Готові списки джерел за темами / Nationalist Spain

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Nationalist Spain"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Nationalist Spain"

1

Mamaev, Kirill A. "Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-2-15-22.

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Анотація:
The article dissects the problem of Catalan Nationalism. The author analyzes the historical development of Catalan nationalist movement. The article examines the relations between Spain and Catalonia up to the present time and makes attempts to propose the resolution of this problem.
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2

Grinina, Elena. "Language as an instrument of policy." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 86–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-1-86-89.

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Анотація:
The purpose of this article is to show how in modern Spain the language is successfully used not only for defending their nationalist interests (linguistic nationalism), but also in the struggle against the structures of language, that reflect the gender-based discrimination (linguistic sexism)
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3

Lobera, Josep. "Migrants and 'Patria'. The imagined community of the radical left in Spain." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2020): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.66912.

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The emergence of inclusive populist parties disputes the social construction of the ‘people’ to the exclusive populism, recently generating new academic debates. Do the new radical left parties have a nationalist character? Are populism and nationalism two inseparable dimensions? Drawing on an original dataset in Spain, this article shows that Podemos’ supporters are significantly less nationalist, expressing more open attitudes towards cultural diversity and immigration, and lower levels of Spanishness than voters from other parties. Arguably, Podemos operates as an antagonistic political option to the traditional positions of the populist radical right (PRR), building an inclusive imagined community around a type of constitutional patriotism or republican populism. These findings contribute to the scholar debate on the relationship of nationalism and populism, bringing to discussion the core values of the supporters of a populist party as a complementary element to its categorization.
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4

VILALLONGA, BORJA. "THE THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF CATHOLIC NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000031.

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Catholicism's contribution to the development of nationalist ideology, and more generally to the process of European nation building in the nineteenth century, has been neglected. Most previous work has concentrated instead on varieties of liberal nationalism. In fact, Catholic intellectuals forged a whole nationalist discourse, but from traditional-conservative and orthodox doctrine. This essay charts a transnational path through Latin European countries, whose thinkers pioneered the theoretical development of Catholic nationalism. The Latin countries–France, Italy, and Spain, especially–were the homeland of Catholicism and theological, philosophical, historical, and political theories originating in it had a tremendous impact on the general formation of Western nationalism. This essay examines the formation, evolution, and consolidation of Catholic nationalism through “New Catholicism,” showing how the nation-state project and modernity itself were rethought in a new conservative and Catholic form.
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5

Molodiakov, V. E. "Against Anarchy and Hitler: French Nationalism and Spanish Civil War." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 4 (December 12, 2019): 166–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-4-166-182.

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Combination of internal political and social crisis with armed conflict in the neighbour country behind the less dangerous frontier without any possibility of obtaining fastly any real aid from allies is one of the worst possible political scenarios in the time of peace. France faced such a situation in 1936 after her Popular Front’s electoral victory and the beginnig of military mutiny in Spain provoqued by further escalation of internal political struggle. Mutiny developed into civil war that, beeing local geographically, became a global political problem because it troubled many great powers and first of all France. This article depicts and analyzes position and views on Spanish civil war and its antecedents of French nationalist royalist movement «Action française» leaded by Charles Maurras (1868–1952) and her allies in next generations of French nationalists – philosopher and political writer Henri Massis (1886–1970) and novelist Robert Brasillach (1909–1945). All of them from the first day hailed Spanish Nationalist cause and were sure in her final victory so took side against any French help, first of all military, to Spanish Republican government, propagated Franco’s political program, denounced Soviet intervention into Spanish affairs and “Communist threat”. Staying for Catholic and Latin unity French nationalists were anxious to prevent Franco’s rapprochement with Nazi Germany that they regarded as France’s “hereditary emeny” notwithstanding of political regime. Trips of Maurras and Massis to Spain in 1938 and theirs meetings with Franco were aimed to demonstrate this kind of unity with silent but clear anti-German overtone. Brasillach’s “History of War in Spain” (1939) became the first French overview of the events from Nationalist point of view.
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6

Brandt, Per Aage. "La Falange: The Structure of a Fascist Dream." Cognitive Semiotics 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2012): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cogsem.2012.4.2.57.

