Готові списки джерел за темами / Islamisme – Irak

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Islamisme – Irak"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 липня 2024

Оновлено: 7 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Islamisme – Irak":

Friedman, Jeremy. "The Enemy of My Enemy: The Soviet Union, East Germany, and the Iranian Tudeh Party's Support for Ayatollah Khomeini." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 2 (June 2018): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00815.

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This article examines the strategy of the Iranian Tudeh Party in concert with its Soviet and East German patrons and allies during and after the Iranian revolution of 1979. The article assesses the thinking behind the Tudeh's strategy of unwavering support for Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and his Islamist allies, even after other major leftist parties had begun fighting the new Islamic regime. This strategy was a product of the international Communist movement's model of revolution in the developing world that envisioned new states following a “non-capitalist path of development.” In Iran, this was compounded by the use of Allende-era Chile as a model for the politics of revolutionary Iran, as well as a deep conviction that Islamism could not provide an effective model of governance in the twentieth century and therefore would collapse of its own accord within months after the Islamists seized power.

Bayat, Asef. "O postislamizmu općenito / Post-Islamism at large." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (March 17, 2022): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2017.4.2.53.

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In an earlier work Making Islam Democratic (2007), I attempted to interrogate the infamous question of whether Islam was compatible with democracy. I concluded that whereas Islamism (understood as deploying Islam as a political project to establish Islamic state) was unlikely to embrace democratic polity, ‘post-Islamism’ could. My early formulation of ‘post-Islamism’ was based primarily on the experience of Iran in the late 1990s. In this essay I try to see how much this concept has a broader resonance, given that Islamist movements in the Muslim world have experienced significant changes in the past three decades. Basing itself on numerous empirical studies of shift in the political Islam, the essay focuses on revisiting the concept of ‘post-Islamism’ by addressing the questions that its application to other experiences of Islamist politics may raise, as well as the questions that critiques have raised since the concept’s inception. Post-Islamism emerges as a critique from within and without of Islamist politics.

Muhaimin, Ramdhan, Nizar Umar, and Firda Amaliyah. "Analisis Komparatif Model Dialektika Pos-Islamisme di Dunia Islam antara Arab Saudi dan Iran." POLITEA 6, no. 2 (December 14, 2023): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v6i2.23460.

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<p><em>This study aims to analyze the relationship between Islam and the state in Saudi Arabia and Iran, using the approach of post-Islamism. Post-Islamism is a concept that refers to the shift of Islamist groups towards modernity and democracy. It was first introduced by Iranian intellectual, Asef Bayat, in the 1990s. Since then, it has been used to analyze the phenomenon of political Islam in different countries, especially after the Cold War. In Saudi Arabia, changes have occurred since Mohammed bin Salman was appointed as crown prince in 2016. In Iran, civil society actions, such as the 2022 death of Mahsa Amini, have driven the change. The research problem is to compare the post-Islamism model that occurs in Saudi Arabia and Iran. The comparative case study method with library research techniques was used. The research findings show that the pattern of post-Islamism in Saudi Arabia differs from that of Iran. In Saudi Arabia, post-Islamism is top-down, starting from state politics without civic movement. However, Iran illustrates the opposite - it is bottom-up and initiated by civil society against the state.</em></p>

Ladier-Fouladi, Marie. "De l’islamisation des universités à l’islamisation des sciences sociales en Iran." Communications 114, no. 1 (April 5, 2024): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/commu.114.0029.

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Le projet d’islamisation des universités a émergé tout de suite après la prise de pouvoir des islamistes en Iran, en 1979. Pour le mener à bien, ils ont même proclamé la « révolution culturelle ». Mais en dépit de la propagande et de l’application de multiples mesures politiques durant une décennie, ils n’ont pas pu atteindre leur objectif. C’est le nouveau Guide suprême, Ali Khamenei, qui en désignant formellement les sciences humaines et sociales, nées en Occident, comme le nouvel ennemi de la République islamique et de ses fondements idéologiques et théoriques, a demandé l’élaboration d’une feuille de route pour islamiser ces sciences. Dans cet article, nous rappellerons brièvement le premier temps, celui de la « révolution culturelle », et ses résultats, puis nous examinerons la politique d’islamisation des sciences humaines et sociales mise en place depuis 2010. Il s’agit de mettre en lumière les intentions du régime théocratique qui, derrière la politique d’islamisation des sciences sociales, œuvre pour contenir le développement de la pensée critique et, par là même, cherche à fabriquer des « hommes et femmes islamiques ».

Khan, Shahnaz. "The Idea of Woman in Fundamentalist Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1735.

