Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Kurds – Ethnic identity"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся зі списками актуальних статей, книг, дисертацій, тез та інших наукових джерел на тему "Kurds – Ethnic identity".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Статті в журналах з теми "Kurds – Ethnic identity"
1
Cetin, Umit, Celia Jenkins, and Suavi AYDIN. "Editorial: Alevi Kurds: History, Politics and Identity." Kurdish Studies 8, no. 1 (May 24, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v8i1.558.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This special issue brings together scholarship on Alevi Kurds by focusing on their ethnic, linguistic, religious, political, cultural and social specificity including a range of articles from the disciplines of anthropology, history, politics, linguistics and sociology. The first part focuses on Turkey, exploring the roots of Kurdish Alevism and how Alevi religious identities intersect with ethnic and national identity and political representations, and the second focuses on Alevi Kurds and their creation of a transnational religious identity and their mixed experience of settlement in the UK diaspora.
2
Shaffer, Brenda. "The Formation of Azerbaijani Collective Identity in Iran." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 3 (September 2000): 449–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687484.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Iran is a multi-ethnic society in which approximately 50% of its citizens are of non-Persian origin, yet researchers commonly use the terms Persians and Iranians interchangeably, neglecting the supra-ethnic meaning of the term Iranian for many of the non-Persians in Iran. The largest minority ethnic group in Iran is the Azerbaijanis (comprising approximately a third of the population) and other major groups include the Kurds, Arabs, Baluchis and Turkmen. Iran's ethnic groups are particularly susceptible to external manipulation and considerably subject to influence from events taking place outside its borders, since most of the non-Persians are concentrated in the frontier areas and have ties to co-ethnics in adjoining states, such as Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Pakistan and Iraq.
3
Misiągiewicz, Justyna. "The Kurd Issue in the Middle East." Facta Simonidis 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2013): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/fs.233.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article surveys the developing situation of Kurdish minority in the Middle East and tries to predict the future of this ethnic group. The emergence of Kurd nationalism is gaining importance nowadays as a challenge for the stability and unity of the states in the region. The Kurdish question is not only connected with the political identity of the Kurds and their willingness to create their own state, but also with their economic weakness and poverty which has caused a violent ethnic conflict between government forces and the Kurdistan Workers Party in Turkey. This paper is aimed at better understanding and analysis of the Kurdish issue in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, which are Kurds’ homelands in the Middle East.
4
Kızılkaya, Berna. "Kurds Stuck in Pain: A View of Kurdish Identity in the Way of Performativity." ISSUE EIGHT 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.25079/ukhjss.v5n1y2021.pp1-7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why can Kurds not be happy, peaceful, joyous, and live a lifestyle on the top that they deserve just as many other ethnic identities have already done? Why do Kurds not have an independent state with a healthy and wealthy society just as many other populations, even the smallest, have achieved? Is it the destiny of Kurds? Or is it about behviours? The answer emerges from the pain that Kurds are stuck in. In this paper, Judith Butler’s concept of performativity is used to argue the aggrieved discourse that accompanies Kurdish identity with a tricky position called victim mentality. Analyzing limited and repeated discourses about Kurdish identity is used to attempt to suggest a new way of doing so, discursively. The idea that using a style of linguistic acts with embodied practices enables one to go beyond the current binary political framework for Kurds is explored.
5
Albert, Craig Douglas. "A History of Violence: Ethnic Group Identity and the Iraqi Kurds." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 2 (2013): 215–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130206.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the more interesting aspects of world concern during “Operation Iraqi Freedom” was how to incorporate Iraq’s Kurdish population into an American military strategy. Furthermore, as the war was winding down, and the United States and Iraq began to construct a new Iraqi state, government, and Constitutional regime, the focus shifted on what role would the Kurds play in the new government, or even if they should be included in a government. But for most policy-makers, it was unclear who were the Kurds. How were they different than the other ethnic and religious populations of Iraq and the region generally? What was their history with the Iraqi regime under Saddam Hussein? The purpose of this paper is to provide answers to these most important questions through the lens of Political Science. As Iraq continues to form its new identity, it is important to understand what constitutes the identity of one of its most prominent ethnic groups, the Kurds. In tracing and describing Kurdish ethnic attributes, it is also important to delineate the history between the Iraqi government under Saddam Hussein, how Iraqi identity was constructed in opposition to Kurdish identity (often oppressing it), and to understand the tense relationship between the two, a relationship that is most aptly described as having a history of violence.