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Abstract The text proposes a structural narrative reading of José Antonio Primo de Rivera’s falangist discourse and shows how its thinking is based on spatial and dynamic imagination and a particularly strong sacrificial nationalist motif. It further suggests that the symbolic dimension in its nationalism constitutes a driving emotional force to be found in all nationalisms. Falangism was a religious version of fascism, famous for becoming the official ideology of Francoist Spain; but it shared with all militant national political forms of thinking the emotionally compelling mystique: the feeling of a spiritual essence and force emanating from a beloved land and conveying existential identity and value to its subjects, thus justifying and calling for committed violent and sacrificial acts that override ordinary systems of lawful behavior.
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7

Edles, Laura Desfor. "A Culturalist Approach to Ethnic Nationalist Movements: Symbolization and Basque and Catalan Nationalism in Spain." Social Science History 23, no. 3 (1999): 311–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018113.

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Анотація:
The Spanish transition to democracy after the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 is heralded as the “very model” of successful transition from authoritarianism to democracy (Gunther 1992), the epitome of “transition through transaction” (Share 1986, 1987). Spain is proclaimed “the country to be studied” (Przeworski 1986: 61) for good cause. Despite a long history of political turmoil, a notoriously brutal civil war, and nearly 40 years of dictatorship, Spain transformed itself into a democracy “from the inside out” using a remarkably quiescent process of reform called, significantly, the “strategy of consensus” (Carr and Fusi 1979; Payne 1985).
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8

Hodlevska, Valentyna. "Galician Nationalism: History and Modernity." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 34 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-61-68.

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The purpose of the article is to cover the history and determine the relevance of Galician nationalism. The origin and development of the nationalist movement in the region is analyzed. In our study general scientific and special historical and political science methods were applied. The general scientific methods (deductive and inductive, analysis and synthesis) were used as specific cognitive tools necessary to implement the principles of historicism, systematicism and objectivity. The general and special historical methods (historical-typological, statistical, comparative-historical, problem-chronological) allowed us to make a comprehensive analysis of the problem of Galician nationalism. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that the author, for the first time in the national historical science, analyzes the features of Galician nationalism, the history of its development and the current state. Galician nationalism took shape in the 19th century. Among the predecessors of Galician nationalism, three movements can be distinguished: provincialism, federalism, and regionalism. Provincialism (later called Galicianism) was a movement that emerged in 1840 with the aim of protecting the integrity of the territory of Galicia. Regionalism became an intermediate phase in the evolution of the Galician movement between provincialism and nationalism. Galician federalism began to develop in 1865. The federalists argued that Galicia should be formed as a canton within Spain and that it be governed by its own cantonal constitution. Conclusions. As one of the four historic autonomous regions of Spain (along with Catalonia, the Basque Country and Andalusia), Galicia is significantly different in its understanding of its own nationalism. While Catalonia and the Basque Country strive for even greater independence, including threats of secession from the state, the nationalist movement in Galicia is becoming less tangible.
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9

Young, Clinton D. "The Southern Slope of Monsalvat: How Spanish Wagnerism Became Catalan." 19th-Century Music 41, no. 1 (2017): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2017.41.1.31.

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This article examines the development of Wagnerism in late-nineteenth-century Spain, focusing on how it became an integral part of Catalan nationalism. The reception of Wagner's music and ideas in Spain was determined by the country's uneven economic development and the weakness of its musical and political institutions—the same weaknesses that were responsible for the rise of Catalan nationalism. Lack of a symphonic culture in Spain meant that audiences were not prepared to comprehend Wagner's complexity, but that same complexity made Wagner's ideas acceptable to Spanish reformers who saw in the composer an exemplar of the European ideas needed to fix Spanish problems. Thus, when Wagner's operas were first staged in Spain, the Teatro Real de Madrid stressed Wagner's continuity with operas of the past; however, critics and audiences engaged with the works as difficult forms of modern music. The rejection of Wagner in the Spanish capital cleared the way for his ideas to be adopted in Catalonia. A similar dynamic occurred as Spanish composers tried to meld Wagner into their attempts to build a nationalist school of opera composition. The failure of Tomás Bréton's Los amantes de Teruel and Garín cleared the way for Felip Pedrell's more successful theoretical fusion of Wagnerism and nationalism. While Pedrell's opera Els Pirineus was a failure, his explanation of how Wagner's ideals and nationalism could be fused in the treatise Por nuestra música cemented the link between Catalan culture and Wagnerism.
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10

Grad Fuchsel, Hector, and Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates." Journal of Language and Politics 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.

