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Статті в журналах з теми "Islamism in Indonesia"
1
Hilmy, Masdar. "THE CONFIGURATION OF RADICAL ISLAMISM IN INDONESIA: Some Contemporary Assessments and Trajectories." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 14, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/al-tahrir.v14i1.84.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<em>This paper<strong> </strong>attempts at analyzing the configuration of radical Islamism in contemporary Indonesia. The basic argument developed throughout this paper is that the reality of radical Islamism will always exist as long as all necessary conditions are there. Adopting the opportunity structure theory, among the necessary conditions that lead to the birth and existence of radical Islamism are: 1) Islamist ideology derived from the sacred texts, the Qur’an and Sunnah; 2) socio-political setting and issues where Muslims live; 3) actors, the Islamists, who craft the logics of Islamist ideology based on the interplay between the issues prevalent in the Muslims’ socio-political setting and the ideology constructed from the sacred texts. This article is divided into parts as follows: 1) the streams in Islamist thought and movement; 2) the anatomy of radical Islamism; 3) the membership of radical Islamism, and 4) the trajectories of radical Islamism, before it is ended with concluding remarks.</em>
2
Zulfadli, Zulfadli. "Kontestasi Ormas Islamis di Indonesia." Al-Tahrir: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 18, no. 1 (June 5, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21154/altahrir.v18i1.1176.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract: This article discussed about contestation of Islamist mass groups in Indonesia. In general, Islamists or Islamism refers to an islamic organizations which based their political ideology on Islam. This study finds out what strategies used by the islamist group to attain their political agenda and its implications when they are confronting with other mainstream and islamic group. This research uses qualitative method with a descriptive analysis approach. This research used theoritical framework of Islamic Revivalism, Political Islam, Islamism and Social Movement theory. The result of the discussion shows that islamis contestation of mainstream islamic mass group in Indonesia to dominate arena through political movements: first, by taking benefits from political opportunity, including transformastion underground movement become legal movement; second, through structural mobilization, which consists of internal mobilization and external mobilization; third, using framing proces, by counter all isues and systems form the west, such as democracy, nationalism and human rights; fourth infiltration by controlling mosque, campus, student, takmir community, bureaucracy and government.الملخص: تناقش هذه المقالة حول صراع المنظمات الإسلامية في إندونيسيا. على سبيل العام كان الإسلاميون حركات إسلامية تجعل الإسلام أساس إيديولوجيتها السياسية. وهذه المقالة ستبحث الاستيراتيجية التي تقوم بها حركة المنظمة الإسلامية لتحقيق أهدافها الاجتماعية والسياسية وكيف آثارها عندما تواجه مجموعة إسلامية أخرى من تيار المنظمة الإسلامية المعتدلة. وهذا البحث من البحث الكيفي الذي يستخدم منهج التحليل الوصفي. والنظريات المستخدمة في هذا البحث هي الصحوة الإسلامية، والسياسية الإسلامية، والنظرية الإسلامية، والحركة الاجتماعية. ونتيجة هذا البحث تدل على أن صراع الحركة الإسلامية السائدة في المجتمع الإندونيسيا من خلال استراتيجية الحركة السياسية: أولاً، استفادة الفرصة السياسية أي استفادة الفرصة الإصلاحية لإنهاء الحركة السرية حتى تصبح الحركة القانونية الرسمية وقامت الحركة حرية. ثانيا، من خلال التعبئة الهيكلية التي تتكون من التعبئة الداخلية والتعبئة الخارجية. ثالثًا، تنظيم عملية الحركة أي عن طريق القيام بمعارضة جميع الأفكار والأنظمة من الغرب مثل الديمقراطية والقومية وحقوق الإنسان. رابعا، أن تدخل هذه الحركة من خلال المساجد والجامعات وطلاب الجامعة ومنظمة المساجد والبيروقراطية والحكومة وما إلى ذلك كالآثار من الصراع الإسلامي.Abstrak: Tulisan ini membahas tentang kontestasi ormas Islam di Indonesia. Secara umum, Islamis atau Islamisme adalah gerakan Islam yang menjadikan Islam sebagai dasar ideologi politiknya. Penilitian ini akan menjawab bagaimana strategi yang digunakan gerakan ormas Islam untuk mencapai agenda sosial-politiknya dan bagaimana implikasinya ketika berbenturan kepentingan dengan kelompok ormas-ormas Islam lainnya yang notabene merupakan ormas Islam mainstream atau moderat. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif analisis.Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah konsep Revivalisme Islam, Islam Politik, Islamisme dan teori Gerakan sosial. Hasil pembahasan menunjukkan bahwa kontestasi islamisme ormas Islam mainstream di Indonesia dalam menguasai arena strategis yang terdapat di masyarakat melalui strategi gerakan politik: pertama, memanfaatkan peluang politik, yaitu peluang reformasi untuk mengakhiri gerakan bawah tanah menjadi gerakan legal sehingga dapat bergerak dengan leluasa. Kedua, memobilisasi struktur, yang terdiri dari mobilisasi internal dengan melakukan pengkaderan secara intensif dan mobilisasi eksternal. Ketiga, penyusunan proses gerakan, yakni dengan cara melakukan pergolakan pemikiran dengan menentang segala pemikiran dan sistem dari Barat, seperti demokrasi, nasionalisme dan HAM. Keempat, melakukan perembesan dengan menguasai mesjid, kampus, mahasiswa, komunitas takmir, birokrasi dan pemerintahan dan sebagainya sebagai implikasi dari kontestasi islamisme.