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Lamia Rustum Shehadeh’s timely book, The Idea of Woman inFundamentalist Islam, begins with a brief biography of influential “fundamentalists.” She examines the context in which they formulated their theoriesand the extent to which they influenced each other, a process thatallows us to see their ideas as a response to the historical, political, andsocial environments in which they lived. For example, the MuslimBrotherhood, founded by Hasan al-Banna in 1928, not only helped formulateand consolidate Islamic revivalism in Egypt, but also helped provide ablueprint for a sociopolitical organization that promoted the political Islamor Islamism influencing chapters in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Palestine.The ideas promoted by the Brotherhood also spread to Sudan, where theycontinue to guide the current regime’s policies. In some cases, as in Iran andSudan, pronouncements of these ideologues influence state law and publicpolicy. At other times they challenge the state, as in Tunisia.Al-Banna promotes the view that Muslim countries became impoverishedand fell under European control because they have deviated fromIslam. He suggests that Muslims see Islam as the solution to their problems.However, al-Banna and other Islamists believe that Islam’s historicaltraditions are irrelevant for modern times. Instead, they propose areturn to what they believe to be the traditions of the Prophet’s time andthat of the first four caliphs. Moreover, they advocate the use of ijtihad(independent judgment), a practice that allows them to interpret seventhcenturytraditions in light of modern needs. Islamist ideologues reservethis practice for themselves, and thus largely marginalize its alternativeuses by feminists and other progressive groups to advance women’s rightsor minority rights ...

Yashlavskii, A. "Extremist Groups in the Syrian Civil War: New Actors & New Threats." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2014): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-10-93-104.

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Since 2012 one can speak about a real civil war in Syria with participation of different political forces. Extremist Islamist jihadist groups like “Front al-Nusra” and “Islamic State of Iraq and Levant” (ISIL) play very active role among them. Relations between ruling elites and Islamists have been very complex in Syria during the past decades. On the one hand, Syrian Alawite regime is secular and nationalist. On the other hand, official Damascus used to be one of the sponsors of the militant Islamist anti-Israeli and anti-Western groups in the Middle East. Besides, Syria is a close ally of Islamic Republic of Iran and Lebanese Shi'ite Hizbullah. From our point of view, the union between Assad's Syria and Islamist groups was rather tactical than strategic one. Syria always played very important role for Sunni Islam, e.g., “the Land of Sham” had a big importance in eschatological beliefs of Sunni Muslims as a place of the final battle between Believers and Dajjal (Anti-Christ). Many foreign Islamist militant involved in Syrian War are inspired by this belief. Additionally, although a big majority of Syrians are Sunni, a dominance of Alawite sect in the political and social and economic life of the country disaffects of many Syrians with an escalation of Syrian conflict. Islamization of “Syrian revolution” is connected with cruel oppression of opposition by Assad's forces and powerless position of the West. At the same time, islamisation is a common feature of the Arab Spring. Arab Spring extremist Islamists have appeared along with relatively moderate Islamist and secular pro-Western groups. Foreign militant Jihadists play an important role in radicalisation of Islamist factor in the conflict. While Shi'ite groups (like pro-Iranian Hizbullah) regards Syria as a crucial part of Shi'ite belt from Mediterranean to Iran, Sunni extremists are not going to lose ground in the face of Shiite 'heretics'. The involvement of Arab Wahhabi monarchies (Saudi Arabia and Qatar) in the current turbulence must be also noted. ISIL is now the key actor of Syrian civil war. It is active not only in Syria but also in Iraq, the homeland of the organization. Initially, this Sunni militant group was closely connected to Al Qaeda. Now the relationships between them are rather tense because of ISIL’s efforts to overmaster another Jihadist group, “Front al Nusra”. The strategic aim of the ISIL is an establishment of an Islamic State (in Iraq and later in Syria) and the restoration of Caliphate. The tactics of the ISIL include guerrilla warfare and cruel terrorist attacks against military and civil people. In Syria ISIL fights against Assad's forces as armed opposition (both secular and Islamist) for control over territories and power. “Front al Nusra” (Front of Support of the Land of Sham People, FN) is genetically connected to ISIL. In terms of ideology there are no divergences between two groups, but they are rivals when it concerns the issues of popular support and political influence. Some Syrian people consider FN as a local group in contrast to foreign militants dominated ISIL. Activities of Jihadist groups is a real danger not only for Syria, but for the whole region and even worldwide.

Nosenko, T. "Long War against Terror." World Economy and International Relations, no. 4 (2010): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-4-31-41.

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In the article, different reasons for the long-lasting war against international terrorism under the Islamist banner are analysed. Notwithstanding the "Al-Qaeda's" weakening, since autumn 2001, many new groups have sprung up threatening the international security. Till now, the war has been waged only against terrorists, but no serious attention has been paid to neutralization of radical Islamism as an ideology causing terrorism. In connection with the military actions in Iraq and Afghanistan, anti-western feelings have been growing up breeding radical Islamism. It is emphasized in the article that the antiterrorist coalition in its present state is unable to fulfill its mission. It can become really efficient only if Muslim régimes would increase their input into the common struggle. Standing on the ground of traditional Islam they could easier curb Islamism and thus cut the roots of terrorism.