6
Serdar, Ayşe. "Strategies of making and unmaking ethnic boundaries: Evidence on the Laz of Turkey." Ethnicities 19, no. 2 (November 8, 2017): 335–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817739933.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The main aim of this article is to explore different strategies of boundary making and unmaking by a minority ethnic group. I apply the theories of “boundary work” and constructivist understanding of ethnicity and nationhood to the case of the Laz, one of the autochthons of the Eastern Black Sea region of Turkey. I analyze two main strategies—boundary crossing and contraction—in the context of three sets of encounters and interactions, with Turks/Turkishness, people of Black Sea—Karadenizli—and Kurds/Kurdishness. First, I argue that assimilating into the official Turkish identity is one of the strategies adopted by the ethnic Laz. The Laz are incorporated into Turkishness both by their search for economic mobility, status, and by assimilationist policies of the state especially aimed at the spread of Turkish. To become a full-fledged true member of the nation and access to potential benefits, Turkishness through language shift has been realized that allowed boundary crossing of the Laz. Second, I state that despite the efforts of the top-down assimilationist policies, noncontentious ethnic identities can be reproduced by means of symbolic boundaries. The Laz contextually activate symbolic boundaries in informal settings by contracting from other people of Black Sea—Karadenizli—or ethnic Turkishness. The ethnic language is substituted by nonthreatening ethnic performances and rhetoric, less marked and more subjective traits of self-asserted differences. Such symbolic boundaries correspond to unofficial forms of hierarchies and competition over local belongings. Third, the analysis of the Laz–Kurd relationship unveils that ethnic boundaries can be redefined according to changing conditions. The impact of the Kurds on the Laz identity, either by means of personal acquaintances or the relationship between the state and the Kurdish national movement, is imperative. It triggers contradictions in the Laz identity by revealing new potential redefinitions and recasting of boundaries.
7
Et. al., Kawa AbdulKareem Sherwani,. "Applicability of two Models of National Identity on Kurds." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.705.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
National identity is a broad concept. Anthony Smith (1991) and Shulman (2002) proposed two models and identified some components and elements as the building blocks of national identity. However, they both acknowledge the fact that their lists are not exhaustive and elements can be added or removed to or from the lists. Kurds, as the largest ethnic group without a state in the world, work very hard to establish a unified national identity as it is the first step of nation building. The study aims at the applicability of the two models on Kurds. Apparently, territory, language and culture are huge problems due to the limited access of different parts to others in different times
8
Et. al., Kawa AbdulKareem Sherwani,. "Applicability of two models of national identity on Kurds." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 11, 2021): 319–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.717.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
National identity is a broad concept. Anthony Smith (1991) and Shulman (2002) proposed two models and identified some components and elements as the building blocks of national identity. However, they both acknowledge the fact that their lists are not exhaustive and elements can be added or removed to or from the lists. Kurds, as the largest ethnic group without a state in the world, work very hard to establish a unified national identity as it is the first step of nation building. The study aims at the applicability of the two models on Kurds. Apparently, territory, language and culture are huge problems due to the limited access of different parts to others in different times
9
Husain, Saddam. "Ethnicity and the Kurdish Questions in the Middle East." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 8, no. 9 (September 14, 2023): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2023.v08.n09.003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Kurdish question could be considered as an ethnic question in Middle East politics, which remains unsolved. As the largest stateless ethnic groups, most of its population exists in the four Middle East countries: Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Turkey. In contemporary times, the polarisation along ethnic lines has become central to the Kurdish question in Middle East politics. Presently, most existing expertise on Kurdish politics gave the numbers aspect of the Kurdish national struggle in the Middle East. The historical exclusion and assimilation of Kurd ethnic identity by dominant ethnic identity and challenges faced by the Kurds, such as statelessness, marginalisation, and conflict, always look like the Ethnic matter of the Kurdish question in the Middle East. This research paper delves into the complex interplay between ethnicity and the Kurdish question in the Middle East. The paper begins by tracing the historical origins of the Kurdish people. It examines the evolution of the Kurdish question, analysing the socio-political and cultural factors that have shaped their struggle for self-determination.