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Tambunan, Elia. "INDONESIAN ISLAMISM: THE WAR OF ISLAMIC LITERACY FROM MILLENNIALISM TO RADICALISM." AKADEMIKA: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 24, no. 1 (September 18, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/akademika.v24i1.1612.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper shows another dimension of the phenomenon of Islamism Indonesia. By doing the interpretation of a number of circumstantial historical Islam literacy with traces of the historical aspect as the research methodology, the authors found one important factor that gave birth to Islamism Indonesia is literacy not just ideology as believed by many scholars. The resulting literacy evolved in various forms of media, and thus generated by the Indonesia who settled in the Middle East, Islamic Indonesia elite, and ustad virtual at the estuary of the society in the war on Islam. This paper contributes to the efforts of Islamic Studies scholars from Indonesia to include literacy in Islamic Indonesia as part of the phenomenon of global Islamism manifestation in the development of the study of contemporary Islamist movements.
Keywords: Indonesian Islamism, Milleniarism, and Radicalism
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Harmakaputra, Hans Abdiel. "Islamism and Post-Islamism: “Non-Muslim” in Socio-Political Discourse of Pakistan, the United States, and Indonesia." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 53, no. 1 (July 2, 2015): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2015.531.179-204.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Islamism is defined by Asef Bayat as ideologies and movements that strive to establish some kind of an ‘Islamic order,’ in the form of a religious state, sharia law, or moral codes. However, Bayat and other scholars have found that nowadays Islamism is changing and many countries share the traits of post-Islamism instead of Islamism. According to Bayat, post-Islamism is both condition and project to “conceptualize and strategize the rationale and modalities of transcending Islam in social, political, and intellectual domains.” In short, it has a hybrid tendency to combine Islam and democracy. This paper will discuss how the category of “non-Muslim” is taken place in the socio-political discourse of Islamism and post-Islamism. To limit the discussion, there are only three examples from Pakistan, the United States, and Indonesia.[Islamisme menurut Asef Bayat adalah ideologi dan gerakan yang berjuang untuk membentuk semacam “tatanan Islam” dalam bentuk negara Islam, hukum syariat, atau pun hukum etis. Saat ini, islamisme telah berubah. Di beberapa negara muncul gejala post-islamisme yang khas. Bayat mendefinisikan post-islamisme sebagai kondisi dan keinginan untuk mengkonsep alasan dan modalitas untuk mengusung Islam ke ranah sosial, politik, dan keilmuan. Sehingga, muncul pula kecenderungan untuk menggabungkan Islam dan demokrasi. Tulisan ini mendiskusikan konsep “non-muslim” dalam wacana sosial politik terkait dengan Islamisme dan post-Islamisme. Pembahasan dibatasi pada tiga contoh dari Pakistan, Amerika Serikat, dan Indonesia.]
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Hannase, Mulawarman. "RESPON MUSLIM INDONESIA TERHADAP GERAKAN ISLAMISME DI TIMUR TENGAH: KASUS HAMAS DAN KONFLIK PALESTINA." Rausyan Fikr: Jurnal Studi Ilmu Ushuluddin dan Filsafat 12, no. 2 (February 6, 2018): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/rsy.v12i2.81.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper will examine how the Indonesian Muslim community which consist many streams of religious and social organizations to respond the crisis that involved recently in the Gaza Strip involving Hamas Islamism group. The main issue highlighted in this paper is whether Hamas has network in Indonesia? How the influence of Hamas network in Indonesia towards the development of Islamic fundamentalist thought in Indonesia? Is the Muslim community in Indonesia has the same view in addressing the conflict in the Gaza Strip?This article will use two approaches; the theological and political approach. Theological approach is used to see similarity of the doctrine espoused byHamas with some Islamists in Indonesia. Moreover, this approach is also used to distinguish between Hamas ideological doctrine with the view of other Islamist groups grown today. While political approaches used to answer the question how the political support of the Indonesian people against the Israeli Palestinian conflict, in particular the conflict between Hamas and Israel. Based on review of the above problems, it can be found that from an ideological perspective, Hamas has a strong network in various countries, including Indonesia. Whereas the model of Indonesian Muslims support to the Gaza crisis, at least occurs in three forms: pan-Islamism, diplomatic support and humanitarian support
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Darmawan, Arif Budi, Ayu Dwi Susanti, Azinuddin Ikram Hakim, and Fadhil Naufal. "DI ANTARA DUA ARUS: STUDI FENOMENOLOGI NARASI PASCA ISLAMISME ANAK MUDA MUSLIM DI YOGYAKARTA." Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 15, no. 2 (April 24, 2021): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v15i2.2048.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The end of the New Order era is an opportunity to develop a new structure in Indonesia. The beginning of the reformation era was marked by the emergence of the Islamist movements or the rising religious spirit era. In this article, the term Islamism is not defined as a discourse within politics of religion, but it refers to narrative spiritual expression in the public space. In a more specific way, this article would like to describe how young Muslims criticize Islamism in their daily lives. This research found that Islamism that occurs in family milieu and in the circle of a friendship has created anxiety mong them. This anxiety appears in the form of disagreement on monolithic definition of Islamism, the criticism of the new pattern of piety in the public space, and the counter narrative to the Islamism phenomenon. Pasca runtuhnya rezim Orde Baru seolah menjadi ‘keran’ bagi terbukanya sistem dan struktur sosial di masyarakat, salah satunya ditandai dengan menguatnya Islamisme atau kebangkitan semangat beragama. Islamisme yang akan diulas di penelitian ini bukan merujuk pada diskursus relasi politik agama, namun lebih kepada eksistensi dari ekspresi keagamaan yang muncul dalam bentuk meningkatnya penggunaan atribut Islam di ruang publik. Penelitian ini secara khusus berupaya memberikan gambaran bagaimana pemuda Muslim mengkritisi fenomena Islamisme dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan adanya Islamisme yang terjadi di ruang lingkup keluarga dan pertemanan melahirkan berbagai keresahan bagi anak muda. Keresahan itu terwujud melalui ketidaksetujuan tentang pemaknaan baru dalam Islam yang dinilai homogen, kritik atas pola kesalehan di ruang publik, dan munculnya konter narasi berupa perlawanan atas fenomena Islamisme.
