the new and improved Supreme Soviet and the institutionalization of human rights reform, November 28, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.
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United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred First Congress, first session, the new and improved supreme Soviet and the institutionalization of human rights reform, November 28, 1989. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1990.
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Stand Up, Struggle Forward: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings on Nation, Class and Patriarchy. Kersplebedeb Publishing, 2013.
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Onaci, Edward. Free the Land: The Republic of New Afrika and the Pursuit of a Black Nation-State. University of North Carolina Press, 2020.
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Balagoon, Kuwasi, and Karl Kersplebedeb. Soldier's Story: Revolutionary Writings by a New Afrikan Anarchist. PM Press, 2019.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "New Afrikan Independence Movement"
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Lopes, Carlos. "Comparative Advantage Is an Old-Fashioned Trick." In The Self-Deception Trap, 59–81. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-57591-4_4.
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AbstractA convergence of economic imperatives, including the need for raw materials and markets, alongside inter-European power struggles and social factors such as rising unemployment kickstarted Europe’s scramble for Africa. The resulting colonial era has left an indelible impact on Africa’s economic, political, and social dimensions. Much of this legacy is now encoded in the international protocols that govern trade between Africa and the rest of the world. These systems tend to protect the interests of established leaders and have systematically penalised latecomers. This puts Africa at an enduring disadvantage despite its bountiful resources and much-vaunted potential.In this chapter, we revisit data and anecdotal evidence showing how countries that have ‘made it’ in the global trade arena often counted more on dynamic comparative advantages than on simplified comparative advantage theory interpretations based on their natural resources bounty. We also compare African and Asian countries after the independence movement of the 1960s regarding economic and social indicators, where they are now, and what it will take for Africa to chart a new course to a fairer trade system.
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Gagné, Natacha. "Indigenous Rights or National Independence: Paths of Self-Determination in New Caledonia." In Geographies of New Caledonia-Kanaky, 217–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49140-5_17.
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AbstractIn New Caledonia, national independence is still on the agenda, but the “Indigenous strategy” – which relates to the global Indigenous movement and UN norms regarding Indigenous rights – is also being explored with a view to furthering decolonisation. The latter is, however, relatively new in the struggle to regain sovereignty and occupies a marginal place in the political field of this French territory. This chapter seeks to explain why arguing for the particular colonial situation of the territory and the demography of the Indigenous population has led them to pursue dual strategies towards self-determination.
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Demmer, Christine. "The Decolonisation Process Without Independence in the Light of Changes in the Nickel Sector in New Caledonia." In Geographies of New Caledonia-Kanaky, 103–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49140-5_9.
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AbstractFrom the Matignon-Oudinot Accords of 1988 onwards, the pro-independence parties agreed to play the economic development game proposed by the State in order to reduce the glaring inequalities between Indigenous Kanaks and non-Kanaks. The FLNKS (Front de Libération Nationale Kanak et Socialiste) took up the challenge in two of the three provinces, where Kanak people were in the majority, and the pro-independence coalition tried to establish a form of economic sovereignty by claiming partial public control of the “country’s” main resource, nickel. The story of the stages of this mining nationalism, which enabled the pro-independence movement to gain a foothold in a reconfigured nickel sector (despite encountering opposition both in the economic and the local political arena), aims to measure the road still to be travelled by FLNKS to achieve decolonisation. This could be in harmony with the foundation of a new national community of citizens, one that would be more autonomous vis-à-vis metropolitan France and in which the Kanaks would be fully included.
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Batterbury, Simon P. J., Matthias Kowasch, and Aurélie Arroyas. "Land Reform, Conflict and Local Development on “Grande Terre”." In Geographies of New Caledonia-Kanaky, 119–32. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49140-5_10.
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AbstractNew Caledonia-Kanaky has operated customary and European models of land tenure in parallel for almost 170 years, since the early days of colonisation when francophone governance was imposed to enable settlement, and Kanak populations on prime agricultural were forcibly displaced onto “reserves”. This “historic dualism” has been at the heart of lengthy political discussion and the demands of the Kanak independence movement to reclaim its land and sovereignty. While debates about the development of customary land continue in times of political uncertainty, since the late 1970s re-allocation of land to Kanak clans by the state, latterly through the Agence de développement rural et d’aménagement foncier (ADRAF), has been substantial. We assess this process, offering two examples from the Northern Province where land conflicts remain and where “modern” development has taken place on customary land now controlled by clans, under their stewardship. This partial integration into the market economy has addressed many, but not all, of the problems of “historic dualism”.
