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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 27 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Left Front (West Bengal, India)"

1

Guha, Ayan. "Book Review: Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal and Suman Nath. People-Party-Policy Interplay in India: Micro-dynamics of Everyday Politics in West Bengal, c. 2008–2016." Studies in Indian Politics 9, no. 1 (May 27, 2021): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023021999218.

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Анотація:
Jyotiprasad Chatterjee and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal. New Delhi, India: Sage. 2020. 255 pages. ₹1,195. Suman Nath. People-Party-Policy Interplay in India: Micro-dynamics of Everyday Politics in West Bengal, c. 2008–2016. New Delhi, India: Routledge. 2020. 221 pages. ₹995.
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2

Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "The Left Front's 2009 Lok Sabha Poll Debacle in West Bengal, India." Asian Survey 51, no. 2 (March 1, 2011): 290–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.2.290.

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Анотація:
This paper demonstrates that the Left Front is no longer unassailable in West Bengal, after three decades of rule. It identifies the specific reasons for the Left Front electoral debacle in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The paper also argues that the Left Front is caught between the contrasting imperatives of adapting to changing socioeconomic conditions in liberalizing India, while concurrently attempting to remain true to its traditional communist ideology and support base in a globalized world.
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3

Bagchi, Amiya Kumar. "Failure of education policies in West Bengal, since 1951: An analysis." Studies in People's History 4, no. 2 (October 10, 2017): 223–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725859.

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West Bengal, in 1951, was ranked second in the country, with a literacy level of 24.0 per cent, though far behind Kerala with a literacy level of 47.18 per cent. From the very beginning there was an elitist bias in educational planning, so that primary education was badly neglected, and so subsequently West Bengal began to slide in relation to states like Kerala, Maharashtra, Mizoram or Goa. Unfortunately, the elitist bias also persisted during the Left Front rule. As a result, by the time of Census 2011, the literacy level of West Bengal had slid down so far that it was barely above the national average. At the same time, the small state of Tripura, also ruled by a Left Front government, coming up from far behind had caught up with and then had overtaken West Bengal, and was only a little behind Kerala, the most literate state in India. Although this article is supposed to be an account of the state of education in West Bengal since independence it concentrates essentially on the primary school sector, because that is the foundation of all further education. It refers to the Bhabatosh Datta Commission on higher education whose recommendations still remain valid and unfortunately unimplemented.
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4

Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.

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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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5

Datta, Prabhat Kumar, and Panchali Sen. "LAND REFORMS IN AN INDIAN STATE: LESSONS FROM THE EXPERIENCES OF IMPLEMENTATION." Journal of Asian Rural Studies 2, no. 1 (January 22, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/jars.v2i1.1361.

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Анотація:
Until the shift of developmental policy in India in 1990s the state used to play an instrumental role India’s development. By the time India attained independence it was widely regarded that semi feudal landlordism was the main obstacle in the way of national economic regeneration. In this paper an attempt has been to capture the processes of land reforms in India’s West Bengal under the Left Front rule and to critically review impact of this programme on village society. This paper also seeks to identify reasons with the help of empirical studies why it has not been possible for the Left Front Government to achieve the declared objectives of the programme. Major transformations in economic, social and political fields during the first two decades of the Left Front rule characterized by the successful implementation of land reform programmes but failed to produce sustained benefits to the poor beneficiaries of land reforms. The panchayat institutions were unsuccessful in making the poor realize that the existing social situation was not conducive for meeting their basic needs. The concluding part of the paper tries to bring together the lessons that the other countries or states in a federal system can learn from the experiences of implementation of land reforms programme in West Bengal.
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6

Bardhan, Pranab, and Dilip Mookherjee. "Determinants of Redistributive Politics: An Empirical Analysis of Land Reforms in West Bengal, India." American Economic Review 100, no. 4 (September 1, 2010): 1572–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.100.4.1572.