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Duraesa, Muhammad Abzar, and Muzayyin Ahyar. "Reproliferation of Islamist Movement in Surakarta: Trajectory and Strategy in The Post Democratization Indonesia." DINIKA : Academic Journal of Islamic Studies 4, no. 2 (December 19, 2019): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/dinika.v4i2.1637.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Islamist movement has been proliferating in line with the historical trajectory of Indonesia's political journey; starting from the colonial regime, in the beginning of independence, New Order regime and today’s Era Reformasi. The process of Democratization and modernization lead the ideology of Islamism to a new phase of religious movement. Along with the growth of democracy in Indonesia, Islamist movement precisely shows its existence intensely in public sphere. The opening canals of freedom in the Reformation Era became a new space for ideology of Islamism to evolve and adapt some strategies to survive amidst the onslaught democratization in Indonesia. This article aims at looking to what extent the proliferation of Islamist movements after the collapse of Soeharto’s authoritarian regime in Indonesia. In this case, Surakarta becomes important to observe because it’s historical context as an embryo in giving birth to earlier Islamist movements, as well as a city famous for the proliferation of ideology of Islamism in Indonesia. Using political sociology approach, this study attempts to understand the path of proliferation of Islamist movements and its various interplayed strategies to the socio-political conditions that occur; either on a global or local scale. This article argues that the development of democracy in Indonesia continues to alter the route map of the Islamist movement. Finally, the results of this study reveal that the proliferation of the current Islamist movement plays a new strategy that appropriated with the development of democracy and technological advancements to gain more public sphere by Indonesian people.
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Ahyar, Muzayyin. "Is Islam Compatible With Democracy? Islamist Movement’s Trajectory on Democratization in Indonesia." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 25, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.25.1.1335.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<p class="ABSTRACT"><span lang="EN">The democratization process in Indonesia is in line with the emergence several Islamic mass organizations which accept or rejected the concept of democracy. Since the pre-independence era, Indonesia has been facing some Islamist groups that opposed to state’s ideology of democracy. This article presents the discussion among scholars about the compatibility between Islamic norms and democratic values, and in what position Indonesia is. The dealing question with the discussion is; does the proliferation of radical Islamist movement signify the incompatibility of Islam and democracy? By using sociological and historical approach, this paper analyzes in order to what extent the values of democracy and Islamism adapt in the frame of a democratic country. The analysis of this research results that the existing radical Islamist movement is not a failure of Indonesia’s effort to harmonize Islam with democracy. Thus, neither the presence of pro-democracy Islamic mass organizations nor the radical Islamist movement cannot be used as the final argument to answer whether Islam compatible with democracy or not. The results of this study reveal that democratization in Indonesia has been accompanied by the proliferation of Islamist movements. The proliferation of Islamist movements nowadays precisely indicates that democracy in Indonesia has a special experience regarding new formula of peacefully religion-state relations.</span></p><span>Proses demokratisasi di Indonesia berjalan seiring lahirnya berbagai organisasi masyarakat Islam yang mendukung maupun menolak demokrasi. Sejak era pra-kemerdekaan hingga era reformasi, Indonesia terus dihadapkan dengan fenomena gerakan Isalmisme yang bersebrangan dengan ideologi Negara. Artikel ini menghadirkan diskusi yang selama ini masih banyak didiskusikan mengenai kesesuaian Islam dan demokrasi, dan di mana posisi Indonesia dalam hal kesesuaian dan ketidaksesuaian Islam dan demokrasi tersebut. Pertanyaan kunci dari artikel ini apakah proliferasi gerakan Islamis radikal menandakan ketidaksesuaian Islam dan demokrasi? Dengan menggunakan pendekatan sosiologi dan historis, artikel ini menganalisis sejauh mana nilai-nilai demokrasi dan Islamisme beradaptasi dalam bingkai Negara yang demokratis. Hasil analisis dari kajian ini menemukan bahwa eksistensi gerakan Islamis radikal bukan sebuah pertanda akan kegagalan usaha keras Indonesia dalam mengharmonisasikan Islam dan demokrasi. Sehingga, kehadiran ormas Islam, baik pendukung maupun penolak demokrasi, keduanya tidak dapat dijadikan jawaban final bahwa Islam sesuai atau tidak dengan demokrasi. Hasil dari kajian ini menekankan bahwa demokratisasi di Indonesia selalu diwarnai dengan proliferasi gerakan Islamis. Proliferasi gerakan Islamis akhir-akhir ini justru membuktikan bahwa demokrasi di Indonesia memiliki pengalaman khusus terkait formula hubungan agama-negara dalam masyarakat yang demokratis.</span>
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Supratman, Frial Ramadhan. "Before the Ethical Policy: The Ottoman State, Pan-Islamism, and Modernisation in Indonesia, 1898–1901." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 54, no. 2 (December 14, 2016): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2016.542.447-475.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
By drawing on Ottoman-Turkish documents in the Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, this paper investigates the role of the Ottoman state and Pan-Islamic ideology on modernisation in Indonesia. The article revisits the process defining the Ethical Policy (Politik Etis) as the turning point of the emergence of modernisation in Indonesia. In existing scholarship, the ‘Ethical Policy’ became the grand narrative in Indonesian history, meanwhile the influence of Pan-Islamism is only seen as the unsuccessful political propaganda of Abdulhamid II on the anti-colonialism movement in Indonesia. Many Indonesian and Ottoman historians view Pan-Islamism in the context of anti-colonialism fighting against the Dutch militarily in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article proposes an alternative view to this narrative which acknowledges Pan-Islamism as a modernisation step for Indonesians which was signed by the Jawi students arrival in Istanbul and shows the Hadhrami community as the agent of modernisation. In short, the article shows the Ottoman influence on the emergence of the Ethical Policy of 1901 in Indonesia.[Menggunakan dokumen-dokumen Turki Utsmani yang disimpan di Prime Minister’s Ottoman Archives, makalah ini meneliti peran imperium Utsmani dan ideologi Pan-Islam dalam modernisasi Indonesia. Hal itu dilakukan dengan meninjau kembali proses mendefinisikan Politik Etis sebagai titik balik lahirnya modernisasi Indonesia. Dalam literatur yang ada sekarang, Politik Etis menjadi cerita utama dalam sejarah Indonesia, sementara Pan-Islamisme hanya dipandang sebagai propaganda gagal dari Abdulhamid II bagi gerakan anti kolonial di Indonesia. Kebanyakan sejarawan di Indonesia dan Turki dalam konteks perjuangan melawan penjajah Belanda. Artikel ini menawarkan narasi alternatif yang mengakui Pan-Islamisme sebagai salah satu tahapan penting modernisasi Indonesia yang ditandai dengan datangnya para mahasiswa Jawa di Istambul dan menunjukkan peran komunitas Hadhrami sebagai agen modernisasi.]
