Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Natural history – Massachusetts – Walden Woods"

Abstract: Thoreau spent much of his career preoccupied with thinking and with animals. In many of his excursions in the woods, he would be deep in thought when an owl, rabbit, otter, or some other creature's movements would catch his eye. Oftentimes, the animal and the tracks they left behind would lead him on a new trajectory, both mentally and physically. This essay focuses on moments of Thoreauvian epiphany when his thoughts, his walking body, and his animal encounters collide. In these moments, Thoreau successfully reads his own thoughts through the paths he takes just as he attempts to interpret animals' thoughts through the tracks they leave behind. By examining fox and moose tracks and walking in them in "Natural History of Massachusetts" (1842) and "Ktaadn" from The Main Woods (1864), Thoreau employs sympathetic tracking to produce animalistic thinking that leads him to some of his greatest epiphanies.

Charles Wesley Hargitt was born near Lawrenceburg, Indiana, USA, and died at Syracuse, New York. After a brief career as a Methodist Episcopal minister, he carried out graduate studies in biology at Illinois Wesleyan University and Ohio University. He served briefly on the faculty at Moores Hill College and later at Miami University of Ohio before receiving an appointment at Syracuse University. Hargitt spent 36 years at Syracuse, and for 21 years was a trustee of the Marine Biological Laboratory, Woods Hole, Massachusetts. His research encompassed animal behaviour, cell biology, development, ecology, natural history, and taxonomy, as well as education, eugenics, and theology, and he wrote or contributed to more than 100 publications in science. Approximately half of these were on Cnidaria, with 41 of them on Hydrozoa. His most important works in hydrozoan taxonomy were on species of the Woods Hole region, the Philippines, and south China. Hargitt was author of three genera and 48 species and subspecies ascribed to Hydrozoa, seven species of Anthozoa, and one species of Cubozoa. Four species of hydroids are named in his honour.

The article investigates how the concept of nature is metaphorically construed in the writings of Henry David Thoreau, one of the earliest and most influential nature writers. The analysis has been inspired by insights from cognitive linguistics and cognitive poetics, especially Lakoff and Johnson’s Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Fauconnier and Turner’s Blending Theory. Several different metaphorical construals of the concept of nature appear in Thoreau’s writings which have been examined in this study, including Walden, The Maine Woods, A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers, a selection from his journal, and two collections of his earlier and later natural history essays and manuscripts. One can encounter there, obviously, conventional personifications of nature, such as Mother Nature, which, however, is questioned by Thoreau, as well as the occasional construal of nature as a companion or a bride. Other conventional conceptual metaphors, which are more frequently employed by him, include the metaphorical construal of nature as a work of art or as a literary work and once, more unconventionally, as a concert. Natural entities are also construed as other kinds of products. An original metaphor, which frequently appears in Thoreau’s late manuscript on the dispersion of seeds, is the personification of nature as a forester.

It is a great pleasure to introduce this special feature honoring Dr. Alfred Lunt Gardner. Al’s many contributions to mammalogy span seven decades, two continents, and practically the entire tree of mammals. It is impossible to imagine what mammalogy in the Americas would look like without him. His academic contributions are as significant as his imposing stature. Al was born in Salem, Massachusetts in 1937 and spent his early childhood there. His first interests in natural history were sparked by his 3rd-grade teacher, an amateur ornithologist who kept a cabinet of specimens in her classroom (Gardner 2005). In 1947, the Gardner family relocated to a farm in North Andover, Massachusetts, where, according to Al, he “practically lived in the woods fishing, hunting, and trapping” (pg. 277, Gardner 2005). In his adolescent years, Al would spend considerable time in the outdoors, honing his trapping and skinning skills. By his freshman year of high school, he was selling furs and evading game wardens (Gardner 2005). In 1953, his family moved to Tucson, Arizona, where Al found a trove of new habitats and wildlife to explore. By 1955, Al graduated high school, signed up for the Army Reserves, and enrolled at the University of Arizona, where his mammalogical interests would be further stimulated by E. Lendell Cockrum and his graduate students.