Khan, Shaza. "Modernizing Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1796.

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As the political climate between many western and Muslim nations continuesto intensify, the rhetoric of a “clash of civilizations” has reemerged inour news media, governments, and academic institutions. Muslims andnon-Muslims, with varying political agendas, insist that Islam is inherentlyincompatible with modernity, democracy, and the West. Yet the contributorsto Modernizing Islam: Religion in the Public Sphere in the Middle Eastand Europe demonstrate otherwise as they examine the (re)Islamization ofEurope and the Middle East and reveal the ways in which “Islamic politicalactivism” (p. 3), or Islamism, promotes modernization.In the first of three sections, “Issues and Trends in Global Re-Islamization,” François Burgat describes how the progressive components of Islamization get hidden under a myriad of misconceptions. The termIslamist, he asserts, often serves to essentialize Muslim political activists bydepicting them as a homogenous group comprised of Islamic militants. Theuse of this term also “tends to strengthen the idea that Islamists are the onlyones using … religion for political purposes” (p. 28), though clearly otherindividuals, institutions, and religious organizations use religion for politicalends as well. Due to the essentialized and reductionist uses of the term, thereal characteristics of Islamism as a “relative, plural, and reactive” phenomenonare rarely recognized (p. 18). These obscuring lenses blur the image(s)of Islam even more in a country like France, where issues related to religionare often relegated to the “irrational.” In such contexts, Islamist movementsare constantly invalidated, though the activists’ reasons for opposition maywell be rooted in legitimate political, economic, and social factors.The obscurants that Burgat details in chapter 1 often cause individualsto view Islamists as anti-modernist and retrogressively reactionary. Yet inchapter 2, “The Modernizing Force of Islam,” Bjorn Olav Utvik argues “thatif Islamism is a reaction it is a progressive one, a step forward into somethingnew, not trying to reverse social developments, but rather to adapt religionso that it enables people to cope with the new realities” (p. 60). Utviklinks modernization to both urbanization and industrialization and characterizesit as a phenomenon that results in increased individualization, socialmobilization, and recognition of state centrality in achieving political ends(p. 43). He then proceeds to draw parallels between the goals of Islamistmovements and characteristics of modernization.In the next chapter, “Islam and Civil Society,” John Esposito furtherdemonstrates Islam’s compatibility with modernization and, more specifically,with democracy. He surveys Tunisia, Algeria, Turkey, Egypt, Iran,and the Gulf states in an effort to illustrate the importance, functionality,and popularity of their Islamic organizations. Importantly, he asserts thatwhile most of these Islamist movements begin by working within the foldof the governments’ established political processes, “the thwarting of a participatorypolitical process by governments that cancel elections or represspopulist Islamic movements fosters radicalization and extremism” (p. 92).Esposito suggests that increasing open competition for political power inthese countries and sustaining a reexamination of traditional Islamic rulingsregarding pluralism, tolerance, and women’s role in society will result ingreater compatibility between Islam and democracy ...

Saffari, Siavash. "The Post-Islamist Turn and the Contesting Visions of Democratic Public Religion." Sociology of Islam 2, no. 3-4 (June 10, 2014): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00204003.

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This article examines the relationship between religion and sociopolitical development in the context of the re-emergence of popular social movements in Muslim societies in the Middle East and North Africa. It makes a case that despite the decline of Islamism as a mode of social mobilization, religion maintains an active presence within the public sphere. Focusing on the religious-political discourses of Abdolkarim Soroush and neo-Shariatis, as the representatives of two distinct post-Islamist currents in post-revolutionary Iran, the article identifies some of the capacities and limitations of their particular conceptions of democratic public religiosity for contributing to the ongoing processes of change in Iran and other contemporary Muslim societies.

Teimouri, Amirhossein. "Toward a Generalizable Understanding of Rightist Movements: Utilizing the Revolutionary Right’s Value Wars in Iran (1995–2009) as a Case Study." Religions 15, no. 5 (April 24, 2024): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15050525.

