Готові списки джерел за темами / Justitie en terreur

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Justitie en terreur"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Justitie en terreur"

1

Wahnich, Sophie. "De l’économie émotive de la Terreur." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 57, no. 4 (August 2002): 889–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.2002.280085.

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RésumésUne approche anthropologique de la Terreur, en particulier l’analyse des notions réflexives de vengeance et de sacré, conduit àproposer une interprétation en termes d’économie émotive et de fondation symbolique. Si le tribunal révolutionnaire créé le 10 mars 1793 vise àne pas répéter les massacres de septembre 1792, il convient de revisiter ce dossier pour réinterpréter la Terreur. Les acteurs de septembre 1792 reprennent le « glaive de la loi ». Or, dès le 20 juin 1792, dans un contexte d’effroi et de rupture du sacré, des porte-parole populaires expriment la crainte d’avoir à le faire. Si les législateurs, à l’image du roi parjure, rompaient leurs serments de défense indéfectible de la souveraineté du peuple, celui-ci pourrait légalement « résister àl’oppression ». Le 10 août, l’Assemblée, qui a largement désavoué ces porte-parole, n’est plus sollicitée. Du 10 août au 2 septembre, la « juste vengeance du peuple » pour les crimes commis lors du 10 août est réclamée en vain. Elle s’effectue lors des massacres dans un hors lieu institutionnel. En 1793, « la vengeance nationale est toujours aussi juste que sacrée, et peut-être plus indispensable que l’insurrection elle-même. » Le système vindicatoire de la Terreur met alors face-à-face le peuple souverain et ceux qui lui dénient cette souveraineté. Cependant, àtravers la vengeance instituée, se redéfinit l’ordre symbolique, et la vengeance fonde des valeurs: égalité, justice, liberté, bonheur. On comprend alors que la Terreur ait été perçue àla fois comme farouche et sublime.
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2

Clay, Stephen. "Justice, vengeance et passé révolutionnaire : les crimes de la terreur blanche." Annales historiques de la Révolution française 350, no. 1 (2007): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahrf.2007.3141.

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3

Clay, Stephen. "Justice, vengeance et passé révolutionnaire : les crimes de la Terreur blanche1." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 350 (December 1, 2007): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ahrf.11265.

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4

de Kerorguen, Yann, and Georges Waysand. "Pourquoi les Américains ? Phénoménologie élémentaire de la terreur et citoyenneté européenne." Chimères N° 45, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/chime.045.0047.

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Résumé La plupart des commentaires suscités par les attentats du 11 septembre aux États-Unis négligent d’interroger la violence pour ce qu’elle est. Pourtant la dynamique interne de ces violences collectives obéit à des contraintes bien différentes des motifs dont elles se réclament. L’alliance de barbarie et de technicité qui a frappé les esprits a déjà marqué le XXe siècle. Elle ne doit rien à des considérations culturalistes qu’elles soient islamiques ou chrétiennes. Les organisateurs de ces crimes voulaient instaurer un système totalitaire. C’est cette ambition qui doit être combattue. Les attentats du 11 septembre sont des actes de piraterie débouchant sur des crimes de masse. Appartenant à des catégories ordinaires du droit, ces crimes relèvent donc de l’exercice d’une justice internationale qui ne peut se satisfaire ni du bellicisme ni du pacifisme. Sauf à être symbolique l’exercice concret de cette justice, comme tout autre, s’appuie sur un recours éventuel à la force, mais il est par nature contraire à une politique de représailles indiscriminées qui esquive la nécessité de créer un ordre juridique de la société internationale. Cette ordre juridique ne saurait être de la seule responsabilité des États. Il réclame à l’évidence un engagement citoyen, pour que notre monde ne soit pas subordonné à la terreur, aux seuls intérêts géopolitiques des États et à ceux des grands groupes économiques. Commencé fin septembre, ce texte a été terminé le 24 octobre 2001. Pour le mettre à l’épreuve de l’évolution de la situa¬ tion, exception faite de quelques suppressions de notes signa¬ lant des questions secondaires, il n ’a pas été modifié pour sa publication dans Chimères. Les références à Sorel et Fanon peuvent surprendre, mais elles nous rappellent que l’exalta¬ tion de la violence pour elle-même n ’est pas étrangère à notre univers culturel. Cependant, c’est la dernière partie qui de toute évidence réclame une discussion et surtout une inven¬ tion politique dont nous n’avons vu aucun signe ni en France, ni ailleurs. Réclamer une justice internationale s ’inscrit mal dans une micropolitique de base, pourtant, de plus en plus, les questions qui nous requièrent ont d’emblée une dimension globale, qu ’elle soit européenne ou mondiale.
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5

Lynch, Kathleen, and Rubén Flores. "“Siempre hay fisuras entre las rocas; siempre hubo lugar para el cambio”: Una entrevista con Kathleen Lynch." Zona Franca, no. 31 (October 3, 2023): 256–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/zf.vi31.366.