Abstract For most parts of its history, China has largely turned its back on ocean exploration. Even after it started oceanographic research in the 1950s, the focus was mostly on coastal and offshore waters. But this changed a decade ago when the country began to invest heavily on deep-sea research—resulting in the launch in 2011 of its first multi-disciplinary deep-sea research programme called the South China Sea (SCS)-Deep to probe the mystery of this marginal sea. Covering an area of 3.5 million square kilometres and with a maximum depth of 5500 metres, SCS occupies a scientifically interesting position between the world's highest mountains, the Himalayas, and the deepest point on Earth, the Mariana Trench in the western Pacific Ocean. In a forum organized by National Science Review at the Annual Conference of the South China Sea-Deep Programme held in January in Shanghai, a panel of scientists explained what China's deep-sea ambitions are, why SCS is a fantastic natural laboratory, the importance of international collaboration, what China needs to do to develop cutting-edge marine technologies and how SCS could be an ideal platform for regional cooperation. Nianzhi Jiao an ecologist at Xiamen University, Xiamen, China Dongxiao Wang a physical oceanographer at South China Sea Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Guangzhou, China Jian Lin a marine geophysicist at Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, USA, and South China Sea Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Guangzhou, China Pinxian Wang a paleoceanographer at Tongji University, Shanghai, China Jiwei Tian a physical oceanographer at Ocean University of China, Qingdao, China Aiqun Zhang chief engineer at the Institute of Deep Sea Science and Engineering, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Sanya, China

Samuel Fessenden Clarke was the leading specialist on hydroids (phylum Cnidaria) in North America over the last quarter of the nineteenth century. During that period he published taxonomic papers on hydroids from both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the continent, from the Gulf of Mexico, and from the eastern Pacific off Central and South America. He also authored a section on hydrozoan biology for “The Riverside Natural History” series. Most of his papers on hydroids were published while he was in his twenties. Clarke described as new 61 nominal species, three nominal genera, and one nominal family, as well as two “varieties” of hydroids. A list of these, and their current taxonomic status, appears in the present work. Clarke consistently provided sound descriptions and locality data for all supposed new species, and drew accurate illustrations of most of them. His research on Hydrozoa, beyond alphataxonomy, was directed towards faunal distributions and the use of hydroid assemblages as biogeographic indicators. In addition to investigations on hydroids, Clarke carried out research on the developmental biology of amphibians and reptiles. His doctoral dissertation at Johns Hopkins University was based on the embryology of the “Spotted Salamander” (=Yellow-spotted Salamander), and he published a major paper on the habits and embryology of the American Alligator. Most of Clarke's career was devoted to academic duties at Williams College, Massachusetts, where he was recognized as a dedicated and inspiring teacher. He served the American Society of Naturalists in various capacities, including a term as its president, was an influential trustee of the Marine Biological Laboratory, Woods Hole, and promoted the study of science in American schools.

-Gesa Mackenthun, Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The wonder of the New World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. ix + 202 pp.-Peter Redfield, Peter Hulme ,Wild majesty: Encounters with Caribs from Columbus to the present day. An Anthology. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. x + 369 pp., Neil L. Whitehead (eds)-Michel R. Doortmont, Philip D. Curtin, The rise and fall of the plantation complex: Essays in Atlantic history. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. xi + 222 pp.-Roderick A. McDonald, Hilary McD.Beckles, A history of Barbados: From Amerindian settlement to nation-state. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. xv + 224 pp.-Gertrude J. Fraser, Hilary McD.Beckles, Natural rebels; A social history of enslaved black women in Barbados. New Brunswick NJ and London: Rutgers University Press and Zed Books, 1990 and 1989. ix + 197 pp.-Bridget Brereton, Thomas C. Holt, The problem of freedom: Race, labor, and politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832-1938. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1991. xxxi + 517 pp.-Peter C. Emmer, A. Meredith John, The plantation slaves of Trinidad, 1783-1816: A mathematical and demographic inquiry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. xvi + 259 pp.-Richard Price, Robert Cohen, Jews in another environment: Surinam in the second half of the eighteenth century. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1991. xv + 350 pp.-Russell R. Menard, Nigel Tattersfield, The forgotten trade: comprising the log of the Daniel and Henry of 1700 and accounts of the slave trade from the minor ports of England, 1698-1725. London: Jonathan Cape, 1991. ixx + 460 pp.-John D. Garrigus, James E. McClellan III, Colonialism and science: Saint Domingue in the old regime. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992. xviii + 393 pp.-Lowell Gudmundson, Richard H. Collin, Theodore Roosevelt's Caribbean: The Panama canal, the Monroe doctrine, and the Latin American context. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990. xviii + 598 pp.-Andrés Serbin, Ivelaw L. Griffith, Strategy and security in the Caribbean. New York : Praeger, 1991. xv + 208 pp.-W.E. Renkema, M.J. van den Blink, Olie op de golven: de betrekkingen tussen Nederland/Curacao en Venezuela gedurende de eerste helft van de twintigste eeuw. Amsterdam: De Bataafsche Leeuw, 1989. 119 pp.-Horatio Williams, Obika Gray, Radicalism and social change in Jamaica, 1960-1972. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1991. xiv + 289 pp.-Daniel A. Segal, Brackette F. Williams, Stains on my name, war in my veins: Guyana and the politics of cultural struggle. Durham: Duke University Press, 1991. xix + 322 pp.-A. Lynn Bolles, Olive Senior, Working miracles: Women's lives in the English-speaking Caribbean. Bloomington: Indiana University Press (and Bridgetown, Barbados: ISER),1991. xiii + 210 pp.-Teresita Martínez Vergne, Margarita Ostolaza Bey, Política sexual en Puerto Rico. Río Piedras PR: Ediciones Huracán, 1989. 203 pp.-David J. Dodd, Dora Nevares ,Delinquency in Puerto Rico: The 1970 birth cohort study. With the collaboration of Steven Aurand. Westport CT: Greenwood, 1990. x + 232 pp., Marvin E. Wolfgang, Paul E. Tracy (eds)-Karen E. Richman, Paul Farmer, AIDS and accusation: Haiti and the geography of blame. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. xiv + 338 pp.-Alex Stepick, Robert Lawless, Haiti: A research handbook. (With contributions by Ilona Maria Lawless, Paul F. Monaghan, Florence Etienne Sergile & Charles A. Woods). New York: Garland, 1990. ix + 354 pp.-Lucien Taylor, Richard Price ,Equatoria. With sketches by Sally Price. New York & London: Routledge, 1992. 295 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Edward L. Cox, Kai Schoenhals, Grenada. World bibliographical series volume 119. Oxford: Clio Press, 1990. xxxviii + 181 pp.-Henry Wells, Kai Schoenhals, Dominican Republic. World bibliographical series volume 111. Oxford: Clio Press, 1990. xxx + 211 pp.-Stuart H. Surlin, John A. Lent, Mass communications in the Caribbean. Ames: Iowa State University Press. 1990. xviii + 398 pp.-Ellen M. Schnepel, Max Sulty ,La migration de l'Hindouisme vers les Antilles au XIXe siècle, après l'abolition de l'esclavage. Paris: Librairie de l'Inde, 1989. 255 pp., Jocelyn Nagapin (eds)-Viranjini Munasinghe, Steven Vertovec, Hindu Trinidad: Religion, ethnicity and socio-economic change.-Alvina Ruprecht, Selwyn R. Cudjoe, Caribbean women writers: Essays from the first international conference. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990. xv + 382 pp.-J. van Donselaar, Michiel van Kempen et al, Nieuwe Surinaamse verhalen. Paramaribo: De Volksboekwinkel, 1986. 202 pp.''Suriname. De Gids 153:791-954. Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 1990.-J. van Donselaar, Literatuur in Suriname: nieuwe, nog niet eerder gepubliceerde verhalen en gedichten van Surinaamse auteurs. Preludium 5(3): 1-80. Michiel van Kempen (compiler). Breda: Stichting Preludium, 1988.''Verhalen van Surinaamse schrijvers. Michiel van Kempen (compiler). Amsterdam: De Arbeiderspers. 1989. 248 pp.''Hoor die tori! Surinaamse vertellingen. Michiel van Kempen (compiler). Amsterdam: In de Knipscheer, 1990. 267 pp.-Beth Craig, Francis Byrne ,Development and structures of creole languages: Essays in honor of Derek Bickerton. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1991. x + 222 pp., Thom Huebner (eds)-William W. Megenney, John M. Lipski, The speech of the negros congos of Panama. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 1989. vii + 159 pp.-Hein D. Vruggink, Clare Wolfowitz, Language, style and social space: Stylistic choice in Suriname Javanese. Champaign; University of Illinois Press, 1992. viii + 265 pp.-Keith A.P. Sandiford, Brian Douglas Tennyson, Canadian-Caribbean relations: Aspects of a relationship. Sydney, Nova Scotia: Centre for international studies, 1990. vii + 379 pp.-Gloria Cumper, Philip Sherlock ,The University of the West Indies: A Caribbean response to the challenge of change. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1990. viii + 315 pp., Rex Nettleford (eds)

Walden Pond and Woods, Massachusetts, U.S is an iconic destination, best known for Henry David Thoreau’s book-Walden (1854). Thoreau’s philosophy and the literal value of the book as well as the natural landscape of Walden inspired worldwide literature readers and numerous modern environmentalists. This unique cultural and historical landscape has a long history of conservation effort in various forms started as far back as 1800’s. As a result, now, 80 percent of Walden Woods is permanently preserved. This study focuses on the changing socio-cultural environments and corresponding activities by various stake holders. To clarify the factors that led to its success of today, primary source survey and hearings to the stakeholders were taken place. The study period from 1845 to 2016 is divided in 4phases by characteristic socio-cultural environments. In each phase, corresponding conservation activities were researched and clarified: Phase1 (1845 ~1921): Industrialization and population increase vs. individual activities; Phase2 (1922~1972): Economic growth and Middlesex County’s management policy vs. citizen group’s movement; Phase3 (1972~1987): Rise of environmental awareness vs. involvement of public agencies, policy and plan makings and public input; Phase4 (1988~2016): Suburbanization vs. WWP and continuous implementation of conservation plan. The clarified factors that lead to the success are 1) Common value of the place to empathy with 2) Diversity in stakeholders 3) Longterm and systematic conservation plan with both government and citizen’s participation