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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Дисертації з теми "Nationalist Spain"

1

Todd, Daniel. "Teaching "Spanishness": nationalist ideology in texts for children in post-war Spain." Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17588.

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Анотація:
Master of Arts
Department of Modern Languages
Laura Kanost
Early in the twentieth century, children’s literature in Spain developed greatly in terms of quality and distribution thanks in large part to the appearance of new publishing houses, illustrators and authors. Additionally, increased demand brought with it new translations of many foreign texts for children. Despite these early developments, children’s literature suffered a dramatic change after the establishment of Francisco Franco’s Nationalist regime; during the post-war period many types of literature were heavily censored, while children’s literature in particular devolved into what was in large part an ideological tool. Many of the texts for children during this period either directly or indirectly propagated a conception of “Spanishness” that excluded non-Catholics, particularly Iberian Muslims and those that supported the Second Spanish Republic that the Nationalists had toppled. Much like the Reconquista fought against the Iberian Muslims centuries earlier, the Spanish Civil War was often represented as a sort of crusade against non-Catholic (and therefore “non-Spanish”) Others. Many texts for children presented the elements of this narrative by means of auto-images (images of the Nationalist conception of “Spanishness”) and hetero-images (typically images of the “Otherly” Republicans and Muslims). The contrasts formed between these two sorts of images reveal how Spanish children were taught to conceive of themselves, as well as the Others of the Nationalist narrative. The texts discussed in this report include two civics texts (Así quiero ser: El niño del nuevo estado [1943] and España nuestra: El libro de las juventudes españoles [1943]), as well as two comic books (El Guerrero del Antifaz [1943-1966] and Flechas y Pelayos [1938-1949]) that were chosen for their representativeness of the sorts of texts widely available to and read by children during the post-war period.
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2

Gray, C. "Fiscal sovereignty and nationalist politics in Spain : the influence of regional financing on the territorial agendas of Basque and Catalan Nationalist Parties." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2016. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3003434/.

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This PhD thesis investigates the influence of the regional financing systems in Spain on the evolution of the territorial agendas of the mainstream Basque and Catalan nationalist parties, the Basque Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista Vasco, PNV) and Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya, CDC). Spain offers the opportunity to compare two different models of fiscal decentralisation and their significance for the political evolution of two contrasting nationalist movements. While Catalonia forms part of the common financing system, which gives the regions relatively limited tax-raising competences and involves substantial revenue transfers from central government, the Basque region raises almost all of its own taxes under a separate system of extensive fiscal autonomy (the Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement). At different times since the late 1990s, both the PNV and CDC have sought a fundamental reconfiguration of their respective territories’ relationship with Spain. The question posed is why the form of accommodationist politics practised by the PNV and CDC in the 1980s and 1990s has been transformed since then, leading to shifts towards pro-sovereignty agendas, which embrace a spectrum of potential projects ranging from some degree of statehood and political sovereignty within Spain through to full independence. This thesis investigates the issue of regional financing as one explanatory factor. Based on an extensive programme of elite interviews with current and former politicians and civil servants in the Basque and Catalan regions, it is argued that in both cases, albeit in different ways and to different degrees, the regional financing systems have played a fundamental role in influencing the nationalist parties’ evolving territorial agendas.
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3

Flynn, Mary K. "A comparative study of nationalist movements in early twentieth century Spain, France and Ireland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239342.

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4

Guibernau-Berdun, Montserrat. "Nationalism in stateless nations : the case of Catalonia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261500.

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5

Landers, Matthew Worth 1984. "Catalonia Is a Country: World Heritage and Regional Nationalism." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10474.