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Baker, Kerryn. "Gender, Politics and Power in New Caledonia." In Geographies of New Caledonia-Kanaky, 195–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49140-5_15.
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AbstractThis chapter explores women’s engagement in politics in New Caledonia over time. Despite widespread resistance to western conceptualisations of feminism, women’s organising in New Caledonia has a long history. Although women’s movement has historically been fragmented along ethnic and ideological lines, a strong women’s coalition emerged during the debate over the French parity laws. Activists from both the pro-independence and loyalist sides of politics campaigned strongly to ensure the parity laws would be implemented in the territory. These laws, and the advocacy from local women’s groups, have ensured that since 2004 women have been represented in New Caledonian politics in near-equal numbers to men. Men still dominate key positions of political power, and in the complex political environment of New Caledonia, gender is just one political identity among many, making issues of representation fraught. Yet women’s increased access to politics has had a substantive impact in New Caledonia: enabling the articulation of diverse viewpoints, enhancing women’s status as leaders and increasing attention paid to key gender policy issues. Building on a long history of women’s participation in decision-making, collective action and political activism in the territory, the parity laws have created an expanded political sphere for women.
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Onaci, Edward. "For New Afrikan People’s War." In Free the Land, 184–204. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.003.0007.
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This chapter considers the New Afrikan Independence Movement beyond the PG-RNA. It highlights some of the organizations and parties that struggled for New Afrikan independence alongside the Obadele-led formation. Groups such as the New Afrikan People’s Organization shared varying, though similar, interpretations of what New Afrikans could achieve. These included helping to build the reparations movement in America. New Afrikans’ unique approach connected the reparations claim to questions about the Fourteenth Amendment and how the federal government applied it to people of African descent. Another distinction was the PG-RNA’s interpretation of UN language about national self-determination for historically oppressed groups. From its foundations in the RNA Declaration of Independence, the New Afrikan reparations claim eventually made its way into the formation of the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America in 1989. Therefore, this chapter shows how New Afrikan politics have informed certain aspects of the broader black political agenda into the twenty-first century.
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Onaci, Edward. "A New Afrikan Nation in the Western Hemisphere." In The Black Intellectual Tradition, 209–34. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043857.003.0010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This essay examines various aspects of New Afrikan thought to suggest that New Afrikans and their goals demand more space within broader discussions about African American intellectual history, the Black freedom movement, and American social movements. The Republic of New Afrika (RNA) helped animate currents of thought that have run counter to, yet partially tailored, mainstream political discussion. More important, they make visible the most literal nationalism reignited during the Black political struggles of 1960s and 1970s. The pursuit of independence added an important perspective about the concept of Black Power.
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Onaci, Edward. "Birth of the New Afrikan Independence Movement." In Free the Land, 15–42. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 provides a historical overview of the NAIM from its inception into the 1980s. It explains how two brothers from South Philadelphia helped organize a Black Government Convention in 1968. Tracing the birth and early development of the NAIM clarifies how political geography, historical context, and personal circumstance helped shape activism. After relocating to the Detroit metropolitan area in the 1950s, brothers Milton and Richard Henry became community activists and political leaders. Working through the Group on Advanced Leadership and the Freedom Now Party, political struggle taught them the limits of seeking full entry into a nation that circumscribed their political power. At the same time, the Henry brothers witnessed decolonization in Africa, especially Ghana, which challenged them to reconsider the meaning of black liberation. Under the tutelage of people like Malcolm X and “Queen Mother” Audley Moore, they shifted their politics from reform and inclusion to revolution and self-determination. Changing their names to Gaidi and Imari Abubakari Obadele, they called for the 1968 convention. Convention participants declared black people’s right to independence from the United States of America, formed a provisional government with Robert F. Williams as the nominal president, and demanded reparations.
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Onaci, Edward. "The Fruition of Black Power." In Free the Land, 43–78. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.003.0003.