10
Akboga, Sema, and Osman Sahin. "Identity and Perceptions of Procedural Justice in the Courts in Turkey: Ethnic and Political Factors." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 12, no. 1 (2022): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0644.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Procedural justice, which is about the fairness of procedures that the legal authorities use in their interactions with the public, is an important determinant of people’s general evaluations of these authorities. Based on a nationally representative survey with 1,804 people, this article investigates how socio-political identities such as ethnicity and one’s status as a political winner or loser affect people’s perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey. Multivariate regression analysis revealed that Kurds and political losers are more likely than Turks and political winners, respectively, to think that the courts in Turkey are not procedurally just. Furthermore, we found that voting for the incumbent party or being an Alevi does not have an effect on Kurds’ perceptions of procedural justice in the courts. We, therefore, argue that ethnicity and being a political winner are two important identity factors that determine people’s perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey. We concluded that because Kurds and political losers are less likely to identify with the state, they have more negative perceptions of procedural justice in the courts in Turkey.
Дисертації з теми "Kurds – Ethnic identity"
1
Peralta, Judith B. "The Kurds in Canada, a question of ethnic identity." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22098.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
2
Peralta, Judith B. Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "The Kurds in Canada: a question of ethnic identity." Ottawa, 1997.
Знайти повний текст джерела
3
Ahmadi, Hamid Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The politics of ethnic nationalism in Iran." Ottawa, 1995.
Знайти повний текст джерела
4
Fawaz, Ahmed M. Abdel Hafez. "Opportunity, ethnic identity and resources in ethnic mobilisation : the cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1919.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The cases of the Kurds in Iraq and the Abkhaz in Georgia were chosen to illustrate how ethnic entrepreneurs play a crucial role in the ethnic mobilisation process. The study argues that in both cases a combination of variables was at work. These cases seem unlikely comparisons at first. The primary challenge appeared to be dealing with cases that involve different contexts and identities. However, in both cases entrepreneurs exploited an appropriate domestic environment to start the process and they perceived the opportunities provided by external intervention and the state’s policy towards their groups as incentives. Choosing the intermediate variables depends on the understanding that each one provides part of the explanation. Political opportunity structure directs the attention to the cost-benefit analyses of ethnic entrepreneurs and their perceptions of the available opportunity. Ethnic identity politicisation illustrates the role of ethnic entrepreneurs in choosing and activating identities. Finally, resource mobilisation is essential in conflict as any conflict requires resources that are consumed throughout its various stages. These resources are also used by ethnic entrepreneurs to reward their followers and guarantee loyalty, or sometimes to provide material incentives to reassure those unconvinced of the movement's potential success against the central authorities.
5
Gavrielides, Stala M. "Kurdish ethnonationalism : a threat to Turkish security." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28274.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Traditional thinking on security fails to explain the security predicament of Third World states. These states, with their existence assured by international recognition, are not primarily concerned with externally generated threats. Their internal characteristics violate the tenants of the realist theory, because they have more than one nation within their borders. The domestic conditions of these states make them internally insecure and weak---the threat of ethnic conflict great.As such, placing security in the military sphere alone, ignores these contradictions which lead to an insecurity dilemma. Thus, the concept of security needs to be broadened to include, not merely the military but also the political, societal and economic factors. The threat posed to state security from dissenting ethnic groups is both a domestic and foreign policy issue. It is within this discussion, that the thesis examines Turkey's security predicament with regards to her Kurdish minority.
6
Kaplan, Muharrem. "Ethnic And Religious Identities In Northern Iraq." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609215/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this study is to discuss the role of the religion and language, Islam Kurdish, in the process of Kurdish identity formation in Northern Iraq and to find out the most imperative factor/s in the existing identification of Kurdish identity by relying on the field research conducted in Erbil.