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Kathleen Lynch, Profesora Emérita de Equality Studies en University College Dublin (UCD), jugó un papel importante en el establecimiento del Equality Studies Centre en 1990 (Centro de Estudios sobre la Igualdad) y de la School of Social Justice (Escuela de Justicia Social) en 2004/5, ambas en UCD. Es autora de varios libros y artículos, especialmente en el terreno de la educación, la igualdad, los cuidados y la justicia social. Su más reciente libro, Care and Capitalism: Why Affective Equality Matters for Social Justice, fue publicado por Polity Press en 2022. En esta entrevista, habla sobre las experiencias y los ideales que han dado forma a su trabajo como activista intelectual: desde sus años de formación en el oeste de Irlanda hasta su colaboración abriendo espacios para resistir la injusticia. También comenta algunas de las motivaciones detrás de su trabajo sobre la desigualdad en el cuidado y el afecto. La entrevista fue realizada en abril de 2018, y posteriormente revisada para mayor claridad, de ahí que aparezcan referencias a hechos posteriores, como la pandemia de Covid.
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Pérez Martínez, José de Jesús. "Justicia de élite: impunidad y desigualdad = Elite justice: impunity and inequality." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4160.

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Resumen: Se presenta un estudio interdisciplinario sobre los efectos sociales resultantes de la interacción entre impunidad y desigualdad socioeconómica en México centrado en el terreno sociológico. La relación recíproca entre ambas variables se observa en varios efectos sociales, como: la creciente vulnerabilidad de determinados sectores, al tiempo que el dominio político de ciertos sectores se vuelve económico y jurídico; una administración de justicia que hace distinción entre actores; o una variedad de derechos vulnerados, costos y carencias al enfrentar a la justicia, violaciones que escapan a la ley, o que se acumulan durante el proceso penal y permanecen sin castigo, con la consecuente ausencia de confianza en las autoridades judicialesPalabras clave: Impunidad, desigualdad, justicia penal, corrupción, delito.Abstract: An interdisciplinary study about the social effects after the interaction between impunity and socioeconomic inequality in Mexico is presented here located in the sociological field of studies. This reciprocal relation between these two variables can be seen in several social effects, such as: the exacerbation of the vulnerability of certain sectors, while the political domain of other sectors becomes economical and juridical; a justice administration that makes a distinction among the actors; or a variety of infringed rights, costs and lacks in the moment of facing the justice, violations that escape from the law, or either accumulate during the legal process and stay with no punishment, and the consequent lack of trust in the judicial authorities.Keywords: Impunity, inequality, criminal justice, corruption, crime.
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7

Vernois, Solange. "La justice dans les caricatures du Père Peinard." Revue d’histoire de l’enfance « irrégulière » N° hors-série, HS (January 1, 2001): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhei.hs1.0155.

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Анотація:
Le Père Peinard fut condamné à plusieurs reprises par la justice entre 1889 et 1902, en particulier après les lois de 1893-1894. L’hebdomadaire, qui se place en redresseur de torts, prend pour cible la justice sociale aussi bien dans ses articles que dans les caricatures qui font leur apparition en mai 1890. Ainsi, conformément à la ligne politique du Père Peinard, les caricatures mettent en scène de manière indirecte le procès de la Justice en en parodiant le déroulement. Les principaux chefs d’accusation produits par l’hebdomadaire sont au nombre de deux : l’existence d’un complot des “nantis” et l’iniquité des procès qui ne seraient que le reflet de la lutte des classes. Si l’homme du peuple est montré comme la victime désignée du système, le militant anarchiste défie seul l’institution et la société ; dans le cadre de la procédure, l’hebdomadaire fait alterner réquisitoire et sentence. Les tactiques principales d’une défense qui est en même temps accusation sont le mépris et l’ironie. Un autre procédé consiste pour le caricaturiste à radicaliser et à simplifier les effets plastiques afin d’accentuer la portée et l’impact du message politique. De nombreuses compositions sont fondées sur une structure binaire correspondant à l’opposition riches-pauvres. Certains dessins exposent la sentence qui tombe comme un couperet. La vengeance évoque même à l’occasion la terreur révolutionnaire. Les caricatures du Père Peinard sont représentatives d’un art engagé au style direct et brutal. Textes et images participent d’un même système de pensée conformément à une stratégie qui associe la plume et le poing. Imminente, la punition revêt même des connotations messianiques. Un dessin de l’Almanach de 1899 intitulé « Quand viendra le grand coup de balai » montre ainsi le justicier en train de nettoyer la planète de ses parasites : financiers, curés, militaires et magistrats.
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8

Powell, Chris. "Tratando de mejorar el drenaje; justicia restaurativa en un terreno no muy prometedor." Ciencia Jurídica 3, no. 6 (December 3, 2014): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15174/cj.v3i2.102.