Alexey Borisovich Shipunov Alexey Shipunov was an outstanding person in many ways. An accomplished botanist, he was also a programmer and a teacher. One of his many impressive features was his universality. Indeed, he was interested in a vast range of things, and his professional scope accordingly tended to be universal: for example, as a taxonomist, he studied a few groups of plants, but, unlike almost any taxonomist today (and like Linnaeus), he was keenly interested in the global system of life, and had his own opinion about how it should look like. Alexey was born and grew up in Moscow. He graduated from the Department of Higher Plants, Faculty of Biology, Lomonosov Moscow State University, in 1990. In 1998, he defended his candidate of sciences (PhD) thesis on taxonomy of the genera Plantago L. and Psyllium Mill. (Plantaginaceae) in European Russia and adjacent areas. Alexey’s thesis was supervised by Professor Vadim Nikolayevich Tikhomirov, who at that time was the head of the Department of Higher Plants. Having spent some years after his PhD in Moscow with no success in getting a research or teaching position at the University, in 2002–2003, he moved for a year to Kew Gardens, United Kingdom, then briefly returned to his hometown, and finally emigrated to the United States in 2006. He worked first at the university of another, much smaller, Moscow (Idaho), then in Woods Hole, Massachusetts, and then in Minot, North Dakota, where he got his tenure. However, restless as he was, in 2019, Alexey left the USA for a temporary position at Kyoto University, Japan. Kyoto was his last place of residence. During his last few years, he travelled all around Japan, from Hokkaido to Okinawa, but mainly lived in the Old Capital. Alexey dedicated much of his time to education. He was a long-time member of the organising committee of the most informal of Russian biology contests for school students, the School Biology Olympics at Moscow State University. He taught at Moscow South-West High School No. 1543 (1992 – 2006), where he established a system of scientific projects for children of the specialised biology class; both the class and the system survived to this day. Alexey also taught in each of the several universities where he worked. Additionally, he recorded a lot of short educational videos for YouTube, and even during the last evening of his life he was preparing for an online lecture for students of Moscow University. Alexey was also into programming and considerably helped to develop and popularise the R software environment, which is widely used among researchers worldwide. Alexey published a series of manuals on employment of this programming language in biological studies. Alexey travelled across the world to study the flora of all its regions. One of his most impressive accomplishments was the re-discovery (together with his daughter, Ekaterina) of the poorly known plant Haptanthus Goldberg & C. Nelson in Honduras described as recently as in 1989. The plant was known from a few poorly preserved herbarium specimens, and its phylogenetic position and floral morphology remained unclear. Alexey’s re-discovery was instrumental in establishing the actual phylogenetic and structural relationships of this enigmatic and highly endangered monospecific genus. A video of his seminar talk on Haptanthus is available (see https://msu-botany.ru/ seminar-biology-2020/). The list of publications by Alexey provided here (Electronic appendix) and mainly compiled by himself demonstrates the enormous diversity of his scientific interests. He was always interested in any new techniques and ideas and, most importantly, had a unique and extremely broad knowledge of literature and scientific problems. Apart from his books, papers and other traditional publications, Alexey left some web resources, including two highly important and widely used ones: his Manual for the Plants of the World (http://herba.msu.ru/shipunov/school/f/index.htm) and the Flora and Fauna fundamental electronic library (http:// herba.msu.ru/shipunov/school/sch-ru.htm). Alexey Shipunov's materials (http://herba.msu.ru/ shipunov/index-en.htm) include diverse information that will be of continuous use for many teachers and researchers in biology. In particular, they comprise a series of versions of Alexey’s classification of flowering plants. This classification continuously was in the focus of Alexey’s interest. It provides an example of his ability to go against the mainstream. While nearly all the current classifications are illustrated or can be illustrated by cladograms, he continued the tradition of presenting a diagram of taxonomic relationships in the form of a two-dimensional map. This tradition was introduced in the 18th century by Paul Dietrich Giseke (inspired by Carl Linnaeus) and developed in the 20th century by Rolf Dahlgren. Alexey’s choice