The current discussions in the literature generally either emphasized the role of religion by focusing on the tariqat relations, and/or the role of feudal structure of the Kurdish society by focusing on the tribal relations, and/or the role of the culture by specifically focusing on the language as way of identification. In this study, the results of the field research conducted in Erbil are being compared to the arguments in the existing literature that explain the Kurdish identity in relation to the religion and the language.
The study aims to discuss whether there is a shift from the religion, which had a significant role in history regarding the Kurdish identification, to the language, as a marker of modern Kurdish identity formation in Erbil. The research that conducted for this thesis has indicated that while the role of religion lost its historical role, the Kurdish language became the indicator of the identity of the Kurds in Erbil. In addition, this study will examine, in historical context, how the Kurdish language became the core issue of the Kurdish identity. The findings of the field research have been analyzed by using SPSS (Statistical Package for Social Sciences) software program.
7
Koc, Yasin. "Identity threat and coping strategies among highly stigmatised sexual and ethnic minorities." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/75226/.
Повний текст джерела
8
Bajalan, Djene Rhys. "Between accommodationism and separatism : Kurds, Ottomans and the politics of nationality (1839-1914)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:19df6c44-b55c-4807-8d8b-bf202184bcda.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation examines the origins and development of ethno-national mobilisation amongst the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire in the decades leading up to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It argues that, like other elements of Ottoman community, over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the idea that the Kurds constituted a 'nation' gradually proliferated amongst Kurdish intellectual and political leaders. This nascent 'national consciousness' found concrete expression in the establishment of a series of newspapers, journals and organisations claiming to represent the views and interests of the Ottoman Kurdish community. However, while a growing number of Kurds began to see themselves as part of a 'Kurdish nation', the political implications of Kurdish 'nationhood' remained controversial. Indeed, from its inception the Kurdish movement contained within it a number of factions which held very different opinions on what precisely constituted the Kurds' national interests. This included some who attempted to secure the advancement and development of their people within the framework of the empire (accommodationists) and others who sought national independence (separatists). This study seeks to highlight the diversity within the Kurdish movement and, more importantly, shed light on the reasons behind it. In doing so, it will become possible to create a more nuanced historical narrative of the origins and nature of the Kurdish question, a question which remained a major political issue facing Middle Eastern leaders and statesmen today.
9
Alptekin, Huseyin. "Explaining ethnopolitical mobilization : ethnic incorporation and mobilization patterns in Bulgaria, Cyprus, Turkey, and beyond." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/24979.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why do some ethnic groups mobilize in violent ways whereas some others mobilize by using peaceful methods? And why do some ethnic groups seek integration while some others pursue separatist goals? This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to answer these questions. It suggests that a state’s ethnic incorporation policies shape both why (centripetal or centrifugal aims) and how (peaceful or violent methods) ethnic groups mobilize. It argues that (1) consocitionalism recognizes ethnic groups and grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet limits individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels of political participation; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centrifugal ethnic mobilizations; (2) liberal multiculturalism recognizes ethnic groups, grants a degree of political autonomy to them, and allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centripetal mobilizations; (3) civic assimilationism neither recognizes ethnic groups nor grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and therefore it leads to peaceful and centripetal mobilizations of groups which lack pre-existing ethnic mobilization; but it leads to moderately violent and centrifugal mobilizations of groups which have strong pre-existing ethnic mobilizations; and (4) ethnocracies neither recognize ethnic groups nor grant a degree of political autonomy to them, and they also limit individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels. Therefore, they lead to centrifugal and violent ethnic mobilizations. The dissertation uses a mixed method research design. The hypotheses are tested based on the Minorities at Risk data as well as the case studies of ethnic Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus, and Kurds and the Roma in Turkey. The case studies benefit from an extensive field research in Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Turkey using original interviews with former and current guerillas, guerilla families, political activists, and politicians from each ethnic group under scrutiny and archival research on newspapers and legal documents. The findings indicate that politics of ethnic accommodation are not only an explanation for the causes of different ethnic mobilization patterns, but also a feasible remedy for ethnic disputes spanning all over the world.text
Книги з теми "Kurds – Ethnic identity"
1
Laber, Jeri. Destroying ethnic identity: The Kurds of Turkey. New York, N.Y: U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee, 1988.