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xi, 114 p. : ill., maps (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.
Since 1975, the Spanish autonomous region of Catalonia has been renegotiating its political and cultural place within Spain. The designation and promotion of places within Catalonia as World Heritage Sites-a matter over which regional authorities have competency-provides insights into the national and territorial ideas that have emerged in recent decades. This study of the selection and portrayal of World Heritage sites by Turisme de Cata1unya shows that the sites reflect a view of the region as 1) home to a distinct cultural group, 2) a place with an ancient past, and 3) a place with a history of territorial autonomy. These characteristics suggest that even though many Catalan regionalists seek a novel territorial status that is neither independent of nor subservient to the Spanish state, the dominant territorial norms of the modem state system continue to be at the heart of the Catalan nation-building project.
Committee in Charge: Dr. Alexander B. Murphy, Chair; Dr. Xiaobo Su
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6

Sanabria, Enrique A. "Anticlerical politics : republicanism, nationalism, and the public sphere in restoration Madrid, 1875-1912 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3007129.

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Albers, Andrew D. "Ethno-nationalism and the Spanish state : a comparison of three regions in Spain /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-12042009-020026/.

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8

Light, Daniel Carleton University Dissertation International Affairs. "The emergence and transformation of Basque nationalism; 1875-1975." Ottawa, 1988.

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9

Young, Clinton David. "Zarzuela or lyric theatre as consumer nationalism in Spain, 1874-1930 /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3211378.

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Анотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 14, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 392-417).
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Hyde, Alex J. "Nationalism in Salvador Bacarisse's Tres movimientos concertantes." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1493029389634293.

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Книги з теми "Nationalist Spain"

1

Death of a nationalist. New York, N.Y: Soho Press, 2003.

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2

Politics, culture, and sociability in the Basque nationalist party. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2010.

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3

García, José María Manrique. Arms of the Spanish Republic: A nationalist overview, 1938. Valladolid, Spain: AF Ediciones, 2007.

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García, José María Manrique. Arms of the Spanish Republic: A nationalist overview, 1938. Valladolid, Spain: AF Ediciones, 2007.

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5

The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative routes to nationalist mobilisation. London: Hurst, 1997.

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6

Conversi, Daniele. The Basques, the Catalans, and Spain: Alternative routes to nationalist mobilisation. Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1997.

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7

Keene, Judith. Fighting for Franco: International volunteers in nationalist Spain during the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. New York: Leicester University Press, 2001.

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8

Seidman, Michael. The victorious counterrevolution: The nationalist effort in the Spanish Civil War. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 2011.

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9

1958-, Smith Angel, and Dávila Cox, Emma Aurora, 1964-, eds. The crisis of 1898: Colonial redistribution and nationalist mobilization. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.

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10

Nordberg, Ilkka. Regionalism, capitalism and populism: The Basque Nationalist Party, the PNV, and politico-economic power in the Basque country of Spain 1980-1998. [Helsinki]: Finnish Academy of Science and Letters, 2007.

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Частини книг з теми "Nationalist Spain"

1

Knight, Patricia. "Nationalist Spain." In The Spanish Civil War, 87–103. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11134-3_7.

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2

Kellas, James G. "Spain/España and Portugal." In Nationalist Politics in Europe, 81–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597273_5.

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Pérez-Nievas, Santiago, and Edurne Bartolomé. "MPs Representing Nationalist and Regionalist Parties." In Political Power in Spain, 265–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63826-3_14.

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4

Quiroga, Alejandro. "From Patriotic Bulimia to Nationalist Obesity (2001–2012)." In Football and National Identities in Spain, 101–27. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137315502_6.

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5

Sanabria, Enrique A. "José Nakens Within the New Politics and Nationalist/Republican Culture." In Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain, 39–68. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230620087_3.

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Sanabria, Enrique A. "José Nakens and Republican Anticlericalism: Making an Anticlerical-Nationalist Tradition." In Republicanism and Anticlerical Nationalism in Spain, 69–99. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230620087_4.

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7

Colino, César. "The State of Autonomies between the Economic Crisis and Enduring Nationalist Tensions." In Politics and Society in Contemporary Spain, 81–100. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137306623_5.