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Este trabajo tiene como objetivo contribuir al debate en cuanto a una manera oportuna y e!caz de implementar la Justicia Restaurativa en lugares donde prevalece una mentalidad punitiva. Este autor relata los esfuerzos de fomentar la Justicia Restaurativa en Maine, USA, y expone una re"exión crítica de los dilemas ideológicos y éticos que ello representa.
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9

Gómez Sánchez, Carlos. "Amor, ética y justicia." Pensamiento. Revista de Investigación e Información Filosófica 74, no. 280 (May 16, 2018): 349–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/pen.v74.i280.y2018.002.

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Анотація:
Se trata de examinar las relaciones entre amor, ética y justicia, adoptando cuatro perspectivas complementarias: en primer lugar, se aborda la confrontación con Freud, en su enconada diatriba contra el concepto de «amor al prójimo». En segundo lugar, se plantea la confrontación con Kant, bajo la forma de la disputa entre «amor» e «imperativo». Situados así en el terreno de la ética, se consideran (3) las relaciones entre amor y justicia, sirviéndonos ante todo de los análisis de Ricoeur, para abordar finalmente (4) lo que podríamos denominar «el amor a los fuera de la ley», apoyándonos en algunos personajes literarios de Dostoievski.
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Marzouki, Nadia. "Prévenir ou punir ? Expertise et justice préventive dans la « guerre contre la terreur » aux États-Unis : l’affaire Mehanna." Socio, no. 3 (September 4, 2014): 103–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/socio.622.

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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Justitie en terreur"

1

Kranning, Andersson Josefin. "Torture : Justified in the War on Terror?" Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-46135.

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2

Konell, Marissa Ginger. "Truth, justice, and the war on terror." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/5632.

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Анотація:
Thesis (M.A.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 108. Thesis director: John Barclay Burns. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Interdisciplinary Studies. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 98-107). Also issued in print.
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3

Chavanette, Loris. "Repenser le pouvoir après la Terreur : justice, répression et réparation dans la France thermidorienne (1794-1797)." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0024.

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Анотація:
Le travail consiste à problématiser l’histoire de la révolution de Thermidor et de centrer les recherches sur la justice politique. L’étude des promesses et des réalisations de la justice thermidorienne, dans le domaine de la répression politique en particulier, nous conduira à restreindre notre champ d’étude du coup d’Etat parlementaire contre Robespierre, le 9 thermidor an II (27 juillet 1794), au coup d’Etat militaire du 18 fructidor an V (4 septembre 1797). Ces trois années constituent un ensemble assez homogène. Le choix de ce cadre temporel découle de ce que le fonctionnement de la justice politique a été refondé et repensé par les Thermidoriens et a été ébranlé à la suite du coup d’Etat du 18 fructidor. Or, la méthode de ce travail est de saisir les grandes lignes de la période thermidorienne au travers de la compréhension approfondie des procédures judiciaires et militaires qui structurent la répression politique. Le véritable renforcement des droits de la défense après Thermidor montre que la République se libéralise globalement. Or, cette recrudescence des libertés déstabilise le gouvernement alors que l’Etat est en quête de stabilité. Ce paradoxe complique la sortie de la Révolution. Le dilemme des Thermidoriens est de parvenir à donner une stabilité au gouvernement de la Révolution tout en demeurant fidèle aux principes énoncés par la Révolution en 1789. Cet équilibre à trouver entre la stabilité du pouvoir et la fidélité aux principes, sur lesquels est fondé et repose le pouvoir, est délicat. A travers l’étude des différentes formes de la répression politique sous la République thermidorienne, il est question d’analyser les difficultés qu’éprouvent les dirigeants révolutionnaires à terminer la Révolution française par l’établissement d’un Etat constitutionnel
The work here is a problematisation of the history of the revolution of Thermidor and more specifically its political justice. The research on the promises and realisations of thermodorien justice, and particularily the political repression, will drive us from the coup d'etat against Robespierre, the 9 thermidor year 2 (27th July 1794) to the military coup d'etat of 18 fructidor year 4 (4th september 1797). These three years are quite an "homogeneus" ensemble. The reason of this choice of laps of time is that the functioning of justice was reforged and rethought by the Thermidorians but was shattered by the coup d'etat of the 18th fructidor. The work here will be to seize the main lines of the thermidorian period through profound comprehension of the judicial and military procedures that structured the political repression. The reinforcement of the rights of the defense after thermidor shows a certain liberalization of the Republic. Thanks to the study of a series of importants trials, the conclusion is that the thermidorian regim had a certain respect for the rights of defense. The trials against the “terrorists” Carrier or Fouquier-Tinville in front of the revolutionary Tribunal in year III were the occasion for the regime to prove his respect for the defense. In the same way, the repression of the insurgents of prairial, the rebels of vendemiaire and the royal agency of Paris, by a military justice, reveals, more or less as the case, a procedural and moderate mind, surprising for such an extraordinary repression. Those points help us to understand how the government of year III succeeded in finishing the Terror. But the emergence of new rights destabilizes the government. This paradox complicates the ending of the revolution. The dilemma of the Thermidorians will be to give a stable government whilst staying faithful to the principles of the revolution of 1789 and keeping this balance is a tender subject. Through the study of different forms of political repression under the thermidorian republic, will be analysed the difficulties for the leaders to put an end to the revolution by establishing a constitutionnal state
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4