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Chapter 2 analyzes the movement’s intellectual foundations. It uses the theoretical power of the New Afrikan concept “paper-citizen” to explain the various founding documents, including the RNA Declaration of Independence, the New Afrikan Oath, and more. Highlighting the major ideas from these documents reveals several important concepts through which New Afrikans critiqued the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution and organized around their concept of New Afrikan citizenship. Besides the question of citizenship, New Afrikan political identity, Third World solidarity, and the governmental—not organizational—apparatus anchored a significant portion of known New Afrikan activism. Specific actions, such as supporting the independence of Puerto Rico, seeking out political relationships with U.S. indigenous nations, and running for political office exemplify NAPS as a lived experience of ideology. An assessment of those outcomes and the ideas behind them prepare readers for a deeper exploration of how and when NAPS and everyday life intersected within individual persons. The term lifestyle politics captures this phenomenon.
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Onaci, Edward. "Epilogue." In Free the Land, 205–8. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.003.0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The epilogue ponders the space created by a study of New Afrikan Independence Movement history for further exploration and analysis. Taking seriously Marilyn Preston Killingham’s perspective about racial terrorism, it reminds readers that historical state violence and ongoing repression against the activist left create archival silences that the small but growing body of scholarship about this movement has yet to fully explore. The production of geographies, economic studies, cultural analysis, and biographies associated with the NAIM will help scholars and activists continue to reveal and learn from the lessons of this dynamic political struggle. Therefore, the epilogue encourages further research as students of New Afrikan history continue to reveal archival silences and use them to generate the production of new ideas and more activism.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "New Afrikan Independence Movement"
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Jondya, Aisha Gemala, Kathleen Febiola Susanto, and Cathleen. "Utilizing Simple Fuzzy Logic into An Adaptive Storytelling Mobile Game in Learning Historical Event of Indonesia's Independence Movement." In 2023 7th International Conference on New Media Studies (CONMEDIA). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/conmedia60526.2023.10428575.
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Ranasinghe, R. A. D. M., and T. K. G. P. Ranasinghe. "Evaluation of the impact of multiple factors, elements and neighborhood patterns on the spread of dengue and covid-19: special reference to Colombo 15." In Independence and interdependence of sustainable spaces. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2022.1.
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During past decades, the mass movement of people from rural areas towards urban areas made cities vulnerable to environmental hazards, inequality, poverty, and communicable diseases identified as a huge threat. The spread of the Covid-19 pandemic causing more than five million deaths highlighted urban planning to rethink and rebuild cities to mitigate the pandemic and to create livable neighborhoods during future pandemics. The emergence of Dengue seasonally and the high number of victims and death rate is also critical health issue identified in Sri Lanka. After the emergence of covid-19, the urban areas have been highly affected and the urban households, lifestyles of people, and the corruption of countries’ economies caused an energy crisis, food crisis, unemployment, and increasing death rates that created a whole new chapter in urban planning to create comprehensive planning approaches to get back to normal while considering the risk factors. As Dengue fever is also more critical in the Sri Lankan context, the need for studies to identify the factors, and elements in urban areas including neighborhood patterns for the spread of Covid-19 and Dengue Fever is quite significant as a planner. The study focuses on the impact of urban elements, factors, and the different neighborhood patterns within the selected areas in Colombo-15 for the spread of covid-19 and dengue. The outputs indicate the vulnerability of different neighborhood patterns highlighting the measures that should be taken to mitigate the spread in the future. According to the study, the spread of dengue and covid-19 among people depends on the quality of housing and the characteristics of the neighbourhood and the comparatively high spread of diseases identified in horizontal neighborhoods with single-story housing and poor living condition.
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Kamil Ülkenli, Zeki, and Attila Gürsel. "CONSTRUCTIVE ELEMENTS OF PLANNED CAPITALS; “TIRANA SPINE” AND “ANKARA ATATURK BOULEVARD”." In ISSUES OF HOUSING, PLANNING, AND RESILIENT DEVELOPMENT OF THE TERRITORY Towards Euro-Mediterranean Perspectives. POLIS PRESS, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.37199/c41000112.