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Анотація:
We investigate political determinants of land reform implementation in the Indian state of West Bengal. Using a village panel spanning 1974–1998, we do not find evidence supporting the hypothesis that land reforms were positively and monotonically related to control of local governments by a Left Front coalition vis-à-vis the right-centrist Congress party, combined with lack of commitment to policy platforms. Instead, the evidence is consistent with a quasi-Downsian theory stressing the role of opportunism (reelection concerns) and electoral competition.(JEL D72, O13, O17, Q15)
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7

ChanWahn KIm and 최미혜. "West Bengal Assembly Elections 2001 in India and The End of 34 Years of Left Front Rule." Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 18, no. 2 (August 2011): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.18107/japs.2011.18.2.009.

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8

Bhaduri, Madhuchandra. "Impact of Demonetization on Small Businesses in Indian Economy - An Empirical Study on Small Businesses at Cooch Behar District, West Bengal." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 10, no. 3 (March 14, 2018): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v10.n3.p2.

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<p>November 8<sup>th</sup>, 2016 was a path breaking day in Indian economy when Govt. of India has demonetized the high value currency notes and replaced with new notes of Rs.500 and Rs.2000. This move Govt. was taken to clean the black money from the market, to inspire digital economy and to reduce the ‘Cash’ payment culture of some people for tax evasion. The overnight decision changed the life of many people in India. Thousands of people they waited in long queues in front of Banks, ATMs for money. Entire social life of people throughout the country got distracted. Many poor daily wage workers were left with no job and income as owners were unable to pay their daily wage because of less cash, around 15 lakh jobs have been obsolete during this one year.</p><p> Despite Govt. of India has taken a bold step to make India corruption free and inspire the people in cashless transaction but after one year can we say India is really corruption free? Can we observe any significant improvement in cashless transactions? Can we see the digital payments have significantly improved for common general man?</p><p>Many reports stated that Country’s automobile and real estate sectors are highly affected and World Bank has downgraded the Indian economy’s growth forecast as sharp falls. The empirical findings suggest that the impact of demonetization on GDP growth during Q3 and Q4 of 2016-17 was mostly felt in construction and real estate, but the good thing was that because of stronger growth in manufacturing, agriculture, mining and electricity the overall impact on gross domestic product growth was modest.</p><p>Many reports stated that small traders have immensely affected after demonetization because of the cash crunch and lack of infrastructure like digital payment system etc. Small traders in retail sector (grocery shops etc), service sector (restaurants, nursing homes etc.), gems and jewellery, small traders in agricultural products, SMEs, small dealers, professionals like doctors, lawyers etc, have highly affected because of demonetization during last one year. So my objective to find out whether the small traders have really affected or not. If they are affected then how they have affected?</p><p>The main objective of this paper is to study the impact of demonetization on the small scale traders at Cooch Behar District of West Bengal and how it affected their business. As we all know that Cooch Behar is the princely state of West Bengal which is located very near to Assam, Bhutan and Siliguri region. As a district town Cooch Behar has a high significance in businesses with Northeast, Siliguri and Bhutan. I prepared a questionnaire and surveyed to 50 small scale businessmen at Cooch Behar district and tried to find their perception on demonetization and its impacts on their businesses during last one year. The study at Cooch Behar district may reflect the status of small traders for entire country. Another objectives I have kept here to study whether demonetization really eradicated corruption from India and whether demonetization has changed the behavior of the citizens of the country in cashless transactions?</p>
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9

Ankit, Rakesh. "P. N. Haksar and Indira’s India: A Glimpse of the Domestic Sphere, 1967–1976." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 1 (April 23, 2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019838640.