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Bringing rightist movement studies into the Iranian context, this study advances a generalizable understanding of the ideological, moral, and cultural activism of Islamist movements and their rightist counterparts. While numerous studies have discussed the economic explanation of rightist movements, I integrate Islamist movements in the Muslim world and rightist movements in the West to develop a generalizable cultural and moral explanation of rightist movements. Value and ideological conflicts, as well as moral outrage, drive this integrated understanding of rightist movements. The rise of innovative and contentious forms of millennialism in Iran—especially the increasing salience of the Jamkaran mosque, the rise of new media outlets and millennial discourses, and pertinent policies—provide evidence for proposing this generalizable understanding. I argue that the rise of performative contentions surrounding millennialism, known as Mahdaviat, within the pro-regime revolutionary rightist movement in Iran was Islamists’ ideological response to liberal threat perceptions. These threat perceptions were activated before the liberal Reform era (1997–2005). After the ascent of Ahmadinejad to power in 2005, ideological millennialism became the dominant discursive field in Iran’s state politics. Drawing on narratives of prominent Islamist figures and media personalities in Iran and events surrounding Mahdaviat, this paper advances a generalizable argument of the moral and cultural explanation of rightist movements.

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Дисертації з теми "Islamisme – Irak":

Ahmad, Obeid Adel. "L'islamisme en mutation : une étude pluridisciplinaire sur la mouvance islamiste Kurde." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0116.

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La mouvance islamiste au Kurdistan d'Irak, une histoire de 58 ans : elle est passée par toutes les étapes classiques de l'islamisme. Tout d'abord, elle commence par l'internationale islamiste ; ensuite elle passe par la nationalisation pour arriver à sa radicalisation finale. Notre thèse aborde cette transformation permanente de la mouvance islamiste à l'échelle locale et nationale. Nous avons pour objectif d'expliciter, de clarifier et de mettre en lumière les méthodes mises en pratique par les islamistes pour justifier leurs actions dans des « ici et maintenant » divers et variés
The Islamist movement in Kurdistan of Iraq, a history of 58 years: it has gone through ail the classic stages of Islam. First, began with the Islamic international; then it went through the nationalization, finally reaching radicalization. Our thesis addresses this continuing transformation of the Islamist movement locally and nationally. We aim to explain, clarify and highlight the methods practiced by Islamists to justify their actions in the "here and now" diverse and varied

Ali, Zahra. "Women and Gender in Iraq : between Nation-Building and Fragmentation." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0101.

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Cette recherche s'intéresse aux questions de genre et à l'activisme politique des femmes irakiennes, à travers une étude socio-historique de leurs expériences sociales, économiques et politiques depuis la formation de l'État irakien moderne, ainsi qu'une ethnographie détaillée du contexte, de la teneur et du sens politique de leur activisme dans l'Irak post-invasion. Tout au long de cette thèse, j'explore l'activisme politique contemporain des irakiennes en reposant sur une approche socio-historique et intersectionnelle étudiant l'imbrication des questions de genre, de nation, d'État et de religion. Je soutiens ainsi qu'explorer l'activisme politique des femmes nécessite un regard sur la manière dont les questions liées aux femmes et au genre ont été définies historiquement, notamment en fonction des divergentes appréhensions de la nation, de l'évolution de l'État postcolonial, des relations État-société et des différentes compréhensions et expressions de l'islam. En adoptant ce cadre d'analyse complexe socio-historique et intersectionnelle, j'explore ethnographiquement et problématise les notions de droits des femmes, de féminisme, d'activisme politique pour les droits des femmes islamiste ou séculier. Je soutiens ainsi que lier le féminisme postcolonial à l'intersectionnalité à travers une approche socio-historique et ethnographique, permet de dépasser les dichotomies simplistes telles que culture/économie, féminisme/religion, activisme pour les droits des femmes séculier/islamiste et local/global. Je propose d'enraciner le genre, la classe, les relations. État-société, et les appartenances géographiques, ethniques, religieuses et confessionnelles dans leur contextes complexes et multidimensionnels, tout en gardant en vue les structures objectives vectrices d'inégalité comme le colonialisme et l'impérialisme
This research explores gender issues and women's political activism in contemporary Iraq via a socio-historical study of women's social, economic and political experiences since the formation of the modern Iraqi state, as well as a detailed ethnographic account of the context, content, and political significance of post-invasion women's political activism. Throughout this thesis, I explore contemporary Iraqi women's political activism using a socio-historical and intersectional approach, which includes the study of the relationship between gender, nation, state and Islam. I argue that exploring Iraqi women's political activism requires looking at the way gender and women's issues have been socio-historically defined - according to conflicting notions of nationhood, the evolution of the postcolonial state and state-society relations - as well as different understandings and deployments of Islam. In adopting this complex socio-historical and intersectional framework of analysis, I ethnographically explore and problematize notions of women's rights, feminism, Islamist and secular women's rights activism. I propose that linking postcolonial feminism to intersectionality through a socio-historical and ethnographic approach allows one to go beyond simplistic dichotomies - such as culture/economy, feminism/religion, secular/Islamist women's rights activism and local/global. I suggest to ground gender, class, statehood, and geographic, ethnic, religious and sectarian belongings within their complex and multilayered contexts of deployment, while bearing in mind global structures of inequality such as colonialism and imperialism

Laval, Thibaud. "L'appel de la révolution : origines, formation et expansion du Parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya en Iraq (1948-1981)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023EHES0156.