is related to the fact that, in the time of almost universal dominance of the cladistic concept of monophyly, he continued accepting paraphyletic taxa. In doing this, he followed the views of several major taxonomists of the 20th century, such as Armen Takhtajan, Arthur Cronquist, Rolf Dahlgren, and Robert Thorne. At the same time, he was using, as much as possible, any new pieces of phylogenetic evidence, including, of course, the molecular ones. As a result, Alexey’s system provides a unique opportunity to observe the pure impact of molecular data on angiosperm taxonomy because the classification of the Angiosperm Phylogeny Group incorporated changes made according to the new molecular evidence as well as the cladistic interpretation of the idea of monophyly. Alexey’s diagram of classification (Fig. 2) can be used as a modern analogue of the famous Dahlgrenograms. The Flora and Fauna fundamental electronic library is one of the parts of Alexey’s heritage that will save the memory about him for a long time. In this project, which was upheld without any funding but with the enthusiastic help of numerous colleagues from various cities and countries, Alexey managed to compile an outstanding collection of literature on the biodiversity (and related topics) of the countries of the former Soviet Union. It is difficult to imagine any formally organised programme that has achieved a comparable enormous outcome. Apart from the pure scientific value, this library, and entire life of Alexey, served to save the remains of the Soviet scientific community and to maintain scientific links between experts in natural history from different countries. We will remember Alexey as a lively, bright, and kind person. For example, we will remember his self-ironic story about how he came to the Botanical Congress in Melbourne and rented a car. “I’m driving out of the airport and I see something is wrong; everyone is driving towards me. Oh… In Australia, you drive on the left side of the road.” Alexey died last year: he drowned while swimming in the Pacific Ocean near the coast of the Miyazaki Prefecture, Kyushu Island, Japan. We, his colleagues, lost in him a dear friend and a priceless source of knowledge. We will miss him, and will try to do our best to preserve his heritage.

IntroductionThe European will to modify the natural world emerged through English landscape design during the eighteenth century. Released from the neo-classical aesthetic dichotomy of the beautiful and the ugly, new categories of the picturesque and the sublime gestured towards an affective relationship to nature. Europeans began to see the world as a picture, the elements of which were composed as though part of a theatrical scene. Quite literally, as I shall discuss below, gardens were “composed with ‘pantomimic’ elements – ruins of castles and towers, rough hewn bridges, Chinese pagodas and their like” (McGillivray 134–35) transforming natural vistas into theatrical scenes. Such a transformation was made possible by a habit of spectating that was informed by the theatrical metaphor or theatrum mundi, one version of which emphasised the relationship between spectator and the thing seen. The idea of the natural world as an aesthetic object first developed in poetry and painting and then through English landscape garden style was wrought in three dimensions on the land itself. From representations of place a theatrical transformation occurred so that gardens became a places of representation.“The Genius of the Place in All”The eighteenth century inherited theatrum mundi from the Renaissance, although the genealogy of its key features date back to ancient times. Broadly speaking, theatrum mundi was a metaphorical expression of the world and humanity in two ways: dramaturgically and formally. During the Renaissance the dramaturgical metaphor was a moral emblem concerned with the contingency of human life; as Shakespeare famously wrote, “men and women [were] merely players” whose lives consisted of “seven ages” or “acts” (2.7.139–65). In contrast to the dramaturgical metaphor with its emphasis on role-playing humanity, the formalist version highlighted a relationship between spectator, theatre-space and spectacle. Rooted in Renaissance neo-Platonism, the formalist metaphor configured the world as a spectacle and “Man” its spectator. If the dramaturgical metaphor was inflected with medieval moral pessimism, the formalist metaphor was more optimistic.The neo-Platonist spectator searched in the world for a divine plan or grand design and spectatorship became an epistemological challenge. As a seer and a knower on the world stage, the human being became the one who thought about the world not just as a theatre but also through theatre. This is apparent in the etymology of “theatre” from the Greek theatron, or “seeing place,” but the word also shares a stem with “theory”: theaomai or “to look at.” In a graceful compression of both roots, Martin Heidegger suggests a “theatre” might be any “seeing place” in which any thing being beheld offers itself to careful scrutiny by the beholder (163–65). By the eighteenth century, the ancient idea of a seeing-knowing place coalesced with the new empirical method and aesthetic sensibility: the world was out there, so to speak, to provide pleasure and instruction.Joseph Addison, among others, in the first half of the century reconsidered the utilitarian appeal of the natural