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This article presents four episodes from the political period 1969 to 1976 in India, focusing on the views and actions of P. N. Haksar, Principal Secretary and Advisor to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (1967–1973). Unlike the ‘national/international politics’ hitherto under focus from then, that is, the Congress split (1969), birth of Bangladesh (1971) and the JP Movement/Emergency (1974–1975), the aspects under consideration in this article are of subterranean existence. First of these aspects is the provincial reverberations of the Congress split, the case considered here being that of the Bombay Pradesh Congress Committee. Second is the attitude of the Congress Party towards left opposition, the Communist Party of India Marxist (CPI [M]) in West Bengal, as revealed through the anxieties of Governor Shanti Dhavan. The third aspect under consideration is a glimpse of centre–states relations, as shown through New Delhi’s interactions with the EMS Namboodiripad-led and CPI (M)-dominated United Front Government of Kerala. Finally, the article looks at Haksar’s attempts at planning and development for the state of Bihar. Each of these four themes was among the ‘wider range of functions’ that Mrs Gandhi wished to be performed by her Secretariat and to allow us to test how successful each of it was. Each of these provides a context for contemporary issues.
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10

Kujur, Rini Pratik, and Puja Sen Majumdar. "A bid for memorialization: Negotiating public memory." Art & the Public Sphere 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00052_1.

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In March 2018, following the defeat of the Left Front by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led alliance in the Assembly elections in Tripura, India, one witnessed the demolition of Lenin’s statue in South Tripura amidst cries of, ‘Bharat Mata Ki Jai!’. The Tripura governor, as a response, tweeted ‐ ‘[w]hat one democratically elected government can do another democratically elected government can undo, and vice versa’ (Karmakar 2018: n.pag.). In May 2019, newspaper reports stated that workers from the right-wing political organization, BJP had defaced a statue of Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar in Vidyasagar College, Kolkata, India. Of the many criticisms levelled against this incident, one in particular took a nativist and elitist tone and posited that the rally consisted of ‘outsiders’, i.e., people from the neighbouring states of Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Jharkhand. As these ‘outsiders’ were not cognizant of Vidyasagar’s contributions to the sociocultural and political fabric of West Bengal, it made them more prone to committing said acts of vandalism. To that end, this article will closely examine the contemporary debates concerning the vandalism and restoration of statues in South Asia, which brings up pertinent questions regarding state power and the narratives propagated in the daily lives of its citizens and the iconographic function of statues which allows for communities, both real and imagined to rally around it. As structures of cultural, religious and political significance rise to the fore with increasing frequency, debates on their utility, significance, allegiance and symbolism are burgeoning with multiple meanings. To that end, in an attempt to historicize said events it is imperative to unpack the categories of culture, religious and political representation and what goes into their production in order to better address the questions: ‘Who is represented?’ and ‘[w]ho gets to represent?’. This article will locate the discussion around how statues are related at once to the mundane, the local and the national and when they are vandalized, how are discourses around communities affected as a result within the contours of cultural and religio-political representation.
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Дисертації з теми "Left Front (West Bengal, India)"

1

Lahiri, Indrani. "Unlikely bedfellows? : the media and government relations in West Bengal (1977-2011)." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/20410.

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This thesis examines the relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Front Government and the media in the provincial state of West Bengal, India, during the thirty four years (1977-2011) period when the party was in government. The main aim of the thesis is to investigate the relation between the CPI (M) led Left Front Government and the media in West Bengal (1977-2011), the role of the media in stabilising or destabilising the Left Front Government, the impact of neoliberalism on the Left Front Government and their relation with the media, the role of the media in communicating developmental policies of the LFG to the public and finally the role which the mainstream and the party controlled media played in the public sphere. These questions are addressed through document research of CPI (M)’s congress and conference reports, manifestos, press releases, pamphlets, leaflets, booklets; and interviews with the CPI (M) leadership and the Editors and Bureau Chiefs of the key newspapers and television channels in West Bengal. The findings are contextualised within a broader discussion of the political and historical transitions India and West Bengal have gone through in this period (chapter 4). This is the first study looking at the relationship between the media and the CPI (M) led Left Front Government over a period of thirty four years (1977-2011). The thesis finds that neoliberalism in India had considerable effects on the CPI (M), the media and their relationship. The research finds a continuous effort from the mainstream and the party-controlled media to dominate the public sphere leading debates in order to seek some form of political consensus in order to govern. The media in West Bengal were politically divided between the left and the opposition. The research finds that this generated a market for political advertisements and political news contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal that assisted in generating revenue for the media. The findings also suggest that the media contributed to rather than played a determining role in destabilising the Left Front Government. Finally the research finds that the CPI (M) had an arduous relation with the media since 1977 when the party decided to participate in the parliamentary democracy. The LFG and the mainstream media entered into an antagonistic relationship post 1991 contributing to a politically polarised media market in West Bengal.
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2