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Fondé dans les villes saintes de l’Iraq suite au renversement de la monarchie hachémite en 1958, le parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya fut l’une des premières organisations islamiques chiites à voir le jour au Moyen-Orient. Il se diffusa dans tout l’Iraq, recruta des chiites mais aussi des sunnites, et se fit le porte-drapeau d’une révolution radicale visant à créer une société islamique utopique. Cette thèse démontre que si le sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935-1980) est considéré comme son fondateur et son idéologue, il joua un rôle marginal dans l’histoire de ce parti. Cette thèse démontre que Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930-1988), un intellectuel révolutionnaire issu du Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, en fut le principal théoricien et dirigeant entre 1958 et 1981. Le parti al-Daʿwa al-islāmiyya fut une véritable version chiite du Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, dont il partage en grande partie l’idéologie et la grammaire d’action. Cette influence jugée sunnite fut contestée au sein de l’organisation par des militants souhaitant chiitiser son idéologie ; le parti fut ainsi traversé par de nombreuses rivalités idéologiques et doctrinales
Founded in the holy cities of Iraq following the overthrow of the Hashemite monarchy in 1958, the Islamic Daʿwa Party was one of the first Shīʿī Islamic organizations to emerge in the Middle East. It spread throughout Iraq, recruiting Shiites as well as Sunnis, and became the standard-bearer of a radical revolution aimed at creating a utopian Islamic society. This thesis demonstrates that while Sayyid Muḥammad Bāqir al-Ṣadr (1935–1988) is considered its founder and ideologue, he played a marginal role in the party’s history. This thesis demonstrates that Muḥammad Hādī al-Subaytī (1930–1988), a revolutionary intellectual from the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, was its main theorist and leader between 1958 and 1981. Islamic Daʿwa Party was a true Shīʿī version of the Ḥizb al-Taḥrīr, with which it largely shared its ideology and grammar of action. This influence, considered Sunni, was contested within the organization by militants wishing to Shiitize its ideology; the party was thus traversed by numerous ideological and doctrinal rivalries

Ouasmine, Aïcha. "La guerre Irako-Iranienne et le droit public : international ou islamique." Paris 4, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA040232.

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Le but de cette these est d'etudier la guerre irako-iranienne du point de vue du droit public : international ou islamique. Une premiere partie sera consacree a traiter d'abord, l'impact de la guerre sur les traites notamment irako-iraniens, ensuite, les champs d'interference et de confrontation des deux droits : international et islamique, enfi, les facteurs generateurs du conflit et sa perception par les parties en presence. La deuxieme partie porte sur l' analyse juridique des aspects de la guerre sur les trois plans : terrestre, maritime et aerien. On y inclut egalement les nombreuses violations du droit humanitaire commises par l'une et l'autre partie belligerante (comme le mauvais traitement des prisonniers de guerre et l'emploi des armes chimiques). On mentionne a la fin de cette partie, l'issue de la guerre selon le droit onusien et les consequences de l'apres-guerre
The object of this thesis is to study the war between iran and irak from the viewpoint of public law whether international or islamic. The first part will be devoted to deal with the impact of the war upon the treatries. Mainly those vbetween iran and irak. Afterwards, islamic and international law will be dealt with on the ground of their interference and confrontation. Lastly, the generatinggfactors of the conflit will be examined. Along with their perception by bith belligerent states. The second part of this thesis deals with the legal analysis of the 3 aspects of the war on the grounds of land, naval, and air forces. Including the violations of the humanitarian rights (such as ill isage of prisoners of war, and use of chemical weapons). Last but not least the end of the war under the supervision of the u. N. O, just as its consequences in the post-war time will be dealt with

Ibrahim, Ismaeel. "Irak : Mellan islamisk identitet och demokratisk process." Thesis, Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-10280.

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This is an essay about the political development of Iraq after the overthrow of the Baath regime by the coalition forces in 2003. Almost seven years later, the political scene is still characterised by chaos, even though the country entered a new phase with the adoption of democratic thinking and a new openness to the world. The unstable political situation is a product of inter-ethnic conflict and the interference by neighbouring countries. Iraq is up against two formidable tasks – building democracy and building a nation. The essay sets out to explore the prospects of this dual mission.

The essay breaks down into three distinct, theoretically motivated parts or sections. The first part is inspired by O’Donnell & Schmitter’s transition theory and revolves around Iraq’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. The second part sets out to evaluate the development of democracy in Iraq after Saddam Hussein in the light of the seven institutional criteria of polyarchies as identified by Robert Dahl. The third part evaluates Iraq in terms of Arendt Lijphart’s groundbreaking theory about consensus as a pre-condition for democracy in highly divided societies.