world and proposed it as the model for artistic inspiration and appreciation. In “Pleasures of the Imagination,” a series of essays in The Spectator published in 1712, Addison claimed that “there is something more bold and masterly in the rough careless strokes of nature, than in the nice touches and embellishments of art,” and compared to the beauty of an ordered garden, “the sight wanders up and down without confinement” the “wide fields of nature” and is “fed with an infinite variety of images, without any certain stint or number” (67).Yet art still had a role because, Addison argues, although “wild scenes [. . .] are more delightful than any artificial shows” the pleasure of nature increases the more it begins to resemble art; the mind experiences the “double” pleasure of comparing nature’s original beauty with its copy (68). This is why “we take delight in a prospect which is well laid out, and diversified, with fields and meadows, woods and rivers” (68); a carefully designed estate can be both profitable and beautiful and “a man might make a pretty landskip of his own possessions” (69). Although nature should always be one’s guide, nonetheless, with some small “improvements” it was possible to transform an estate into a landscape picture. Nearly twenty years later in response to the neo-Palladian architectural ambitions of Richard Boyle, the third Earl of Burlington, and with a similarly pictorial eye to nature, Alexander Pope advised:To build, to plant, whatever you intend,To rear the Column, or the Arch to bend,To swell the Terras, or to sink the Grot;In all, let Nature never be forgot.But treat the Goddess like a modest fair,Nor over-dress, nor leave her wholly bare;Let not each beauty ev’ry where be spy’d,Where half the skill is decently to hide.He gains all points, who pleasingly confounds,Surprizes, varies, and conceals the Bounds.Consult the Genius of the Place in all;That tells the Waters or to rise, or fall,Or helps th’ ambitious Hill the heav’ns to scale,Or scoops in circling theatres the Vale,Calls in the Country, catches opening glades, Joins willing woods, and varies shades from shades,Now breaks or now directs, th’ intending Lines;Paints as you plant, and, as you work, designs. (Epistle IV, ll 47–64) Whereas Addison still gestured towards estate management, Pope explicitly advocated a painterly approach to garden design. His epistle articulated some key principles that he enacted in his own garden at Twickenham and which would inform later garden design. No matter what one added to a landscape, one needed to be guided by nature; one should be moderate in one’s designs and neither plant too much nor too little; one must be aware of the spectator’s journey through the garden and take care to provide variety by creating “surprises” that would be revealed at different points. Finally, one had to find the “spirit” of the place that gave it its distinct character and use this to create the cohesion in diversity that was aspired to in a garden. Nature’s aestheticisation had begun with poetry, developed into painting, and was now enacted on actual natural environments with the emergence of English landscape style. This painterly approach to gardening demanded an imaginative, emotional, and intellectual engagement with place and it stylistically rejected the neo-classical geometry and regularity of the baroque garden (exemplified by Le Nôtre’s gardens at Versailles). Experiencing landscape now took on a third dimension as wealthy landowners and their friends put themselves within the picture frame and into the scene. Although landscape style changed during the century, a number of principles remained more or less consistent: the garden should be modelled on nature but “improved,” any improvements should not be obvious, pictorial composition should be observed, the garden should be concerned with the spectator’s experience and should aim to provoke an imaginative or emotional engagement with it. During the seventeenth century, developments in theatrical technology, particularly the emergence of the proscenium arch theatre with moveable scenery, showed that poetry and painting could be spectacularly combined on the stage. Later in the eighteenth century the artist and stage designer Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg combined picturesque painting aesthetics with theatrical design in works such as The Wonders of Derbyshire in 1779 (McGillivray 136). It was a short step to shift the onstage scene outside. Theatricality was invoked when pictorial principles were applied three dimensionally; gardens became sites for pastoral genre scenes that ambiguously positioned their visitors both as spectators and actors. Theatrical SceneryGardens and theatres were explicitly connected. Like “theatre,” the word “garden” was sometimes used to describe a collection, in book form, which promised “a whole world of items” which was not always “redeemable” in “straightforward ways” (Hunt, Gardens 54–55). Theatrum mundi could be emblematically expressed in a garden through statues and architectural fabriques which drew spectators into complex chains of associations involving literature, art, and society, as they progressed through it.In the previous century, writes John Dixon Hunt, “the expectation of a fine garden [. . .] was that it work upon its visitor, involving him [sic] often insidiously as a participant in its dramas, which were presented