Husárová, Denisa. "Hodnotenie výsledkov kampane Counter-terror with justice: Guantánamo - Obamov nesplnený sľub?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194655.

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Анотація:
On the particular example of the US new motto of the foreign policy after 9/11 --War on Terror I am trying to refer to the work of the non-profit organization Amnesty International in the field of the international relations. I am pointing out its importance in the decision-making process of the political elites. My intention is to find the correlation between the persuasion of the American population in relation to its leadership or leaders based on the expressed promises in the election campaign. As the object of my work I have chosen the current US President - Barack Obama whose one of his five main promises declared in the campaign was to defeat the terrorism, detain and adequately punish the masterminds of attacks from the September 2001 for the committed crimes. This point comprises the significant change from the approach of his predecessor and so the closure of the Guantanamo military base as a symbol of modern torture and denial of human rights which serves as a detention camp for the suspects of terrorism for more than 14 years now. This was a daring commitment but he gained millions of supporters thanks to it. This option comprised the expectations of sophisticated solutions for tens of substantial issues, including meeting the objective of punishment of the terrorists and establishment of deterrent precedent for any other similar attempts. Obama failed to accomplish it.
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5

Cavalcante, Daniel Sousa de Holanda. "?Justice will be made? Bush e o discurso construtor das guerras contra o terror." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2013. http://repositorio.ufrn.br/handle/123456789/19922.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-03T21:47:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DanielSousaDeHolandaCavalcante_DISSERT.pdf: 1070487 bytes, checksum: a6fe05e5b77ba36b2ad06b32f0dae96b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-10
O presente trabalho foi elaborado visando a discutir como se construiu o discurso da administra??o presidencial de George W. Bush para engendrar as Guerras Contra o Terror. Por meio de uma an?lise de fontes, revistas, jornais e discursos oficiais do presidente, realizamos uma pesquisa que apresenta o processo de desenvolvimento discursivo do governo estadunidense com o objetivo de tornar cr?vel ao mundo a exist?ncia de Armas de Destrui??o em Massa no Iraque. Para concretizar tal feito, no trabalho primeiro tentamos desconstruir o que seria o terrorista e as suas a??es contra os governos hegem?nicos, al?m de realizar uma importante discuss?o com o tema da Hist?ria do Tempo Presente e a necessidade de uma pesquisa como essa nos dias atuais. Ao desconstruirmos a ideia do ser terrorista, mostramos de que forma o presidente George W. Bush se utiliza dos atentados de 11 de setembro e do medo da popula??o norte-americana como ferramentas para construir uma guerra com uma intencionalidade real voltada ? conquista do petr?leo iraquiano e para terminar uma tarefa que seu pai, George H. Bush, havia deixado inacabada.
This work was built aiming to present how they built the speech of the presidential administration of George W. Bush to engender the Wars on Terror. Through an analysis of sources, magazines, newspapers and official speeches of the President; construct a survey that shows the process of development discourse of the U.S. government in order to make credible to the world the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. To accomplish this feat, the first attempts to deconstruct the work that would be the terrorist and their actions against the hegemonic governments, and perform an important discussion with the theme of the story of the present time and the need for a search like this nowadays. To deconstruct the idea of being a terrorist present as President George W. Bush uses the attacks of September 11th and fear as tools to build a war with a real intentionality toward the conquest of Iraqi oil and finish a task that his father, George H. Bush had left unfinished.
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6

Chomsky, Noam. "Verdades simples, problemas difíciles : algunos pensamientos sobre el terror, la justicia y la defensa propia." IUS ET VERITAS, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122657.