The investigation confirms the general picture of the political situation in Iraq as unstable but with one notable exception – the Kurdish region. The constitution testifies to the ambition to turn Iraq into a polyarchy with strong elements of consensual democracy, but the spirit of the constitution is frequently violated by government institutions and individual politicians. The consensual features have in fact served as safety valve for the ethnic and religious minorities of Iraq; but it is an open question whether they will survive the onslaught by Prime Minister Al-Maliki, a recent convert to the Westminster model. The unclear relationship between Islam and democracy also looms large in the background in a country like Iraq and must somehow be resolved by the governing elite.

Allahoof, Turath. "L'architecture Islamique et l'urbanisme de l'ancienne ville de Najaf." Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. https://ecm.univ-paris1.fr/nuxeo/site/esupversions/47ac17a5-d2d6-431b-b4ec-74e8cbcb06de.

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La ville de Najaf a hérité d'un patrimoine architectural riche et est aujourd'hui menacée de disparaître. Grâce au grand nombre de touristes religieux, la ville est en pleine métamorphose bien que ces changements soient souvent à l'origine de la destruction de ce patrimoine. Cette thèse a pour objet l'architecture de la ville de Najaf dans son contexte urbain et historique. L'histoire de la ville de Najaf est concomitante à celle de la ville d'al- Küfa (capitale entre 36/658 et 40/662) qui se situe à quelques kilomètres de Najaf. Cette seconde ville fut construite par les musulmans en l'an 17/639 avec une importante stratégie politique avec sa proximité de la ville d'alBira, capitale des Lakhmides, située à quelques kilomètres. Cette configuration géographique localement appelée « le triangle de la civilisation», représente un creuset de plusieurs styles architecturaux et urbains. L'étude des deux villes (al-Hira et al- Küfa) est donc essentielle pour comprendre le contexte dans lequel la ville de Najaf s'est créée et développée. Pour comprendre l'architecture de Najaf, nous étudierons dans un premier temps l'architecture de ces deux villes. Dans un deuxième temps nous démontrerons la relation qu'elle a créée avec son mausolée, considéré comme le noyau central de la ville, et qui a conservé cette forme depuis 1032/1623. Enfin nous étudierons le reste de la ville et ses alentours à travers ses monuments religieux et civils tels que les mosquées, les écoles et bien d'autres monuments. À travers cette thèse, nous allons présenter cette architecture dans son état actuel et dans son contexte urbain, social et historique
The city of Najaf has inherited a rich architectural heritage and is today threatened with extinction. Thanks to the large number of religious tourists, the city is undergoing a metamorphosis although these changes are often at the origin of the destruction of this heritage. This thesis focuses on the architecture of the city of Najaf in its urban and historical context. The history of the city of Najaf is in continuity with that of the city of al-Kufa (capital between 36H / 658 and 40H / 662) which is located a few kilometers from Najaf. This city built by the Muslims in the year 17H / 639 represented a strategic point but also a political hub grown fast not far from the city a proximity of al-Hira, capital of the Lakhmids, also located a few kilometers away from it. This geographical configuration is locally called "the triangle of civilization", and represents a melting pot of several architectural and urban styles. The study of the two cities (al-Rira and alKufa) is therefore essential to understand the context in which the city of Najaf was created and developed. To understand the architecture of Najaf, we will first study the architecture of these two cities. Then to better know the architecture of the city, we will demonstrate the relationship created between the Imam Ali mausoleum, (considered as the central core of the city, and who kept these provisions since 1032H / 1623) and the rest of the city by the religious and civil monuments such as masques, schools and many other monuments. Through this thesis, we will present this architecture in its current state and in its urban, social and historical context

Al, Dabbagh Harith. "Les interactions entre normes religieuses et séculières dans l'ordre juridique irakien." Aix-Marseille 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009AIX32062.

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L’ordre juridique irakien constitue un exemple singulier de la réception de droits étrangers. Berceau des grandes écoles musulmanes du fiqh, l’Irak a connu dès le milieu de XIXe une sécularisation progressive de son système juridique par la réception des institutions des droits romano-germaniques. La plupart des branches du droit ont ainsi échappé au droit musulman pour être remplacées par des conceptions juridiques empruntées à l’Occident. Le droit musulman, qui s’est trouvé cantonné au statut personnel, a montré une forte résistance et ses solutions peuvent encore influer sur le droit civil, le droit judiciaire, voire le droit international privé. L’ordre juridique pluraliste peut ainsi être le théâtre d’interactions entre normes séculières et religieuses mettant en cause sa cohésion. L’exemple irakien apparaît dès lors comme un terrain idéal d’investigation, pour saisir l’impact de la norme religieuse sur le droit positif, cerner les contours de la relation droit séculier, droit religieux
The Iraqi Legal System represents a singular example of the reception of foreign laws. Formerly cradle of the principal Muslim schools of Fiqh, Iraq knew from the mid-nineteenth-century a progressive secularization of his Legal System by the transplant of the institutions of Civil Law. Main branches of the Law thus had escaped the Islamic jurisprudence to be replaced by conceptions borrowed from the Western systems. The Sharia, which was confined to the personal status matters, showed a strong resistance and its solutions can influence on civil law, judicature law and private international law. The mixed Legal System can be a theatre of interaction between secular and religious norms. The Iraqi example appears thus as an ideal land and a fertile field of research and investigation, in particular to understand and to seize the impact of religious provisions in positive law currently in force and to determine the relationship between the religious law and civil law