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Octavia, Lanny. "Islamism & Democracy: A Gender Analysis on PKS’s Application of Democratic Principles and Values." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 50, no. 1 (June 26, 2012): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2012.501.1-22.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The increasing popular support for Islamist parties in democratic countries incites public suspicion concerning whether the Islamists’ participation in procedural democracy guarantees their commitment for substantial democracy, which in principle requires equality of rights among citizens regardless of their religion and gender. Indeed, gender politics often appears at the centre of the lslamist agenda, as they seek to construct a new moral order based on a conservative gender perspective. A greater concern arises on whether the Islamists will eventually lead society towards democracy or, conversely, towards theocracy. In Indonesia, the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) shows a remarkable development and significant electoral achievement. Some observers viewed that PKS is opportunistically using democratic means to “hijack” it for their Islamist agenda waiting for when political power is in their hands. Others believe PKS’s involvement in real politics will, in the end, lead to a “gradual secularisation” of their Islamist agenda. Based on a gender analysis, this paper examines whether PKS’s fulfillment of the formalist criteria of democracy is compatible with their application of democratic principles and values.[Semakin menguatnya dukungan terhadap partai Islam memincu kecurigaan publik yang mempertanyakan apakah partisipasi kalangan islamis dalam demokrasi prosedural menjamin komitmen mereka bagi tegaknya demokrasi substansial, demokrasi yang mensyaratkan kesetaraan bagi semua orang tanpa terkecuali. Sebenarnya, agenda politik gender yang didengungkan oleh kalangan islamis tidak bisa dilepaskan dari perspektif konservatif mereka mengenai relasi gender. Pertanyaannya kemudian, apakah yang mereka agendakan akan berlabuh pada pemantapan demokrasi atau --sebaliknya‑‑ menuju teokrasi. Di Indonesia, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) adalah satu-satunya partai Islam di Indonesia yang berhasil berkembang pesat dan mampu mendulang suara secara signifikan. Bagi beberapa pengamat, PKS merepresentasikan partai Islamis yang berhasil “menunggangi” demokrasi untuk memperjuangkan agenda islamis mereka. Ini akan tampak jelas jika PKS berhasil menjadi partai penguasa. Kendati demikian, beberapa kalangan lainnya berkeyakinan bahwa keterlibatan PKS dalam politik demokratis akan “mensekulerkan” agenda islamis mereka. Dengan analisis gender, tulisan ini hendak menjawab apakah kriteria formal mengenai nilai dan prinsip demokrasi yang melekat pada PKS sejalan dengan apa yang mereka praktekkan.]
Дисертації з теми "Islamism in Indonesia"
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Ikhwan, Hakimul. "Democratic Islamism : Islamists' engagement with democratic politics in post-Suharto Indonesia." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701969.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
There has long been a perceived binary opposition between democracy and Islamism, whereby a number of influential scholars suggest that the presence of the former threatens the latter and vice versa. Based on indepth fieldwork in Cianjur, Indonesia, from 2011-2012, I found that the development of democracy in post- Suharto Indonesia from 1998-2013 was simultaneous with a growth in Islamism as manifest in the expansion of various Islamist political parties and civic associations. Islamism and democratic politics had come to work in conjunction whereby Islamism was not always in conflict or constantly supportive of the democratic processes. The development of democracy and democratisation in post-Suharto Cianjur brought an enhanced spirit to revitalise the local religious/transcendental identity that was contingent with the percieved threats of modernisation to local cultures, traditions, and religious values. My thesis argues that the employment of Islamist symbolism reflected in the shariatisation of local policies i.e. the Gerbang Marhamah and the zakat policy, was a manifestation of the 'discursive tradition' of Islam as well as a product of local democratic politics. I found that contestation and compromise over sharia-associated policies did not eliminate the spiritual and transcendental dimension of the policies. Rather, the policies were rooted in the current Islamists' practice and interpretations related to shariatisation and knowledge over religious texts (Quran, Hadith, and Islamic jurisprudence) and traditions based in the classical era of Islam. Sharia-associated policies were, in addition, a product of democratic processes in which the Islamists and the nationalists took part in contestation and compromise over the open-ended processes. In this regard, Islamists engagement with democratic politics in Cianjur had indeed developed into a form of 'democratic Islamism' whereby neither democracy nor Islamism were fixed but, through ongoing contestation and compromise within and between the Islamists and the nationalists, came to take on multiple and dynamic forms that puts into question many influential assumptions about the incompatability of Islam and democracy.