to him as he explored its spaces by a variety of statues, inscriptions and [. . .] hydraulically controlled automata” (Gardens 54). Such devices, which featured heavily in the Italian baroque garden, were by the mid eighteenth century seen by English and French garden theorists to be overly contrived. Nonetheless, as David Marshall argues, “eighteenth-century garden design is famous for its excesses [. . .] the picturesque garden may have aimed to be less theatrical, but it aimed no less to be theater” (38). Such gardens still required their visitors’ participation and were designed to deliver an experience that stimulated the spectators’ imaginations and emotions as they moved through them. Theatrum mundi is implicit in eighteenth-century gardens through a common idea of the world reimagined into four geographical quadrants emblematically represented by fabriques in the garden. The model here is Alexander Pope’s influential poem, “The Temple of Fame” (1715), which depicted the eponymous temple with four different geographic faces: its western face was represented by western classical architecture, its east face by Chinese, Persian, and Assyrian, its north was Gothic and Celtic, and its south, Egyptian. These tropes make their appearance in eighteenth-century landscape gardens. In Désert de Retz, a garden created between 1774 and 1789 by François Racine de Monville, about twenty kilometres west of Paris, one can still see amongst its remaining fabriques: a ruined “gothic” church, a “Tartar” tent (it used to have a Chinese maison, now lost), a pyramid, and the classically inspired Temple of Pan. Similar principles underpin the design of Jardin (now Parc) Monceau that I discuss below. Retz: Figure 1. Tartar tent.Figure 2. Temple of PanStowe Gardens in Buckinghamshire has a similar array of structures (although the classical predominates) including its original Chinese pavillion. It, too, once featured a pyramid designed by the architect and playwright John Vanbrugh, and erected as a memorial to him after his death in 1726. On it was carved a quote from Horace that explicitly referenced the dramaturgical version of theatrum mundi: You have played, eaten enough and drunk enough,Now is time to leave the stage for younger men. (Garnett 19) Stowe’s Elysian Fields, designed by William Kent in the 1730s according to picturesque principles, offered its visitor two narrative choices, to take the Path of Virtue or the Path of Vice, just like a re-imagined morality play. As visitors progressed along their chosen paths they would encounter various fabriques and statues, some carved with inscriptions in either Latin or English, like the Vanbrugh pyramid, that would encourage associations between the ancient world and the contemporary world of the garden’s owner Richard Temple, Lord Cobham, and his circle. Stowe: Figure 3. Chinese Pavillion.Figure 4. Temple of VirtueKent’s background was as a painter and scene designer and he brought a theatrical sensibility to his designs; as Hunt writes, Kent particularly enjoyed designing “recessions into woodland space where ‘wings’ [were] created” (Picturesque 29). Importantly, Kent’s garden drawings reveal his awareness of gardens as “theatrical scenes for human action and interaction, where the premium is upon more personal experiences” and it this spatial dimension that was opened up at Stowe (Picturesque 30).Picturesque garden design emphasised pictorial composition that was similar to stage design and because a garden, like a stage, was a three-dimensional place for human action, it could also function as a set for that action. Unlike a painting, a garden was experiential and time-based and a visitor to it had an experience not unlike, to cautiously use an anachronism, a contemporary promenade performance. The habit of imaginatively wandering through a theatre in book-form, moving associatively from one item to the next, trying to discern the author’s pattern or structure, was one educated Europeans were used to, and a garden provided an embodied dimension to this activity. We can see how this might have been by visiting Parc Monceau in Paris which still contains remnants of the garden designed by Louis Carrogis (known as Carmontelle) for the Duc de Chartres in the 1770s. Carmontelle, like Kent, had a theatrical background and his primary role was as head of entertainments for the Orléans family; as such he was responsible for designing and writing plays for the family’s private theatricals (Hays 449). According to Hunt, Carmontelle intended visitors to Jardin de Monceau to take a specific itinerary through its “quantity of curious things”:Visitors entered by a Chinese gateway, next door to a gothic building that served as a chemical laboratory, and passed through greenhouses and coloured pavilions. Upon pressing a button, a mirrored wall opened into a winter garden painted with trompe-l’œil trees, floored with red sand, filled with exotic plants, and containing at its far end a grotto in which supper parties were held while music was played in the chamber above. Outside was a farm. Then there followed a series of exotic “locations”: a Temple of Mars, a winding river with an island of rocks and a Dutch mill, a dairy, two flower gardens, a Turkish tent poised, minaret-like, above an icehouse, a grove of tombs [. . .], and an Italian vineyard with a classical Bacchus at its center, regularly laid out to contrast with an irregular