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7

Vergel, Rodríguez Marylin Madeleine Karina. "Discurso conceptual y gráfico de la justicia cruel en la saga Saw (2004-2010)." Bachelor's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/6127.

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8

Fairfax-Cholmeley, Alexander. "Reassessing revolutionary justice : suspects, the Paris Revolutionary Tribunal and the Terror in France, 1793-4." Thesis, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.552753.

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Анотація:
The thesis offers a reappraisal of a particular aspect of the Terror in France: the system of revolutionary justice that developed during the course of 1793 and 1794. Through a series of laws between March 1793 and 22 prairial Year II (10 June 1794) central government sought to define and punish 'counter-revolutionary' activity, deemed a potentially fatal threat to the internal security of a nation at war with much of Europe. At the heart of this system stood the tribunal criminel et extraordinaire in Paris - later named the Revolutionary Tribunal - which had jurisdiction over the entire country in such cases. The basic premise of the thesis is that historians to date have perpetuated a misleading image of those affected by the Terror as helpless victims of state repression, and that this is due in large part to the fact that our understanding of the revolutionary judicial system is . simplistic. The thesis aims to do two things: first, restore the suspect as an active protagonist fn the narrative of the period; second, chart the extent to which there was space for suspects and their defences to exploit within the system organised around the Paris Tribunal. Part One looks at the basic mechanics of the judicial Terror, a chain that stretched out from the capital all over France. The analysis charts the changes and continuities both within the system that was providing the Paris Tribunal with cases, and in the record of this institution in dealing with them. It includes detailed examination of many of the mechanisms /f the Terror, from local investigations of alleged counter-revolutionary offences through to the work of the Paris Tribunal itself. Part Two focuses on how defences were constructed under this system of revolutionary justice, and the impact such efforts had. Not only does this highlight how active suspects themselves were in their own defence, but new evidence is also presented showing that large numbers benefitted from the support of the wider community as well.
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9

Leong, Angela Veng Mei. "Serious organised crime and terror : an analysis of legal and non-legal strategies in the context of criminal justice." Thesis, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.428498.

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10

Hsiao, Ling-yu. "Contesting the past in the present : a critique of transitional justice scheme in Taiwan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/275999.

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The White Terror in Taiwan was a 43-year period during which the Kuomintang (KMT) regime, with significant support from the United States during the Cold War era, persecuted its political opponents, imprisoning tens of thousands of people and executing some 1200. In the wake of democratisation since the 1980s, Taiwan has instituted a scheme of transitional justice to acknowledge and atone for the past political oppression and to promote national reconciliation. As this initiative was undertaken by the same regime that perpetrated the White Terror, questions of objectivity and transparency arise. Accordingly, this thesis aims to assess the progress of transitional justice in Taiwan by examining the official discourse on the subject and also analysing the non-official discourses amongst survivors of the White Terror in present-day Taiwan. Tensions between the different discourses are identified. This thesis focuses on the construction of the past in the present, which refers to contestation of the past in the context of present-day society in Taiwan. Drawing on discursive analysis of Taiwan’s transitional justice initiatives since the late 1990s, as well as in-depth interviews with 24 former political prisoners, it discerns how the official transitional justice discourse is circumscribed and limits our knowledge of the White Terror. Since the implied fall of communism, the aim of reconciliation has not embraced the former socialists and communists at the global level, enabling the KMT government to elude accountability in its transitional justice efforts by rationalising the White Terror in the name of anti-communism. As a result, Taiwan’s socialist dissidents remain stigmatised in the official discourse, which offers redress only to those individuals who disassociate themselves with subversion and identify as ‘political victims’. This restriction in the official discourse suggests that the government wishes to reconcile only with those who were ‘innocent’ of treason. By the same token, the identity of White Terror victims is de-politicised, distorting the content of their trauma and shame and their survivorhood in present-day Taiwan. Informants’ non-official discourses, which point up the contradictions in the government discourse, reveal that survivors tend to feel profound shame owing to the failure of their political projects, viewing themselves as inept revolutionaries. Much of their interest in transitional justice lies in seeking opportunities to advocate for the causes to which they still adhere. Thus, their identity as survivors is focused less on persecution than on sustaining their political activism in the era of reconciliation. Thus, the tension between the official and non-official transitional justice discourses in Taiwan is not only a contestation of the past but, more profoundly, a contestation of the vision for the nation’s future.
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Книги з теми "Justitie en terreur"

1

Fayard, Jean-François. La justice révolutionnaire: Chronique de la Terreur. Paris: R. Laffont, 1987.