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Munhanif, Ali. "Different routes to Islamism: history, institutions and the politics of Islamic state in Egypt and Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96697.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation examines patterns of Islamist political mobilization in Egypt and Indonesia. It focuses on the development of major political organizations formed in both countries whose primary goal is the establishment of Islamic state. By focusing on these organizations, this dissertation seeks to explain an analytical puzzle: why Egyptian and Indonesian Islamist movements develop along divergent patterns of mobilization?While the traditional focus of the literature is on Islam's cultural tenets and the structure of Muslim society, I argue that the most fundamental factors that have driven the variation in Islamist mobilization were the historical formation of particular types of organizations along with how the outcomes of this period developed over time. Different institutional settings in Egypt and Indonesia prior to the formation of modern political organizations intent on the creation of an Islamic state transformed similar Islamic ideology into different patterns of organizational constructs and programs for mobilization. This formative moment is of paramount importance because it had long-term political consequences. Based on this institutional framework, this dissertation identifies a typology of Islamist historical formation centered on the distinction between the "purist" Islamist movement in Egypt and "pragmatic-reform" oriented Islamist organizations in Indonesia.This dissertation also examines the relationship between institutional settings and Islamist politics over time. I analyze the history and institutional designs of the state as conditions that both constrained and yet enabled the interests and goals of leaders in Islamist movements. Periodization— defined broadly as the historical sequences of state formation — serves as an analytical framework with which to capture critical moments and actions of the competing groups, especially between Islamist actors and the state elite in response to a particular set of changes, over a defined period of time. By tracing these various paths of Islamist political responses and initiatives through the subsequent changes of state-Islamist relations, this dissertation seeks to offer a more nuanced, historically grounded, but analytically persuasive explanation of the alternative routes toward an Islamic state, in terms of organizational formation, political mobilization and transformation.Using an historical institutional theoretical framework to interrogate my findings, it is hoped that this dissertation will contribute to a larger debate in political science on Islam and politics, state building, and the historical process of conflict-resolution between the state regimes and Islamist political forces.Ce mémoire est consacré d'examiner des modèles de la mobilisation politique islamiste en Égypte et en Indonésie. Elle se concentre sur le développement des organisations politiques importantes formées dans les deux pays dont le but primaire est l'établissement de l'état islamique. En se concentrant sur ces organisations, cette thèse cherche à expliquer une énigme analytique : pourquoi les mouvements islamistes égyptiens et indonésiens se développent-ils selon les modèles divergents de la mobilisation? Tandis que l'objectif traditionnel de la littérature est sur les principes culturels et la structure de la société musulmane, je soutiens que les facteurs les plus fondamentaux qui ont conduit la variation de la mobilisation islamiste étaient la formation historique des types particuliers d'organisations avec la façon dont les résultats de cette période se sont développés avec le temps. Les différents cadres institutionnels en Égypte et en Indonésie avant la formation des organisations politiques modernes attentifs sur la création d'un état islamique ont transformé l'idéologie islamique semblable en différents modèles des constructions et des programmes d'organisation pour la mobilisation. Ce moment formateur est d'importance primordiale parce qu'il a eu des conséquences politiques à long terme. Basé sur ce cadre institutionnel, ce mémoire identifie une typologie de la formation historique islamiste portée sur la distinction entre le mouvement islamiste « puriste » en Égypte et « reforme- pragmatique » les organisations islamistes orientés en Indonésie.Ce mémoire examine également le rapport entre les cadres institutionnels et la politique islamiste avec le temps. J'analyse l'histoire et les conceptions institutionnelles de l'état comme conditions que tous les deux ont contraint mais ont permis les intérêts et les buts des chefs dans les mouvements islamistes. Périodisation- définie largement comme ordres historiques de formation d'état - servir comme un outil analytique avec lequel on peut capturer des moments et des actions critiques des groupes de concurrence, particulièrement entre les acteurs islamistes et l'élite d'état en réponse à les changements particulières, sur une période définie. En traçant ces divers chemins des réponses politiques islamistes et des initiatives par les changements suivants des relations d'état Islamiste, ce mémoire cherche à offrir une explication plus diversifiée, historiquement plus au sol, mais analytiquement persuasive des itinéraires alternatifs vers un état islamique, en termes de formation d'organisation, mobilisation politique et transformation. Utilisant un cadre institutionnel historique pour interroger mes conclusions, on 'espère que ce mémoire contribuera à un plus grand débat en sciences politiques sur l'Islam et la politique, l'établissement d'état, et le processus historique de l'être en conflit- résolution entre les régimes d'état et les forces politiques islamistes.
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Nikolaev, Roman, and Roman Nikolaev. "Varieties of Islamism: Differences in Political Party Ideology in Democracies." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/621747.
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This dissertation aims to understand how Islamist ideology differs across Islamist political parties in majority-Muslim countries. It asks why, despite drawing from the same religious source, the ideology of Islamist parties differs significantly and ranges from a wide spectrum, reaching from rigid conservative ideologies to flexible and even liberal. In order to address this question, the first step I pursue is to create a classification of different types of Islamism based on a spectrum of Islamist thought and behavior. I call the most literalist approach which aims at top-down Islamization Traditionalist Islamism, while the most flexible variety which argues for a bottom-up approach and relies on secular civil law is is labelled Neo-Islamism. Political parties that do not clearly fall under any of these categories and mix characteristics of both are grouped under the Hybrid Islamism category. I argue that if they could, all Islamist parties would moderate their ideology in order to achieve electoral success. However, both the position of the party vis-a-vis other parties in the system, and a high degree of dependence on an internal clique or an external movement create constraints and limitations which prevent parties from moderating their ideological profile. I find support for my argument by comparing five different Islamist parties in Indonesia. I further strengthen my case by introducing several hadow cases from Turkey, Malaysia and Tajikistan (under the authoritarian regime).