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Carrión, Marta García. "National Cinemas in Nationalist Dictatorships in Italy and Spain during the 1920s." In The Right and the Nation, 85–97. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003354833-8.

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Roca-Rosell, Antoni. "Science and Technology in the Nationalist Debate in Catalonia after the Civil War." In Science, Culture and National Identity in Francoist Spain, 1939–1959, 131–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58646-1_6.

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Wisthaler, Verena. "Migrants, New Citizens, Co-Citizens and Citizens by Adoption – Regionalist Parties’ Framing of Immigrants in the Basque Country, Corsica, South Tyrol, Scotland and Wales." In IMISCOE Research Series, 91–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25726-1_6.

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AbstractRelying on a structured comparison of the various Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties (SNRPs) in the Basque Country (Spain), Corsica (France), South Tyrol (Italy), and Scotland and Wales (UK) I show that these parties engage, through processes of ‘othering’, in the creation of a hierarchy of diversities, differentiating between markers of diversity based on the perceived proximity of immigrants to the collective identity of the in-group, as well as their constructed distance to the identity of the state in which the minority region is situated. Hence, the construction of ‘wanted’ and ‘unwanted’ migrants and, in the long run, ‘wanted’ and ‘unwanted’ citizens, reflects the perceived potential of newcomers to strengthen the SNRPs’ vision of the territory, their nationalist mobilization and their nation-building project, which then becomes the salient criterion for the inclusion or exclusion of migrants into the construction of regional citizenship.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Nationalist Spain"

1

Baró Zarzo, José Luis, and Jovita Cortijo Ruiz. "Architecture and Music around the Alhambra. Reminiscences of a dreamlike world: La Puerta del Vino (Debussy)." In 3rd Valencia International Biennial of Research in Architecture, VIBRArch. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/vibrarch2022.2022.15464.

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Orientalism, as a variant of exoticism in the Romantic period, adopted a series of topics linked to distant countries and oriental cultures, including Spanish lands, especially Andalusian. This phenomenon was especially prolific in the world of the arts around the Alhambra, «doubly romantic for its medieval and oriental origin» (Raquejo, 1989).Alhambrism was developed by traveling writers in the early 19th century, eager for suggestive scenarios in which to recreate their poems and stories. Later it spread to the plastic arts, with painters such as François Antoine Bossuet, John Frederick Lewis, David Roberts, Gustave Doré or Jenaro Pérez Villaamil. In the case of architecture, Alhambrism was nourished by parallel sources. On the one hand, the awakening to the conservation of the Alhambra as a monument witness to a dreamy period in the history of Spain, and the first interventions by Rafael Contreras, still under babbling and unscientific criteria. On the other hand, the impulse to decorativism through the seminal studies of Owen Jones and Jules Goury, convinced that «in the Alhambra the exemplary paradigm of the most perfect ornamental and chromatic system of all historical styles had existed was hidden» (Villafranca).Music also found fertile ground for creativity in the Alhambra between the mid-19th and early 20th centuries, within the nationalist romantic movement. However, it was mainly the Spanish composers who chose the Alhambra to reflect the national identity: Tárrega, Turina, Albéniz, Bretón, De Monasterio, to which we should add a Debussy influenced by Falla.The communication aims ultimately to investigate through analysis the musical resources used by the last-mentioned composer, Claude Debussy, to evoke with sounds the architecture and the sensual atmosphere of the Alhambra in one of the most representative works of Alhambrism in music: La Puerta del Vino (The Wine Gate).
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Звіти організацій з теми "Nationalist Spain"

1

Bassols Jacas, Raimundo. Interaction between the Government and the Spanish Civil Society during the Negotiations for the Accession of Spain into the European Union. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011004.

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Western countries have established themselves and developed over the last two centuries in the model of the Nation-State, founded on national sovereignty. Civil societies from these countries have been educated and conditioned to respect and fully accept the principles and symbols of a sovereign Nation. They are sharply nationalistic civil societies. This interactive relationship between the Governments and their respective civil societies are the reason that motivates this paper.
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2

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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3

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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