Williams, Glyn Owain. "Socialist development? : Economic and political change in rural West Bengal under the Left Front Government." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286808.

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3

Kanjilal, Amitava. "Politics of gender in performance: study of group theatre reductions during left front rule in West Bengal." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2796.

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Книги з теми "Left Front (West Bengal, India)"

1

Bhattacharya, Manik. Decentralized participatory rural transformation: During left front government in West Bengal : an alternative to neo-liberal developmentalism. New Delhi: Shivalik Prakashan, 2012.

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2

Bera, Chhaya. Women and the left front government of West Bengal. Calcutta: National Book Agency, 1990.

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3

Atul, Bhatkhalkar, and Centre for Leadership Studies (Bombay, India), eds. Left front rule in West Bengal: Genesis, growth, and decay. Mumbai: Centre for Leadership Studies, 1997.

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4

1914-, Basu Jyoti, Bhaṭṭācārya Buddhadeba, Biśvāsa Anila, and Bhaṭṭācārya Mihira, eds. People's power in practice: 20 years of Left Front in West Bengal. Calcutta: National Book Agency, 1997.

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5

Guha, Abhijit. An Ethnographer’s Journey through Land Grab for Capitalists by the Left Front Government in West Bengal. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792444.003.0013.

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Chakraborty and Ray discuss the ‘land question’ by critically examining the appropriation of community land and subsequent dispossession of the tribes embedded in the social economy of the hills of Northeast India. They state that the historico-epistemological hiatus between the customary law abiding tribes vis-à-vis the positive law imposing state appears to be fundamental in understanding the difference between the two contrasting interpretations of property rights enacted in the highlands of the region. The trivialization of community land and dispossession of the tribal masses in Manipur, Meghalaya, and Tripura suggests that constitutional protections have fallen short in protecting the community resources of the tribes. The hydropower projects in Arunachal Pradesh and the threats of dispossession of the communities under the hegemony of state-business collusion represent the continuing process of appropriation of the community resources in the hill areas.
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6

Neoliberalism and the Transforming Left in India: A Contradictory Manifesto. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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7

Chatterji, Rakhahari, and Partha Pratim Basu. West Bengal under the Left: 1977-2011. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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8

Chatterji, Rakhahari, and Partha Pratim Basu. West Bengal under the Left: 1977-2011. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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9

Contemporary Politics in West Bengal: Glimpses from the Left Front Regime. Kolkata, India: Purbalok Publication, 2012.

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10

Chatterjee, Jyotiprasad, and Suprio Basu. Left Front and After: Understanding the Dynamics of Poriborton in West Bengal. SAGE Publications India Pvt, Ltd., 2020.

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Частини книг з теми "Left Front (West Bengal, India)"

1

Bhattacharyya, Harihar. "The Decline of the Left in West Bengal." In The 2019 Parliamentary Elections in India, 141–62. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003261063-10.

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2

BANERJEE, MUKULIKA. "A Left Front Election." In Diversity and Change in Modern India. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264515.003.0010.