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Nur, Fuad Ai Fatimah. "Islamism and dakwah in late modern Indonesia : official discourses and lived experiences of leaders and members of the Tarbiyah movement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/18978/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis contributes to the analysis of the dakwah (Islamic preaching and mission) of contemporary Islamist movements with a case study of the Indonesian Tarbiyah movement. My analysis borrows from aspects of social movement theory and conceptions of lived religion to illuminate both the official discourses and everyday experiences of the movement in a novel way. I begin by providing an historical framework for understanding dakwah and Islamist movements in modernity (Chapter 1) and by locating Islam(ism) and dakwah in terms of the changing social, political and religious dynamics of colonial and postcolonial Indonesia (Chapter 2). To investigate the Tarbiyah movement, I collected qualitative interviews and fieldwork data in Jakarta during 2012–13 (Chapter 3). In the key chapters of this thesis, I focus on three main arguments: i) that the gradual transition of the Tarbiyah movement from a politically repressed network of religious purists in the 1970-80s into a fully-fledged dakwah political party (the Prosperous Justice Party/Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, PKS) was the outcome of new ‘political opportunities’ which emerged during a period of democratisation 1990-97 (Chapter 4); ii) that the movement’s weekly Liqo (circle of religious teaching) illuminates both the synergies and tensions between official, top-down framing by increasingly formal, outward-looking and pragmatic PKS leaders and the more informal and more conservative networks, the latter remaining a key resource for mobilisation (Chapter 5); and, finally, that the lived experiences of female trainees in the Liqo suggest that this is a space where Tarbiyah movement/PKS norms, lifestyles and dispositions are more or less successfully taught, learned and reproduced principally through the disciplined and repeated performances of embodied piety (Chapter 6).
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Pitt, Rômulo Barizon. "Indonésia : o desafio da liderança regional." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/103903.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Este trabalho possui como tema a política externa da Indonésia, constituindo-se como um estudo de caso. A dissertação está estruturada em três capítulos. O primeiro procura identificar os elementos estruturais que condicionam a inserção internacional do país. O segundo capítulo aborda a situação regional do sudeste asiático, avaliando a influência da ascensão chinesa e a atuação de demais potências extrarregionais: Estados Unidos, Japão, Coreia do Sul, Austrália, Índia e Rússia. O terceiro capítulo tem por objetivo analisar a formulação da política externa indonésia, levando em consideração os pontos descritos nos capítulos anteriores. Metodologicamente, partiu-se de uma livre operacionalização do método das três imagens de Kenneth Waltz (o Homem, o Estado e a Guerra). Por fim, conclui-se que o aumento do número de potências e da anarquia oferece paradoxalmente uma janela de oportunidade para uma atuação mais autônoma da Indonésia no Sistema Internacional.This work has as its theme the foreign policy of Indonesia, constituting itself as a case study. The dissertation is divided into three chapters. The first seeks to identify the structural elements that affect the international integration of the country. The second chapter discusses the regional situation in Southeast Asia, assessing the influence of China's rise and the action of other extra-regional powers: the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India and Russia. The third chapter aims to analyze the formulation of Indonesian foreign policy, taking into account the points described in the previous chapters. Methodologically, it uses a free adaptation of the three images method of Kenneth Waltz (Man, State and War). Finally, it is concluded that the increasing number of powers and anarchy, paradoxically offers a window of opportunity for a more independent role of Indonesia in the International System.
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Nagy, Sandra L. "Islamic fundamentalism in Indonesia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA303488.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1996.Thesis advisor(s): Claude A. Buss. "December 1996." Includes bibliographical references (p. 147-154). Also available online.
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Anderson, Mark A., and Marc Costain. "The banality of Islamist politics." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1179.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Approved For Public Release; Distribution is UnlimitedPolitical Islam has emerged as an unambiguous threat to liberal and Western-leaning regimes throughout the world. Public discourse has focused on the Islamic nature of this challenge, emphasizing the cultural characteristics of the threat. In contrast, this thesis argues that Political Islam is essentially a political challenge. Further, states can and do dictate the political space available to Islamists. In order to illustrate this argument, Indonesia and Algeria serve as case studies. These two culturally, economically and ethnically diverse nations share a predominance of Muslim adherents. Each nation has struggled with Political Islam. Yet, the consequences of state policy have profoundly differed. Recent innovations in political science theory are employed to provide a uniform structure of comparison between the two case studies. The thesis concludes that states make a choice whether to play offense or defense against their political opposition. When states choose the offensive, using targeted, preemptive repression to subsume the political space, they are successful. When states choose the defensive, using indiscriminate, reactive repression to foreclose political space, they are failures. This thesis implies that states, far from being hapless victims of fervently religious movements, can exercise a broad array of policy options to compete with Political Islam.
Major, United States Marine Corps
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
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Lukito, Ratno. "Islamic law and Adat encounter : the experience of Indonesia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ37218.pdf.
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Sirojudin, Sirojudin. "Toward welfare pluralism : policy and practice of the Islamic welfare effort in Indonesia." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=81465.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study reviews the policy and practice of Islamic social welfare efforts in Indonesia. Findings from this study suggest that Indonesian Islamic welfare policies are ambivalent. The ambivalent character is due, in part, to the need of the government to maintain the status of Indonesia as a secular state, while at the same time, to accommodate Muslim aspirations to practice Islamic social welfare. Some Islamic welfare organizations have succeeded in combining Islamic social welfare programs with a modern social development perspective that is relevant to large national development programs. Dompet Dhuafa Republika's (DD) experience of collecting Islamic welfare funds and developing social welfare programs reveals significant potentials of Islamic welfare efforts to contribute to statutory social welfare services. These findings have shown that there is a promising prospect for Indonesia to further augment a pluralistic social welfare system.
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Auni, Luthfi. "The decline of the Islamic empire of Aceh (1641-1699)." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26066.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis deals with the history of the Acehnese Islamic empire, focusing on the events leading up to its decline in both its internal stability and its hegemony in the surrounding regions in the second half of the seventeenth century. During the given period (1641-1699) the empire was ruled successively by four female rulers. The thesis deals with the political and economic developments in this period.Aceh was an Islamic empire in the Indonesian archipelago which emerged as the greatest and most influential Islamic power in the region from the middle of the sixteenth century to the early seventeenth century. It reached its golden age during the reign of Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607-1636) who succeeded in developing the empire into an unrivaled Muslim power whose control included the West Sumatran coast and the Malay peninsula. During his reign, Aceh became the holder of the political and economic hegemony in the region.