Adibi-Sedeh, Mehdi. "L'armée et la révolution islamique en Iran." Bordeaux 2, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995BOR21015.

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Lorsque les manifestations de mécontentement populaire s'étendent à travers l'ensemble du pays en 1978, elles ne sont pas prises au sérieux par le chah et par les occidentaux. Elles sont pourtant les signes avant-coureurs d'une véritable révolution, que les observateurs ne comprennent guère; ils avaient sous-estimé le vrai pouvoir du chiisme et surtout le caractère charismatique de l'ayatollah Khomeiny comme un leader islamique. En 1979, l'armée iranienne compte sept cent mille hommes, dont quelques vingt mille officiers; c'est une armée considérable, bien payée, bien équipée, choyée par le régime. Mais, hors de la révolution islamique de 1979, qui précipite la chute du chah, elle ne se fait pas entendre ou fort peu. En bonne logique, on l'aurait imaginée intervenir pour contraindre par exemple le chah à l'exil et pour le remplacer aussitôt par un gouvernement militaire. Comment un peuple aux mains nues avait réussi, en scandant "Allah Akbar" au cours de défilés, pendant deux ans, par la résistance passive et par la grève, à provoquer le départ du chah et l'effondrement de son armée ? Nous avons tente d'expliquer et d'analyser les causes essentielles de la chute du chah et de la victoire de la révolution islamique ainsi que l'efficacité de la personnalité charismatique de Khomeiny et la paralysie de l'armée
When in 1978 the demonstrations of popular discontent spread all over the country, the shah and even people in the west did not take them seriously. Nevertheless they represented the forerunners of a real revolution that the west did not understand, they underestimated the real power of the shism and above all the powerful character of the ayatollah Khomeini as a leader stressing Islamic principal. In 1979, the Iranian army represented seven hundred thousand soldiers including some twenty thousand officers, it is a considerable army, besides, they are well paid, equipped and cherished. But during the Islamic revolution of 1979 that overthrew the shah, the army was rather absent. Logically, it could have been expected to force the shah into exile and to replace him right away by a military government. How did a people without arms manage to say "Allah-Akbar" for two years without precedent in the world, through passive resistance and through strikes, to cause the departure of the shah and the collapse of his army? We have tried to explain analyze the main causes of the shah's fall and the victory of the Islamic revolution; also the efficiency of the charismatic personality of ayatollah Khomeini and the paralysis of the army in view of a military coup d’état in favor of the shah

Mourim, Emmanuel. "Le gouvernement islamique en iran. Mythe et realite." Paris 7, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA070060.

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Un mythe fondamental commande la conception politique du shiisme. Tout pouvoir autre que celui de l'iman est par essence illegitime. Pour contourner ce dogme implacable qui rend proprement impossible l'existence de tout pouvoir, et de ce fait place la minorite shiite dans une situation d'opposition systematique, celle-ci a eu recours, pour sa sauvegarde, a la pratique de la taqiya (dissimulation de la pensee), un "dispositif de simulation" religieux et politique qui devient a la longue une veritable disposition mentale. A force de "simuler et dissimuler" le peuple iranien finit par ceder a une forme de "pensee captive" dont le sentiment d'insecurite, la mefiance a l'egard d'autrui et le scepticisme vis a vis de la politique forment les traits caracteristiques. Dans une situation de drame anomique provoque par le relachement des reperes traditionnels, au contact de la modernite mal maitrisee par une elite politique cynique et irresponsable, le peuple iranien, avec a sa tete le clerge, sort de sa reserve mentale et entre en dissidence. Il se laisse seduire par les mythes tiers-mondistes qui transitent a travers les revendications identitaires et communautaires qui vont aboutir en 1979 a la mise en place d'un systeme autoritaire. En fait ce regime qui revet la forme d'une theocratie islamique sous la direction du clerge, utilise, pour gouverner, a la fois les methodes archaiques de domination enracinees dans une mentalite iranienne et les procedes modernes de gestion introduits par le regime pahlavi sur le modele occidental
A fundamental myth is at the heart of the political conception of shiism. Any power other than that of the imam is by nature illegitimate. In order to adapt to this implacable dogma which makes it impossible to recognize any governing power and therefore unavoidably places the shiite minority in a position of rebellion resulting in persecution, the shiites have adopted a device called taqiya (dissim lation of one's thoughts), a religious and political tactic of simulation which, in the long run, has become the basic principle of a mentality. By dint of simulating and dissimulating, the iranian people have developed a form of "captured thinking" in which doubt, distrust and scepticism towards politics are the main characteristics. In a situation of anomy caused by the dwindling of traditional references under the influence of a modernization uncontrolled by a cynical and irresponsible political elite, the iranien people led by the shiite clergy, quits his "reservatio mentalis" and enters a rebellion. The iranians were fascinated by third-worldist myths conveyed through identity and community ideas which led to the coming into power of an authoritarian regime in 1979. In fact this regime which takes the form of an islamic theocracy under the leadership of the clergy, governs with archaic methods of domination rooted in an iranian mentality along with modern means of management introduced by the pahlavi regime after the western model