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The subject of this study is the “plan of Tirana”, the capital of Albania since 1920, in particular the “main boulevard” in the city center, and the “Atatürk Boulevard” in the “planning story of Ankara”, which was declared the capital in 1922, even before the end of the war of independence. Both capitals are intended to prove the beliefs and endeavors of these new countries to their citizens and to the modern world. The new Albanian government needed urgent government buildings such as ministries, the pal- ace, and a strong form which would monumentally connect all these facilities; therefore, the main boulevard, which functions as the “spine” of Tirana’s central business district, was designed as an idea by Italian architects in 1925. This “spine” circulation system was mainly inspired by the urban movements of the time, such as the linear city and as in the planning of Ankara; the beautiful city movement. Ankara, too, had to demonstrate the strength and credibility of the young Turkish Republic, first to its own citizens and then to the entire western world. Therefore, with the choice of the new cap- ital, ties with the Ottoman Empire were severed and Hermann Jansen, a world-renowned planner, was commissioned to prepare a plan for Ankara. In this plan, it was necessary for the positioning of new government buildings, mainly around the designed boulevard, like Tirana. Tirana and Ankara are studied in the light of the historical development of capital city functions and the main titles of their planning stories: the spine and Atatürk Boulevard.
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Vaz, Daniela Maria RIbeiro, Adrielle Galanti, Veronica Corrêa César Rodrigues, and Ana Paula Oliveira Borges. "Multisystem atrophy: a case report with clinical and functional findings relevant to functional Physiotherapy." In XIII Congresso Paulista de Neurologia. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/1516-3180.039.
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Introduction: Multiple System Atrophy (MSA) is a severe neurodegenerative disease that has parkinsonian, autonomic, cerebellar, and pyramidal features. It is prevalent at 3.4 to 4.9 cases per 100,000 population, and is most common after the age of 60. It is called Striatonigral Degeneration, with a predominance of parkinsonian symptoms; it is known as Olivopontocerebellar Atrophy, with cerebellar symptoms, and Shy-Drager syndrome with autonomic symptoms. Physiotherapy plays an important role in the rehabilitation of kinetic- functional impairments. Objective: To report the case of a volunteer with SMA in order to highlight the neurological findings for neurofunctional rehabilitation. Methods: This is an observational, cross-sectional case report study that was conducted at the Clínica Escola de Fisioterapia da Universidade de Franca (UNIFRAN), with the approval of the CEP (CAAE 83164918.2.0000.5495), of a 55-year-old male individual, referred to physiotherapy, diagnosed with SMA. Neurological evaluation was performed in the sector, of sensitivity, movement, tone, reflexes, motor coordination, balance, gait and function. Results: The individual reports that 4 years ago he started having difficulty walking and talking. He was diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease. He underwent a new evaluation, arriving at the current diagnosis. In the physical therapy evaluation dysautonomia, dysarthria, dysdiadochokinesia, dysmetria, hypertonia by rigidity, akinesia and bradykinesia, trunk flexion posture, balance deficit, tetraparesis and fetinated gait were observed. Conclusion: The impairments found impair the patient’s ability to perform several ADLs. This study emphasizes the value of neurofunctional physiotherapeutic semiology for an effective therapeutic treatment that promotes independence and quality of life possible for the individual with SMA.
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Vaz, Daniela Maria RIbeiro, Adrielle Galanti, Veronica Corrêa César Rodrigues César, and Ana Paula Oliveira Borges. "Multisystem atrophy: a case report with clinical and functional findings relevant to functional Physiotherapy." In XIII Congresso Paulista de Neurologia. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/1516-3180.254.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Introduction: Multiple System Atrophy (MSA) is a severe neurodegenerative disease that has parkinsonian, autonomic, cerebellar, and pyramidal features. It is prevalent at 3.4 to 4.9 cases per 100,000 population, and is most common after the age of 60. It is called Striatonigral Degeneration, with a predominance of parkinsonian symptoms; it is known as Olivopontocerebellar Atrophy, with cerebellar symptoms, and Shy-Drager syndrome with autonomic symptoms. Physiotherapy plays an important role in the rehabilitation of kinetic-functional impairments. Objective: To report the case of a volunteer with SMA in order to highlight the neurological findings for neurofunctional rehabilitation. Methods: This is an observational, cross-sectional case report study that was conducted at the Clínica Escola de Fisioterapia da Universidade de Franca (UNIFRAN), with the approval of the CEP (CAAE 83164918.2.0000.5495), of a 55-year-old male individual, referred to physiotherapy, diagnosed with SMA. Neurological evaluation was performed in the sector, of sensitivity, movement, tone, reflexes, motor coordination, balance, gait and function. Results: The individual reports that 4 years ago he started having difficulty walking and talking. He was diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease. He underwent a new evaluation, arriving at the current diagnosis. In the physical therapy evaluation dysautonomia, dysarthria, dysdiadochokinesia, dysmetria, hypertonia by rigidity, akinesia and bradykinesia, trunk flexion posture, balance deficit, tetraparesis and fetinated gait were observed. Conclusion: The impairments found impair the patient’s ability to perform several ADLs. This study emphasizes the value of neurofunctional physiotherapeutic semiology for an effective therapeutic treatment that promotes independence and quality of life possible for the individual with SMA.