Towards the second half of the seventeenth century, the power of Aceh gradually declined from its peak both internally and externally. Internally, political disintegration paved the way for the process of power transition between political groups within the empire. Externally, both the political importance and the economic supremacy of the empire in the region was drastically reduced. Consequently, its power again shrank back into the north-Sumatran area from which the empire originally emerged.
Книги з теми "Islamism in Indonesia"
1
Barton, Greg. Jemaah Islamiyah: Radical Islamism in Indonesia. Singapore: Ridge Books, 2005.
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Hilmy, Masdar. Islamism and democracy in Indonesia: Piety and pragmatism. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010.
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Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, ed. Islamism and democracy in Indonesia: Piety and pragmatism. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2010.
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Islamism in Indonesia: Politics in the emerging democracy. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009.
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Soguk, Nevzat. Globalization and Islamism: Beyond fundamentalism. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2010.
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Ramakrishna, Kumar. Islamist Terrorism and Militancy in Indonesia. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-194-7.
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Fauzi, Moh. Islamis vs sekularis: Pertarungan idiologi di Indonesia. Semarang: Walisongo Press, 2009.
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Subarkah, Amin. Pan-Islamisme sejarah dan perkembangannya di Indonesia: Laporan penelitian. [Depok: Fakultas Sastra, Universitas Indonesia], 1996.
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Kirbiantoro, S. Pergulatan ideologi partai politik di Indonesia: Nasionalisme-Islamisme, komunisme-militerisme. Jakarta: Inti Media, 2006.
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Dhume, Sadanand. My friend the fanatic: Travels with an Indonesian Islamist. New York: Skyhorse Publishing, 2009.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Islamism in Indonesia"
1
Hiariej, Eric, Frans de Jalong, Dana Hasibuan, and Ayu Diasti Rahmawati. "Post-fundamentalist Islamism and the Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia." In The Politics of Citizenship in Indonesia, 229–53. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7955-1_11.
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Anwar, Etin. "The Quest for Radical Islamism and the War on Terror in Indonesia." In The (De)Legitimization of Violence in Sacred and Human Contexts, 175–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51125-8_11.
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Azra, Hidayatulla. "Islamic Education in Indonesia." In Springer International Handbooks of Education, 1–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53620-0_32-1.
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Azra, Hidayatulla. "Islamic Education in Indonesia." In International Handbooks of Religion and Education, 763–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64683-1_32.
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Hadiz, Vedi R. "Islamic populism in Indonesia." In Routledge Handbook of Contemporary Indonesia, 296–306. New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315628837-24.
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Kusno, Abidin. "Islamist Urbanism and Spatial Performances in Indonesia." In Cities and Islamisms, 134–49. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429318382-13.
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Nasution, Husni, Sri Rubiyanti, Shinta Rahma Diana, Dini Susanti, Astri Rafikasari, and Bernhard Sianipar. "Keanggotaan Indonesia pada Inter-Islamic Networks on Space Science and Technology (ISNET)." In Kajian Kebijakan Penerbangan dan Antariksa, 24–45. Bogor: In Media, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30536/9786026469762.2.
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ISNET adalah organisasi jaringan kerja sama negara-negara anggota Organisasi Kerja Sama Islam (OKI). ISNET didirikan pada tahun 1987 oleh sembilan negara OKI, satu di antaranya adalah Indonesia. Sudah tiga tiga puluh tahun ISNET berjalan tetapi dalam sepuluh tahun terakhirnya Indonesia tidak aktif, bahkan sejak tahun 2007 Indonesia tidak membayar iuran anggota dan berkeinginan untuk keluar dari ISNET. Penting untuk diketahui bagaimana kontribusi dan manfaat yang diperoleh Indonesia dari organisasi tersebut sebagai pertimbangan keanggotaan Indonesia pada ISNET ke depan. Data yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah data sekunder yang diperoleh melalui studi pustaka dari berbagai referensi yang berkaitan dengan ISNET. Metoda yang digunakan dalam kajian ini adalah deskriptif kualitatif. Analisis kontribusi dan manfaat dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA) yang dikemukakan oleh Dunn dan Pasal 4 Peraturan Presiden RI Nomor 64 Tahun 1999 tentang Keanggotaan dan Kontribusi Pemerintah Indonesia pada Organisasi-Organisasi Internasional. Dari kajian diperoleh hasil bahwa manfaat yang diperoleh Indonesia dari ISNET lebih besar dibandingkan dengan kontribusi tahunan. Demikian pula, keanggotaan Indonesia dalam ISNET akan memberikan citra yang lebih baik bagi Indonesia, baik di ISNET maupun di OIC.
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Nubowo, Andar. "Indonesian hybrid Salafism." In Rising Islamic Conservatism inIndonesia, 181–97. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |Identifiers: LCCN 2020021900 (print) | LCCN 2020021901 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367819415 (hardback) | ISBN 9781003010920 (ebook): Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003010920-11.
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Alfitri and Muzayyin Ahyar. "Private Islamic Universities in Indonesia." In Islam, Education and Radicalism in Indonesia, 278–305. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003269229-16.
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"Islamism in Indonesia." In The Global Spread of Islamism and the Consequences for Terrorism, 23–56. Potomac Books, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1bjc3n6.6.
Повний текст джерелаТези доповідей конференцій з теми "Islamism in Indonesia"
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Mukodi, Sugiyono, and M. Fashihullisan. "Curriculum Analysis of Nationalism and Islamism Education in Islamic School of Indonesia." In 2nd International Conference on Education and Social Science Research (ICESRE 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200318.022.
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Sebastian, Leonard C., and Alexander R. Arifianto. "From Civil Islam towards NKRI Bersyariah? Understanding Rising Islamism in Post-Reformasi Indonesia." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.65.