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Robinet, André. Justice et terreur: Leibniz et le principe de raison. Paris: Libr. philosophique J. Vrin, 2001.

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Ottavi, Sébastien. Guide des sources de l'histoire de la justice militaire pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Vincennes: Service historique de l'armée de terre, 2001.

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Burroughs, Stephen. A view of practical justice as administered in Lower Canada displayed in a memorial addressed to His Excellency the Earl of Gosford, governor in chief, &c. &c. Three Rivers [Quebec]: Printed for the author by G. Stobbs, 1986.

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Milton, Tom. No Way to Peace. Yonkers, NY: Nepperhan Press, 2008.

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Normen, Netherlands Commissie Harmonisatie van. Harmonisatie van normen op het terrein van de jeugdhulpverlening: Advies aan de Minister van WVC en de staatssecretaris van Justitie van de Commissie Harmonisatie van Normen. ʼs-Gravenhage: Distributiecentrum DOP, 1990.

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McNeil, Kent. Emerging justice?: Essays on indigenous rights in Canada and Australia. Saskatoon: Native Law Centre, University of Saskatchewan, 2001.

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Lazarus, Edward. Black Hills white justice: The Sioux nation versus the United States : 1775 to the present. New York, NY: HarperCollins, 1991.

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9

Office, Great Britain Colonial. Lower Canada: Further return to an address of the Honourable the House of Commons, dated 24th Febraury 1836, for copies of all correspondence that has taken place between the secretary of state for the colonies and the governors of Canada and Mr. W.B. Felton, relative to lands granted to the said W.B. Felton : in continuation of paper presented 4 March, 1836, no. 75. [London: HMSO, 2000.

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Office, Great Britain Colonial. Lower Canada: Return to an address from the Honourable House of Commons, dated 16 March 1837, for, copy of a report of a Select Committee of the House of Assembly of Lower Canada, respecting Mr. Chisholme, Clerk of the Peace for Three Rivers ... on the subject of the charges preferred against Mr. Chisholme ... Judge Fletcher ... on the subject of the charges preferred against that judge. [London: HMSO, 2001.

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Частини книг з теми "Justitie en terreur"

1

Kaiser, Susana. "Conversations about Justice." In Postmemories of Terror, 131–46. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980229_8.

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Chaturvedi, Sanjay, and Timothy Doyle. "Climate Justice: An Attempt at an Emancipatory Politics of Climate Change." In Climate Terror, 156–82. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137318954_7.

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Carlson, Kerstin Bree. "Transitional Justice for European Terror Actors." In Transitional Justice in Aparadigmatic Contexts, 161–83. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003289104-10.

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Davis, Robert C. "Preventing of Terror at Shopping Malls." In Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 3906–11. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5690-2_152.

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Baxi, Upendra. "Translating Terror: Siting Truth, Justice and Rights amidst the Two ‘Terror’ Wars." In Globalization, Political Violence and Translation, 45–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230235410_3.

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Cunneen, Chris. "State Terror, Resistance, and Community Solidarity." In The Routledge International Handbook on Decolonizing Justice, 213–23. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003176619-22.

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Meier, Anna A. "Open Access: Terror as justice, justice as terror: counterterrorism and anti-Black racism in the United States." In CTS and Right-Wing Terrorism and Counterterrorism, 13–31. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003387701-2.

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Wallenstein, Martin. "The Big Chill: First Amendment Protections and the War on Terror." In International Criminal Justice, 87–108. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-1102-5_4.

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Poynting, Scott. "Islamophobia, Human Rights and the ‘War on Terror’." In Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 133–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137008695_9.

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10

Tessema, Marshet Tadesse. "Historical Survey of the Derg Regime and the Infamous Red Terror." In International Criminal Justice Series, 15–64. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-255-2_2.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Justitie en terreur"

1

Wright, Steve. "THE WORK OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN & THE ROLE OF NON-VIOLENCE IN A TIME OF TERROR." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/iwca2043.