Знайти повний текст джерела
2
Laber, Jeri. Destroying ethnic identity: The Turks of Bulgaria. New York, NY: Helsinki Watch Committee, 1986.
Знайти повний текст джерела
3
Laber, Jeri. Destroying ethnic identity: The Turks of Bulgaria. New York, NY: Helsinki Watch Committee, 1987.
Знайти повний текст джерела
4
McKiernan, Kevin. The Kurds: A people in search of their homeland. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2006.
Знайти повний текст джерела
5
Vali, Abbas. Kurdekan u "ewanî" tiryan: Hewiyet u siyasetî parçeparçebû. Swêd: Biławkirawekanî Nawendî Rehend bo Lêkołînewey Kurdî, 2001.
Знайти повний текст джерела
6
Pêşeng, Şefîq. Tofana pêşiya me: Nivîsên netkurdê. İstanbul: Hîvda İletişim, 2017.
Знайти повний текст джерела
7
Whitman, Lois. Destroying ethnic identity: The Turks of Greece. New York, N.Y: Human Rights Watch, 1990.
Знайти повний текст джерела
8
Bilāl, Māzin. al- Masʾalah al-Kurdīyah: Al-wahm wa-al-ḥaqīqah. Bayrūt: Bīsān, 1993.
Знайти повний текст джерела
9
Dag, Veysi. Der Aufbau der kurdischen Gemeinschaft in der Diaspora: Identität und transnationale Aktivitäten der kurdischen Diaspora-Gemeinschaft in einer vergleichenden Studie zwischen London und Berlin. Berlin: Han, 2012.
Знайти повний текст джерела
10
G, MacDonald Charles, and O'Leary Carole, eds. Kurdish identity: Human rights and political status. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Kurds – Ethnic identity"
1
Yazıcı, Fatih. "Kurdish Teachers in Turkey Within the Context of History Education." In To Be a Minority Teacher in a Foreign Culture, 351–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25584-7_22.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThe relationship between Turks and Kurds, two peoples who have lived together for nearly a thousand years, has become tense with the nation-building policies that have been implemented in Turkey for over a century. The imposition of a singular identity based on Turkishness on a wide range of national/ethnic differences ranging from the constitution to educational policies has caused limitations in Kurds’ living their own identities along with other minority communities. Due to its close relationship with national identity, history courses are among the areas of education that tend to ignore ethnic/cultural differences in Turkey. Kurdish teachers of history, who have to teach a content organized with such an understanding, are trapped between the truths of official history and the truths of their own identities, as well as the identity problems they face in the social and political field. In this study, interviews were conducted with Kurdish teachers of history of different religious/sectarian, political and sexual identities and their relations with their students, colleagues and educational bureaucracy and the meaning of history lessons for them were revealed. Thus, it was tried to understand what it means to be a Kurdish teacher of history in Turkey.
2
Lalik, Krzysztof. "Ethnic and Religious Factors of Chaldo-Assyrian Identity in an Interface with the Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan." In Rediscovering Kurdistan’s Cultures and Identities, 213–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-93088-6_6.
Повний текст джерела
3
Türkmen, Gülay. "Muslim Kurds." In Under the Banner of Islam, 77–100. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197511817.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Chapter 3 introduces “religio-ethnic” identity via a focus on Civil Friday Prayers. It provides an overview of how the institutional and policy changes introduced during the AKP rule made possible the employment of Islam as a tool of resistance in the hands of Civil Friday Prayer imams. Building on interviews with these imams as well as observations from Friday prayers, it draws attention to imams as autonomous agents of contestation who have turned religion from a tool of assimilation into a tool of nonviolent resistance. Though acknowledging Islam’s capacity to unite, these imams are quite suspicious of the Muslim unity discourse. By quoting Qur’anic verses and hadiths that highlight ethnicity as a religious, God-given (fıtrî) identity, they claim that rejecting one’s Kurdish identity and assimilating into Turkish culture means going against God’s will. Hence, rather than the ethno-religious approach, these imams promote a “religio-ethnic” identity, which traces the origins of ethno-national identity back to religious identity.