wood that succeeded it. The final stretches of the itinerary included a Naumachia or Roman water-theatre [. . .], more Turkish and Chinese effects, a ruined castle, yet another water-mill, and an island on which sheep grazed. (Picturesque 121) Monceau: Figure 5. Naumachia.Figure 6. PyramidIn its presentation of a multitude of different times and different places one can trace a line of descent from Jardin de Monceau to the great nineteenth-century World Expos and on to Disneyland. This lineage is not as trite as it seems once we realise that Carmontelle himself intended the garden to represent “all times and all places” and Pope’s four quadrants of the world were represented by fabriques at Monceau (Picturesque 121). As Jardin de Monceau reveals, gardens were also sites for smaller performative interventions such as the popular fêtes champêtres, garden parties in which the participants ate, drank, danced, played music, and acted in comedies. Role playing and masquerade were an important part of the fêtes as we see, for example, in Jean-Antoine Watteau’s Fêtes Vénitiennes (1718–19) where a “Moorishly” attired man addresses (or is dancing with) a young woman before an audience of young men and women, lolling around a fabrique (Watteau). Scenic design in the theatre inspired garden designs and gardens “featured prominently as dramatic locations in intermezzi, operas, and plays”, an exchange that encouraged visitors to gardens to see themselves as performers as much as spectators (Hunt, Gardens 64). A garden, particularly within the liminal aegis of a fête was a site for deceptions, tricks, ruses and revelations, assignations and seductions, all activities which were inherently theatrical; in such a garden visitors could find themselves acting in or watching a comedy or drama of their own devising. Marie-Antoinette built English gardens and a rural “hamlet” at Versailles. She and her intimate circle would retire to rustic cottages, which belied the opulence of their interiors, and dressed in white muslin dresses and straw hats, would play at being dairy maids, milking cows (pre-cleaned by the servants) into fine porcelain buckets (Martin 3). Just as the queen acted in pastoral operas in her theatre in the grounds of the Petit Trianon, her hamlet provided an opportunity for her to “live” a pastoral fantasy. Similarly, François Racine de Monville, who commissioned Désert de Retz, was a talented harpist and flautist and his Temple of Pan was, appropriately, a music room.Versailles: Figure 7. Hamlet ConclusionRichard Steele, Addison’s friend and co-founder of The Spectator, casually invoked theatrum mundi when he wrote in 1720: “the World and the Stage [. . .] have been ten thousand times observed to be the Pictures of one another” (51). Steele’s reiteration of a Renaissance commonplace revealed a different emphasis, an emphasis on the metaphor’s spatial and spectacular elements. Although Steele reasserts the idea that the world and stage resemble each other, he does so through a third level of abstraction: it is as pictures that they have an affinity. World and stage are both positioned for the observer within complementary picture frames and it is as pictures that he or she is invited to make sense of them. The formalist version of theatrum mundi invokes a spectator beholding the world for his (usually!) pleasure and in the process nature itself is transformed. No longer were natural landscapes wildernesses to be tamed and economically exploited, but could become gardens rendered into scenes for their aristocratic owners’ pleasure. Désert de Retz, as its name suggests, was an artfully composed wilderness, a version of the natural world sculpted into scenery. Theatrum mundi, through the aesthetic category of the picturesque, emerged in English landscape style and effected a theatricalised transformation of nature that was enacted in the aristocratic gardens of Europe.ReferencesAddison, Joseph. The Spectator. No. 414 (25 June 1712): 67–70. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.Garnett, Oliver. Stowe. Buckinghamshire. The National Trust, 2011.Hays, David. “Carmontelle's Design for the Jardin de Monceau: A Freemasonic Garden in Late-Eighteenth-Century France.” Eighteenth-Century Studies 32.4 (1999): 447–62.Heidegger, Martin. The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays. Trans. William Lovitt. New York: Harper and Row, 1977.Hunt, John Dixon. Gardens and the Picturesque: Studies in the History of Landscape Architecture. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1992.———. The Picturesque Garden in Europe. London: Thames and Hudson, 2002.Marshall, David. The Frame of Art. Fictions of Aesthetic Experience, 1750–1815. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 2005.Martin, Meredith S. Dairy Queens: The Politics of Pastoral Architecture from Catherine de' Medici to Marie-Antoinette. Harvard: Harvard UP, 2011.McGillivray, Glen. "The Picturesque World Stage." Performance Research 13.4 (2008): 127–39.Pope, Alexander. “Epistle IV. To Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington.” Epistles to Several Persons. London, 1744. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.———. The Temple of Fame: A Vision. By Mr. Pope. 2nd ed. London, 1715. Eighteenth Century Collections Online. Shakespeare, William. As You Like It. Ed. Agnes Latham. London: Routledge, 1991.Steele, Richard. The Theatre. No. 7 (23 January 1720).