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We are living in dangerous times. We can anticipate further polarisation between Islam and the West as the official line becomes more focused on achieving military solutions to what are essentially political and cultural issues. Fethullah Gülen is unusual in adding a distinctly Islamic voice to the calls for a non-violent approach to conflict resolution. The notion of peace through peace has a rich Western tradi- tion from Tolstoy to Martin Luther King. In the East, all of those active in peace movements today acknowledge a debt to Mahatma Gandhi. These writers continue to influence peace activists such as Gene Sharp, whose work was directly channelled to assist in the recent, relatively peaceful, revolutions in former Soviet states such as the Ukraine. This paper examines the peace-building work of Gülen within wider concepts of non-vio- lence in order to explore their lessons for modern Islam’s transition. It is important for the conference to hear something of past voices and experiences, and the lessons learned from them, which can further inspire those in Islam who wish to move towards future peace using peaceful, non-violent activities. This goal is particularly pertinent in a time of terror when existing counter-insurgency meth- ods readily provoke a violent response, which justifies more violence and repression. The paper is illustrated to ensure accessibility of the examples for those less familiar with non-violent action dedicated to achieving social change.
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De la Fuente de los Angeles, Alicia. "Hay un caballito en el largo pasillo: Backrooms y juguetes mecánicos como dispositivos para la exploración del fenómeno del valle inquietante en el arte actual." In VI Congreso Internacional de Investigación en Artes Visuales ANIAV 2024. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/aniav2024.2024.18289.

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Esta comunicación se ocupará de analizar la manera en la que ciertas tendencias en la plástica contemporánea reflejan y exploran preocupaciones como el terror hacia la inteligencia artificial, la evolución del trabajo desarrollado por animales humanos y no humanos y la obsesión por los espacios liminales o backrooms como metonimias de una melancolía folk en la cultura visual contemporánea.Lo hará a través de El Desvío, una instalación artística de reciente producción que recuerda a un puesto infantil de vehículos motorizados, como los de los centros comerciales. Esta se acompaña de una pieza sonora activada con auriculares en la que una inteligencia artificial parece divagar sobre los conceptos de fantasía, mitología o relato. La artista toma como punto de partida esta obra propia para relacionarla con estrategias plásticas utilizadas por artistas como Laia Estruch, Jordan Wolfston o EJ Hill con la intención de reflexionar acerca del modo en el que algunas de sus piezas transportan a ese momento y lugar en el que operan las ficciones —entre el ocio y el culto—, ese tiempo no productivo en que es habitual guiarnos por la pulsión de descubrimiento y goce para adentrarnos sin darnos cuenta en terrenos extraños o desasosegantes donde pueda aparecer la crítica. De esta manera, la comunicación tratará de ofrecer un análisis comparativo de obras que, como El Desvío, son conscientes de su propia apariencia de juguete o fenómeno y funcionan como una trampa perceptiva, disfrazándose en ocasiones para atraer al espectador a entrar en su juego y dejarse llevar hacia lugares posiblemente engañosos. Una propuesta teorico-práctica que ahonda en la idea de que la ficción actúa a menudo en la plástica actual como remedio cicatrizante ante la dificultad para reconocer la verdad o la justicia en la cotidianidad.
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"Impact Of Fear Of COVID-19 On Organizational Citizenship Behavior (OCB) And Job Performance With Mediating Role Of Psychological Distress." In International Conference on Public Health and Humanitarian Action. International Federation of Medical Students' Associations - Jordan, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56950/mbdm4531.

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Background: The fear and terror of epidemic emerge as a highly complex issue that affects not only the society as a whole but also come out to be a huge medical issue. It results extremity in stress and anxiety which continually evolving uncontrollably when comparing to the everyday experienced stress (Main et al., 2011). Generally the people are more prone to experience distress because of stressful events of their life, specifically the women (Kessler & McLeod, 1984), thus leads towards work interferences and disturbance which eventually influence their work performance (Bhagat, 1983). Therefore the work related factors of employees (Bacharach et al., 1990), personal factors (Adams et al., 1996), environmental and situational factors (Wang et al., 2020) steps towards various forms of psychological distress and physical health issue (Enshassi et al., 2016; Johari & Omar, 2019). Thus the current pandemic of COVID-19 has not only been influencing the people's life physically (illness, health issues, hospitalization) but it also targeted them financially (financial insecurity, redundancy) (McKibbin & Fernando, 2021) as well as psychologically (such as stigmatization of pandemic, anxiety, depression, stress, loneliness etc.) (Mamun & Griffiths, 2020; Pappa et al., 2020; Shin & Liberzon, 2010). Consequently, the workplace environment of healthcare units for the frontline healthcare providers is remarkably influenced and giving medical and non-medical services will slushily be difficult because of stress, depression incertitude and stigmatization. Objective: The given study was aimed at to evaluate direct and indirect impact of fear of COVID-19 pandemic on organizational citizenship behavior and job performance with mediating role of psychological distress Method: Study was cross-sectional and convenience sampling technique was used to collect data (n=216), regardless of their gender, via google forms and questionnaires, from healthcare professionals of twin cities; Rawalpindi and Islamabad. Statistical Analysis was performed on data by using IBM SPSS 23. Inferential Statistics including correlation and regression via Preacher & Hayes method was applied on collected data to find out relationship between study variables. P-value ≤ 0.05 was considered statistically significant. Statistical analysis has revealed significant results Results: Correlation analysis and regression analysis has shown significant association of CVID-19 fear with psychological distress and psychological distress with OCB and job performance. Psychological distress was fully mediating the relationship of COVID-19 fear with OCB and job performance. Out of four hypotheses, two were accepted. Results of this study cannot be generalized on whole population of Pakistan as study was only limited to the two cities of Punjab, and sample size was small. Future studies may explore the ways to enhance job performance and OCB for the progress of healthcare organizations. Conclusion: . Emphasis should be on the effective and efficient management and implementation of SOPs and policies pandemic prevention and consequences. This could be helpful in minimizing psychological distress and maximizing OCB and job performance as it could be the stepping stone towards success of the healthcare organization. Study has justified the research gap of using process, interaction and environment factors of total quality management as precursors of patient's satisfaction and loyalty. Keywords: Fear of COVID-19, Psychological Distress, Organizational Citizenship Behavior, Job Performance.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Justitie en terreur"