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This chapter discusses the electoral ethnography of a campaign in the state of West Bengal. It presents a thick ethnographic description of the campaigning process and traces the numerous techniques used. The political messages and organisational hierarchies at every level of the state's population help in answering why incumbent governments suffer repeated electoral defeats.
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3

Sen, Partha Pratim, and Arunima Ray (Chowdhury). "The Ascent in Arohan." In ReFocus: The Films of Shyam Benegal, 118–34. Edinburgh University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474452861.003.0008.

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In the late 1970s and 80s, a handful of Indian filmmakers forged an alternative philosophy of cinema that was markedly distinct from run-of-the-mill Bollywood romances. As the founding father of this realistic ‘new wave’ cinema, Benegal consciously engaged with urgent political matters, such as class struggle, in his films. Arohan (The Ascent, 1983) is one such filmic experiment in which he faithfully documents the triumph of class struggle, assisted by a state government committed to Marxist-Leninist ideology.The objective of this chapter has been to analyze the resilience of the Indian proletariat class, namely the sharecroppers (bargadars) and landless laborers, to overcome the impediments to land rights laid both by the landlords (jotedars) as well as the cumbrous administrative and judicial systems. Set in rural West Bengal between 1967 and 1980, the film charts the journey of a poor peasant, Hari Mondal, caught in a predicament where his options are either to accept the brutal conditionality of the jotedar or to get embroiled in the violent anti-establishment Naxalite movement, to establish his land rights. In this connection, the chapter draws references to institutionalized peasant empowerment through the policy of Operation Barga launched by the Left Front Government in 1977.
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4

"Parliamentary left in West Bengal: the rise and fall of a hegemonic regime." In Left Radicalism in India, 118–50. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315768977-15.

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5

Mukhopadhyay, Ambarish. "Governing Urban West Bengal: The Left Front Experiment." In West Bengal under the Left 1977-2011, 91–112. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328442-5.

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6

Bandyopadhyay, Srikumar, and Partha Pratim Basu. "Industry in West Bengal during the Left Front Regime." In West Bengal under the Left 1977-2011, 113–35. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328442-6.

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Basu, Partha Pratim. "Agriculture under the Left Front Regime in West Bengal." In West Bengal under the Left 1977-2011, 136–58. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328442-7.

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8

Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "Parliamentary Left in West Bengal: Organizational Hegemony Established through an Ideological Churning." In Communism in India, 71–91. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199974894.003.0004.

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9

Mukhopadhyay, Apurba, and Partha Pratim Basu. "The Left Front in West Bengal: From Movement to Government." In West Bengal under the Left 1977-2011, 19–39. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328442-2.

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10

Chatterjee, Shibashis. "The Left Front and The Politics of Regionalism in West Bengal 1." In West Bengal under the Left 1977-2011, 66–88. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429328442-4.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Left Front (West Bengal, India)"

1

Iyer, R., J. P. Shulka, and A. Verma. Community Leave No One Behind: Lessons from a Pilot. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/slh.2021.014.

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Анотація:
In 2020, WSSCC’s India Support Unit (now UNOPS) piloted a new participatory approach called Community Leave No One Behind (CLNOB) to support the Swachh Bharat Mission Grameen (SBM-G) Phase II. The pilot took place in five districts in India (Mirzapur in Uttar Pradesh, Ranchi in Jharkhand, Kamrup in Assam, South 24 Paragnas in West Bengal and Purnea in Bihar). A Prerak (facilitator) was appointed in each district to support this process and work within villages at community level. The Sanitation Learning Hub supported an accompanying learning component of the pilot, facilitating learning sessions between the preraks and the development of a Handbook based on the experience. This learning brief outlines the purpose of CLNOB, the actions generated by the pilot and our reflections of the CLNOB approach. The CLNOB Handbook, a handbook on Community Leave No One Behind, accompanies this Learning Brief. CLNOB was designed to ensure a participatory method to enable sustained access to safely managed sanitation facilities for people who have been ‘left behind’ or left out of the first phase of India’s national sanitation campaign.
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