4
Bruinessen, Martin van. "Tribes and Ethnic Identity." In The Kurds in a Changing Middle East. I.B. Tauris, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781788318907.ch-0007.
Повний текст джерела
5
Mohséni, Chirine. "The Instrumentalization of Ethnic Conflict by the State." In Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, translated by Françoise Gillespie, 217–32. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.003.0013.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines the ethnic tensions between Kurds and Azeris in and around the city of Naqadeh in Western Azerbaijan shortly after the Iranian Revolution. Favored by the Iranian state, the Azeris held dominant social and political positions in comparison to the Kurds, adding to the tensions between these populations. The shift to violence is the result of several elements: first, the collapse of the old regime brought into question the hitherto legitimate ethnic hierarchy. Being Shi'ite became a key element in the relationship with the state and Sunni Kurds were marginalized. Second, Kurdish political demands were a source of concern for the region's Azeri population. Finally, the new government, freshly installed, had yet to establish its authority over Kurdish areas. Ethnic violence among different groups only served to justify government intervention and strengthen state influence.
6
"Conclusion: reconciling ethnic identity, citizenship and the ‘ideal’ in Erdoğan’s Turkey?" In The Kurds in Erdoğan’s Turkey, 221–34. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781474459228-012.
Повний текст джерела
7
Scalbert-Yücel, Clémence. "Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Hierarchy." In Identity, Conflict and Politics in Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, translated by Adrian Morfee, 45–64. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845780.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter examines the production of identity by the media. Grounding the analysis on how private Turkish television channels deal with the Kurdish population and “problem,” it shows how ethnic categories are used to legitimize, explain, or deny cultural difference, thereby conditioning political practices and public perceptions. This has contributed to creating a double discourse that consolidated during the next decade: the new rhetoric of “cultural diversity” coexists with the older one on the Kurdish issue, defined as a development or civilization issue. The coexistence of these two discourses shows the relative value of identities and their ranking. The chapter then explores the hypothesis according to which, recognizing cultural diversity in Turkey—and in particular the existence of Kurds—triggers a change in the definition of the conflict and in the political practices at a certain level while, at another level, allowing to confirm old categories founding the ethnic hierarchies.
8
Kennedy, Hugh. "The Emergence of New Polities in the Breakup of the Abbasid Caliphate." In Empires and Communities in the Post-Roman and Islamic World, C. 400-1000 CE, 14–27. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190067946.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this chapter, a general overview is given of the role of ethnic groups and tribes in the early Islamic world. Looking at the available source material, it appears that tribal identities and genealogies, as well as the ethnic differences that follow from these identifications, were of paramount importance to contemporary observers. The significance of tribes in internal politics and the way they are framed in literary texts, however, never allowed them to carve out a lasting dominion. The second part of the chapter addresses the more straightforwardly ethnic groups within the caliphate, principally Armenians, Kurds, and Iranians. Of these, only the Armenians developed modes of identification that were connected to their geographic situation, their brand of Christianity, and their language and script. At the other end of the spectrum, no strong common identity of the Kurds appears to have emerged in the premodern period, although there were some successful dynasties and rulers, such as Saladin, who (were) identified as Kurdish even if their empires did not. From among the multitude of possible identifications available to the populations in the early Islamic world (religious, tribal, linguistic, cultural, or urban), ethnicity thus did not have a specific impact on the constitution of states.