1

Ferreyra, Marta Clara. Socialización entre mujeres: mandatos de feminidad y propuestas políticas feministas. Fundación Carolina, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_25.2022.

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En este texto reflexiono sobre tres estrategias de socialización entre mujeres en el marco de la acción política: la lógica de las idénticas (Amorós, 2007), la tiranía de la falta de estructuras (Freeman, 1999) y las tretas del débil (Ludmer, 1984). Señalo la persistencia de mandatos de feminidad en estas estrategias y las analizo alrededor de las propuestas políticas feministas de sororidad y affidamento. Me decanto por esta última pues resignifica las diferencias, liderazgos y autoridades entre mujeres, otorgándoles una valoración positiva y reconociéndolas como estratégicas para la acción política, lo cual, a su vez, siembra terreno fértil para la articulación con otros proyectos de justicia social. Concluyo que transformar las relaciones entre mujeres resulta esencial para fortalecer su incidencia política, especialmente en tiempos donde el retorno de la ultraderecha en diversas latitudes amenaza la fuerza ganada por los feminismos y los derechos de las mujeres en general.
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Cadre de travail sur les opportunités 2020: Identifier les opportunités d’investissement dans la sécurisation des droits de tenure collectifs au sein des forêts des pays à revenu faible et intermédiaire. Rights and Resources Initiative, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/jwjy2279.

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Les peuples autochtones, les communautés locales et les Afro-descendants (PA, CL & AD) — près de 2,5 milliards de personnes — gèrent de façon coutumière plus de 50% de la masse terrestre mondiale, mais les gouvernements ne reconnaissent la légalité de leur propriété que sur 10% (RRI, 2015). Heureusement, des progrès ont été réalisés ces dernières années pour remédier à cette injustice historique, car les gouvernements ont commencé à adopter des lois et à parvenir à des décisions de justice reconnaissant l’utilisation et la propriété historiques et coutumières de ces terres. Un récent bilan montre que depuis 2002, au moins quatorze nouveaux pays ont adopté des lois obligeant les gouvernements à reconnaître ces droits. De même, des décisions de justice allant dans le bon sens ont été rendues au niveau national et régional dans de nombreux pays en faveur de la reconnaissance officielle des droits fonciers et forestiers collectifs des peuples autochtones, des communautés locales et des Afro-descendants. Les études de RRI démontrent que si seulement sept pays mettaient en œuvre ces nouvelles lois, politiques et décisions de justice, plus de 176 millions d’hectares seraient transférés du gouvernement vers les autochtones, les communautés locales et les Afro-descendants, ce qui bénéficierait à plus de 200 millions de personnes (RRI, 2018). L’objet de ce rapport, et du Cadre de travail lui-même, se limite à la reconnaissance formelle des droits fonciers et forestiers (c’est-à-dire la délimitation, la cartographie, l’enregistrement, etc.). Il n’évalue pas les étapes importantes et ultérieures du renforcement de la gouvernance communautaire ou territoriale, l’application de ces droits par les gouvernements ou les capacités nécessaires pour permettre aux organisations autochtones, locales et d’Afro-descendants de gérer ou d’exploiter leurs ressources ou de s’engager dans des entreprises ou des activités de développement économique – qui sont toutes essentielles pour une conservation et un développement durable et autodéterminé. Ce Cadre de travail se concentre sur la première étape de ce processus plus long.
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