Звіти організацій з теми "New Afrikan Independence Movement"
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. Мова війни і «контрнаступальна» лексика у стислих медійних текстах. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, березень 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11742.
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The article examines the language of the russian-ukrainian war of the 21st century based on the materials of compressed media texts; the role of political narratives and psychological-emotional markers in the creation of new lexemes is clarified; the verbal expression of forecasts of ukrainian and foreign analysts regarding the course of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine is shown. Compressed media texts reflect the main meanings of the language of the russian-ukrainian war in relation to the surrounding world. First of all, the media vocabulary was supplemented with neologisms – aggressive and sad: “rashism”, “denazification”, “katsapstan”, “orks”, “rusnia”, “kremlins”, “parebrik”, “in the swamps”, “nuclear dictator”, “putinism”, “two hundred” and others. Numerals acquired new expressive and evaluative meanings: “200s” (dead), “300s” (wounded), “400s” (russian military personnel who filed reports for termination of the contract), “500s” (hopelessly drunk russian soldiers, alcoholics who are unable to perform combat tasks). The language of war intensified the slogans of the struggle for state independence and people’s freedom. The scope of the greeting “Glory to Ukraine! – Glory to Heroes!”. New official holidays have appeared in the history of Ukraine since 2014: “Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred” Day (February 20), “Ukrainian Volunteer Day” (March 14), “Defenders and Defenders of Ukraine Day” (October 14), “Volunteer Day” (5 December). As you know, the professional holiday of the military is the Day of the Armed Forces of Ukraine” (December 6). A special style is characteristic of media texts on military topics: “Iron Force of Ukraine” (Iron Force of Ukraine), “digitize the Army” (for effective simulation of military operations); “grain corridor” (export of Ukrainian grain to African and European countries); “don’t let Ukraine lose” (the position of the Allies at the first stage of the war), “Ukraine must win!” (the position of the Allies in the second stage of the war); “in the Russian-Ukrainian war, the thinking of the 19th century collided with the thinking of the 21st century”, “a politician is a person who understands time” (Grigori Yavlinskyy, Russian oppositionist); “aggressive neutrality” (about Turkey’s position); “in Russia”, “there, in the swamps” (in Russia), “weak, inadequate evil” (about Russia), “behind the fence”; “a great reset of the world order”; “technology of military creativity”; “they are not Russian and not Ukrainian, they are Soviet”, “people without mentality”, “in Ukraine and without Ukraine” (Vitaly Portnikov about a separate category of Russian-speaking citizens in Ukraine); “information bed of Ukraine” (about combat operations on the front line; “when a descendant asks me what I did in those terrifying moments, I will know what to answer. At the very least, I did not stand aside” (opinion of a Ukrainian fighter). Compressed in media texts is implemented in the headline, note, infographic, chronicle, digest, help, caption for photos, blitz poll, interview, short articles, caricature, visual text, commercial, etc. Researchers add “nominative-representative text (business card text, titles of sections, pages, names of presenters, etc.) to concise media texts for a functional and pragmatic purpose.” accent text (quote, key idea); text-navigator (content, news feed, indication of movement or time); chronotope”. A specific linguistic phenomenon known as “language compression” is widespread in media texts. Language compression is the art of minimization; attention is focused on the main, the most essential, everything secondary is filtered out. Compression uses words succinctly and sparingly to convey the meaning as much as possible. For example, the headline “Racism. What is the essence of the new ideology of the Russian occupiers?”. The note briefly explains the meaning of this concept and explains the difference from “nazism” and “fascism”. Key words: compressed media text, language compression, language of war, emotional markers, expressive neologisms, political journalism.