9
Abdulazeez, Nazar Jamil. "Reconciliation of Identity Groups in Iraq." In Immigration and the Current Social, Political, and Economic Climate, 707–26. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-6918-3.ch039.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the parliamentary elections in 31st April 2014, the political process in Iraq described as a fragile, ethnic tension have mounted and security situation declined tremendously with the rises of Islamic State in Sunni Arab populated areas. Since 10th June 2014, over a million internally displaced people approached Iraqi Kurdistan Region in a two-week time period. More than 300,000 monitories, including Yazidi Kurds and Christians, have fled to Duhok city. Additionally, over 40,000 civilians Yazidis trapped for a week in the mountain of Snjar, running from Islamic State (IS). This text works out measures for accommodating conflicts and claims of Iraqi sectarian groups. In order to explore and assess application of those means in conflict accommodation in Iraq, first, this text analyses the conflict through identifying actors, outlines the structure of the conflict and change in the dynamic of the conflict over the time. Second section of this text, illustrates the means for reconciliation of different identities in the world of politics based on the conflict analysis.
10
Abdulazeez, Nazar Jamil. "Reconciliation of Identity Groups in Iraq." In Advances in Public Policy and Administration, 278–97. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9675-4.ch014.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the parliamentary elections in 31st April 2014, the political process in Iraq described as a fragile, ethnic tension have mounted and security situation declined tremendously with the rises of Islamic State in Sunni Arab populated areas. Since 10th June 2014, over a million internally displaced people approached Iraqi Kurdistan Region in a two-week time period. More than 300,000 monitories, including Yazidi Kurds and Christians, have fled to Duhok city. Additionally, over 40,000 civilians Yazidis trapped for a week in the mountain of Snjar, running from Islamic State (IS). This text works out measures for accommodating conflicts and claims of Iraqi sectarian groups. In order to explore and assess application of those means in conflict accommodation in Iraq, first, this text analyses the conflict through identifying actors, outlines the structure of the conflict and change in the dynamic of the conflict over the time. Second section of this text, illustrates the means for reconciliation of different identities in the world of politics based on the conflict analysis.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Kurds – Ethnic identity"
1
Balkaş, Zeynep, Zeynep Yanık, and Elif Çelebi. "Who is Responsible for the Conflict? The Role of Identification and Perception of Discrimination." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/nvki9518.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines whether identification (ethnic and national) and perception of discrimination between minority and majority members are related to attributions of responsibility in the context of the prolonged Kurdish conflict in Turkey. Understanding attributions of responsibility for the conflict are important because they can exacerbate or hinder conflict. The two ethnic groups, Turks and Kurds, hold different views of the conflict in which they are involved. We identify four primary parties in the current context of conflict: the Turkish state, the PKK, Kurdish citizens, and foreign states. The official state discourse holds that the PKK and the Kurds are responsible for the conflict. A shared national identification might reduce in-group conflict but also might result in minority group members adopting the official state discourse. Ethnic identity might operate differently for the different groups. Furthermore, perception of discrimination might be related to endorsing alternative explanations for the conflict, different from the state discourse. Kurds are the largest ethnic minority group in Turkey but have been denied ethnic, political, and cultural rights until recently. They have also been the targets of a long-standing assimilation policy aimed to create a nation state based on Turkish ethno-cultural identity. The Turkish Republic’s founding ideology has historically denied the existence of the Kurdish ethnic minority group (currently around 18% of the population). For this study, we used a nationally representative data set of 10,386 participants; of the participants, 76% self-identified as Turkish and 13.4% as Kurdish. We conducted multiple regression analyses to predict how the two groups differed in their ethnic and national identification and perception of discrimination in predicting four different sources of conflict. Results were discussed in terms of social identity theory and conflict resolution approaches.
2
Tanrıverdi, Büşra, Ayşe Divleli, and Elif Çelebi. "Predictors of Support for Democratic Reform: Role of Intergroup Friendship, Perception of Discrimination and Identification." In International Association of Cross Cultural Psychology Congress. International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4087/htki3868.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Turkey, recent debate is whether to include the word “Kurd” in the constitution or to replace the word “Turk” with “Turkiyeli” (who holds Turkish citizenship). These changes symbolically challenge the close correspondence between Turkish ethnicity and nationality. Granting some rights to the Kurdish minority, including recognition of their ethno-political identity in the constitution, is critical for democratic reforms and sustainable reconciliation following the peace agreement in March 2013. The question is “How much of the Turkish population supports these constitutional changes?” Research has proposed that having relationship with out-group individuals positively influences an individual’s perceptions of others. Therefore, the current study investigates the role of intergroup friendship, perception of discrimination, and identification (ethnic, national) in predicting support for democratic reforms through constitutional change. 380 college students (68.2% women, 31.3% men) who identified themselves as Turkish, participated in the study. A multiple regression analysis was conducted to predict support for democratic reform. The main effects of intergroup friendship, perception of discrimination and identification (ethnic, national) were entered. All predictors had significant independent effects except ethnic identity. Results were discussed in terms of intergroup relations.