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Barton, Greg. "PREACHING BY EXAMPLE AND LEARNING FOR LIFE: UNDERSTANDING THE GÜLEN HIZMET IN THE GLOBAL CONTEXT OF RELIGIOUS PHILANTHROPY AND CIVIL RELIGION." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/exer7443.
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The Gülen movement, or hizmet, is often misunderstood, and this is in large measure because it is unlike anything else in the Muslim world, though the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama mass-based organisations of Indonesia do bear some resemblance. However, there is no good reason to limit comparisons to the Muslim world. As a social movement motivated by religious values and the ideals of selfless service, engaged in philan- thropic endeavour and active in the civil sphere, the Gülen hizmet deserves comparison with other such movements around the globe. This paper looks outside the geographic and cultural context of the Muslim world to demon- strate that the Gülen hizmet shares much in common with many Western, Christian, philan- thropic initiatives in education and public discourse of the past three centuries, particularly in North America. The utility of this comparison is that it helps us to understand better aspects of the Gülen hizmet that cannot be easily understood in the limited context of the Muslim world. It also helps break down some of the ‘us and them’ barriers that divide Christians and Muslims, and east and west, by allowing us to recognise common concerns, values and shared experiences. The paper also explores the concept of civil religion in the twenty-first century, examines ways in which religious philanthropic activity can contribute to the development of non- exclusivist civil religion and apply these insights to the Gülen hizmet to argue that the hizmet models an interesting modern Islamic alternative to Islamism.
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Mentari, Yuni Kusuma, and Chorry Sulistyowati. "CEO Characteristics and Performance of Indonesian State-Owned Enterprise in Indonesia Period Year 2013-2015." In 1st International Conference on Islamic Ecnomics, Business and Philanthropy. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007083604350439.
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Ascarya, Ascarya, and Diana Yumanita. "The Determinants of Net Interest Margin in Conventional and Islamic Banks in Indonesia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00171.
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Indonesia has adopted dual banking system since 1998, when conventional bank operate side by side with Islamic bank. One measure of bank’s performance as intermediary institution to stimulate economic growth is net interest margin (NIM) in conventional bank or net profit-and-loss sharing/PLS margin (NPM) in Islamic bank. This study analyses the determinants of NIM and NPM in Indonesia using multivariate analysis and dynamic panel data to see the persistence of large NIM and NPM in the recent past, although policy rate has been decreasing significantly.
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Firmanto, Alfan, and Ahmad Yunani. "The Islamic Iconoclasm in Indonesia." In International Symposium on Religious Literature and Heritage (ISLAGE 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220206.012.
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Mukhibad, Hasan, Prabowo J, and Indah Anisykurlillah. "Are the Social Concern Policies of Islamic Banks Caused by Economic Motives? Empirical Evidence on Islamic Banks in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2287983.
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Handayani, Erna, and Naelati Tubastuvi. "Indonesian Islamic Banking Performance Analysis." In Unimed International Conference on Economics Education and Social Science. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009500612441250.
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Mutiara, Tresna, Suryana Suryana, and Suci Aprilliani Utami. "Influence of Indonesia Exchange Rate, Inflation and Bank Indonesia Sharia Certificates on Net Asset Value of Sharia Mixed Mutual Funds in Indonesia." In 1st International Conference on Islamic Ecnomics, Business and Philanthropy. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007077100780082.
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Wicaksono, Mochammad Arief. "Language as Symbol System: Islam, Javanese Muslem and Cultural Diplomacy." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.16-7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Islamic diaspora throughout the world has its own characteristics depending on cultural context in each region. Observing the characteristics of the entry process and the rise of Islam in Java in the past, Indonesia can be viewed significantly through a linguistic perspective. By focusing on the narratives of how Islam was constructed in Java by kiai, we will be able to understand that the pattern of the entry process and the rise of Islam in Java emerged through“language diplomacy.” There are various symbols which later became the symbol system in Islamic languages that were contextualized to Javanese language and knowledge systems. In other words, I see that language in this context is a symbol system. These symbols are a strategy of how Islam was “planted” and developed in Java. I will compare the symbol system of the language in the Quran as the Great Tradition of Islam with a symbol system on the narratives that a kiai expressed in Javanese society as the Little Tradition. By taking some narratives that the kiai gave to the Javanese Moslems in East Java region, this paper argues that the linguistic aspect in some narratives and Quran recitation which has the symbolic system of the language have an important role in planting and developing Islam in Java. This paper is based on ethnographic research-participant observation among Nahdlatul Ulama Muslim society in East Java, Indonesia and reviews Islamic narratives in society as an important unit of analysis.
Звіти організацій з теми "Islamism in Indonesia"
1
Nor, Shifa Mohd, Rahmatina Awaliah Kasri, and Syajarul Imna Mohd Amin. Non-Banking Islamic Financial Institutions and Models Report: Indonesia-Malaysia. İLKE İlim Kültür Eğitim Vakfı, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.26414/ur11.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Greg Barton. Populism, Violence, and Vigilantism in Indonesia: Rizieq Shihab and His Far-Right Islamist Populism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/lp0009.
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Muhammad Rizieq Shihab has been one of the most well-known faces of the far-right in Indonesia since the late 1990s. As a radical Islamist scholar with links to Saudi Arabia, Shihab has spent the last three decades as an anti-state voice of the “pious Muslim majority” in Indonesia. He claims to position himself as a “righteous” and “fearless” leader who is dedicated to defending Islam—the faith of “the people.” In 2020 Shihab was arrested for holding large public gatherings, as part of his ‘moral revolution’ campaign, in the middle of pandemic lockdowns. However, his radical Salafist message continues to inspire thousands to action.
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Curtin, Leslie B. Toward a new Foreign Policy in Indonesia, The Islamic Giant in Southeast Asia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442482.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.