Mourim, Emmanuel. "Le Gouvernement islamique en Iran mythe et réalité /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37608305v.

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Книги з теми "Islamisme – Irak":

Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9.

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Ebert, Hans-Georg. Die Islamische Republik Iran. Köln: Pahl-Rugenstein, 1987.

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Haghighat, Chapour. 1979, Iran, la révolution islamique. Bruxelles: Complexe, 1985.

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Clairvaux, Daniel. Iran, la contre-révolution islamique. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2013.

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Felgentreff, Carsten. Die Islamische Republik Iran: Eine Studienreise. Potsdam: Univ.-Verl., 2006.

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Norell, Magnus. Islamismens seger: Från Libanon till Iran. Stockholm: Fri tanke, 2009.

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Rill, Bernd. Chomeini und die Islamische Republik Iran. Berlin: Verlag Dr. Köster, 2012.

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Rajaee, Farhang. Islamism and modernism: The changing discourse in Iran. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2007.

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Khosrokhavar, Farhad. L' islamisme et la mort: Le martyre révolutionnaire en Iran. Paris: Harmattan, 1995.

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Chafiq, Chahla. Le nouvel homme islamiste: La prison politique en Iran. Paris: Félin/Kiron, 2002.

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Частини книг з теми "Islamisme – Irak":

Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Islamism and post-Islamism in Iran." In The Routledge International Handbook of Contemporary Muslim Socio-Political Thought, 156–69. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003143826-15.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Introduction." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 1–14. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_1.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "The Crisis of Political Leadership." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 15–36. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_2.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Islamist Totalism." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 37–74. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_3.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Islamism in Power." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 75–109. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_4.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Post-Islamist Perspectivism." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 111–66. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_5.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Post-Islamism and Democracy." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 167–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_6.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Post-Islamism Versus Neoconservatism." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 189–225. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_7.

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Shahibzadeh, Yadullah. "Conclusion." In Islamism and Post-Islamism in Iran, 227–37. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57825-9_8.

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Faridzadeh, Ghazaleh. "Islamische Erziehung im Iran." In Handbuch Islamische Religionspädagogik, 1269–96. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737013666.1269.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Islamisme – Irak":

Ustiashvili, Samin. "Gender, Body, and Sexuality in Iran: Between Nationalism and Islamism." In The Barcelona Conference on Arts, Media & Culture 2023. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2435-9475.2023.23.

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Dalaman, Zeynep Banu. "The Development of Islamist Feminism in the Middle East: Iran and Egypt Cases." In 7th International Conference on Gender Studies: Gender, Space, Place & Culture. Eastern Mediterranean University, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33831/gspc19/681-700/42.

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Javid, Ali. "The Architecture Curriculum Between Two Revolutions: From the West to the Islamic Curriculum." In Schools of Thought Conference. University of Oklahoma, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/11244/335077.

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The architectural curriculum in Iran has been changed five times in the last five decades (1963–2017). In each period, efforts to change the content and structure of the curriculum were based on the architectural profession’s vision with regard to sociopolitical and economic issues, such as the agenda of development in the White Revolution and Islamizing the society after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. The curriculum as a sociopolitical artifact can be defined as a systematic set of relations between people, objects, events, and circumstances that is changed and developed based on the sociopolitical agenda. This paper focuses on crucial moments in the transformation of architectural education between the two contemporary revolutions in Iran, the White Revolution and the Islamic Revolution. The story of the transformation of the curriculum began in 1963 when a new system of architectural education, Italian pedagogy, was brought to Iran and decolonized the curriculum from the previous pedagogy system, Beaux-Arts, and it continued until the Cultural Revolution (1980–1984), when the new Islamic government decided to detoxify the curriculum from Western influence to Islamize it. This paper outlines the transformation of the structure and content of the architecture curriculum to adapt to the sociopolitical agenda of each revolution.