3
إسماعيل جمعه, كويان, and محمد إسماعيل جمعه. ""Forced displacement and its consequences Khanaqin city as a model"." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/36.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"Humanity has known (forced displacement) as one of the inhuman phenomena, and international law considers it a war crime, and the forcibly displaced area is subjected to various types of psychological, physical, cultural and ethnic torture. Khanaqin has been subjected to more displacement compared to the rest of Iraq's cities, and forced displacement is a systematic practice carried out by governments or armed groups intolerant towards groups that differ from them in religion, sect, nationalism, belief, politics, or race, with the aim of evacuating lands and replacing groups other population instead. Forced displacement is either direct, i.e. forcibly removing residents from their areas of residence, or indirect, such as using means of intimidation, persecution, and sometimes murder. This phenomenon varies in the causes and motives that depend on conflicts and wars, and greed, as well as dependence on cruelty in dealing and a tendency to brutality and barbarism. With regard to forced displacement in Iraq before the year 2003 AD, it was a systematic phenomenon according to a presidential law away from punishment, and it does not constitute a crime, as evidenced by the absence of any legal text referring to it in the Iraqi Penal Code, but after the year 2003 AD, criminal judgments were issued against the perpetrators of forced displacement. For the period between 17/7/1967 to 1/5/2003 CE, displacement cases were considered a terrorist crime, and consideration of them would be the jurisdiction of the Iraqi Central Criminal Court. The deportations from the city of Khanaqin were included in the forced displacement, by forcibly transferring the civilian population from the area to which they belong and reside to a second area that differs culturally and socially from the city from which they left. Al-Anbar governorate identified a new home for the displaced residents of Khanaqin, first, and then some of the southern governorates. We find other cases of forced displacement, for example, what happened to the Faili Kurds. They were expelled by a presidential decision, and the decision stated: (They were transferred to Nakra Salman, and then they were deported to Iran). These cases of deportation or displacement have led to the emergence of psychological effects on the displaced, resulting from the feeling of persecution and cultural extermination of the traditions of these people, and the obliteration of their national identity, behavior and practices. After the year 2003 AD, the so-called office for the return of property appeared, and there was a headquarters in every governorate, Except in Diyala governorate, there were two offices, the first for the entire governorate, and the second for Khanaqin district alone, and this indicates the extent of injustice, displacement, deportation, tyranny, and extermination that this city was subjected to. The crimes of forced displacement differ from one case to another according to their causes, origins, goals and causes - as we mentioned - but there are expansive reasons, so that this reason is limited to greed, behavior, cruelty, brutality and barbarism. But if these ideas are impure and adopted by extremists, then they cause calamity, inequality and discrimination, forcing the owners of the land to leave. In modern times, the crime of forced displacement has accompanied colonial campaigns to control other countries, so that displacement has become part of the customs of war, whether in conflicts external or internal. Forced displacement has been criminalized and transformed from an acceptable means of war to a means that is legally and internationally rejected by virtue of international law in the twentieth century, especially after the emergence of the United Nations charter in 1945 AD And the two Additional Protocols attached to the Geneva Conventions of 1977 AD, as well as declarations, , conventions and international conferences that included explicit legal texts criminalizing forced displacement as a universal principle of genocide. My approach in this study is a field-analytical approach, as I present official data and documents issued by the competent authorities and higher government agencies before the year 2003 AD, and indicate the coordinates and modalities of the process of displacement and deportation, as well as an interview with the families of the displaced, taking some information and how to coexist with their new imposed situation. forcibly on them."