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Статті в журналах з теми "Internationale socialiste":
1
Godard, Simon. "L’URSS au défi de la gouvernance économique internationale du bloc socialiste (1984-1990)." Parlement[s], Revue d'histoire politique N° 39, no. 4 (February 7, 2024): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/parl2.039.0063.
Анотація:
Dans les années 1980, l’URSS est une entité politique multiscalaire, à la fois simple État et superpuissance de guerre froide. L’interaction entre ces deux espaces de projection (national et transnational) met en jeu la capacité des institutions – étatiques et partisanes – soviétiques à configurer la doctrine de l’internationalisme socialiste. Celle-ci, au sens foucaldien du terme, fonctionne comme un double système de contrainte : elle lie l’URSS à un discours particulier, qui lui donne en retour un pouvoir sur les membres du bloc socialiste qui le reçoivent. La réforme de la gouvernance économique de l’URSS avec la Perestroïka doit donc être pensée dans l’impact qu’elle a sur les démocraties populaires autant que dans l’effet retour que cette évolution des principes économiques du socialisme à l’échelle du bloc a sur l’URSS. Cet article s’intéresse à la façon dont l’organisation de coopération économique multilatérale des États socialistes, le CAEM, devient un agent d’une production transnationale de la réforme économique du socialisme dans les années 1980, qui échappe en partie à l’URSS, tout en influençant politiquement et économiquement les marges de manœuvre de celle-ci dans ses propres réformes. L’impossible décorrélation entre principes de rationalité de la gouvernance soviétique à l’échelle de l’URSS et gouvernementalité socialiste de l’économie-monde, construite depuis 1949 à l’échelle du bloc de l’Est, éclaire alors la dimension transnationale des réformes soviétiques des années 1980, dont la mise en œuvre locale ne peut s’affranchir d’une compréhension de leur mise en débat à l’échelle internationale.
2
Consolim, Marcia, and Sébastien Mosbah-Natanson. "Entre sociologie et socialisme : la correspondance René Worms –Georges Renard." Les Études Sociales 177, no. 1 (July 11, 2023): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etsoc.177.0277.
Анотація:
Cet article vise à introduire l’édition critique de la correspondance du socialiste Georges Renard et du sociologue René Worms et, par là, à éclairer les relations entre la sociologie naissante et l’idéologie socialiste dans les années 1890. L’étude de la collaboration de Georges Renard à la Revue internationale de sociologie , qui est relativement éphémère, permet ainsi d’entrer dans le fonctionnement de la première revue consacrée à la nouvelle discipline et d’analyser la formation de réseaux intellectuels. La rupture entre Worms et Renard à la fin de l’année 1895 est aussi l’occasion de souligner le travail de démarcation entre sociologie et socialisme à l’œuvre durant cette période.
3
Bouneau, Christine. "La jeunesse socialiste et l'action internationale durant l'entre-deux-guerres." Le Mouvement Social 223, no. 2 (2008): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lms.223.0041.
4
Prochasson, Christophe, and Marc Angenot. "L'utopie collectiviste. Le grand recit socialiste sous la Deuxieme Internationale." Le Mouvement social, no. 195 (April 2001): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780014.
5
Kuznecov, Sergej, and Patrick Sériot. "La langue internationale et la révolution mondiale." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 20 (April 9, 2022): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2005.1489.
Анотація:
La position de la théorie marriste en URSS était déterminée par la situation politique et la politique linguistique du pouvoir. La politique linguistique de l’Union Soviétique à l'époque de Staline peut être décrite comme un système de trois paradigmes successifs : au moment de la création de l'URSS un paradigme exocentrique, avec une motivation de politique extérieure : l'idée de la révolution mondiale imminente ; dans le seconde moitié des années 30 il est remplacé par un paradigme endocentrique, avec une motivation de politique intérieure : la construction du socialisme dans un seul pays ; après la discussion linguistique de 1950, c'est un paradigme exocentrique qui revient sur le devant, avec une nouvelle motivation de politique extérieure : l'idée d'intégration linguistique des pays du camp socialiste grâce à une langue zonale. Le marrisme s'est avéré compatible avec les deux premiers paradigmes et incompatible avec le troisième, ce qui explique la discussion de 1950. Dans le cadre du premier paradigme, le marrisme s'appuyait sur la cosmoglottique (science de la langue internationale), qui était inspirée par l'idée de la révolution mondiale. L’idée de révolution mondiale et la cosmoglottique qui lui était liée ont été anéanties au cours des purges de 1937-38. Le marrisme fut liquidé à l'étape suivante, mais moins pour redresser les torts théoriques anti-marxistes de Marr que pour des raisons d’ordre pragmatique : la mise en place du troisième paradigme.
6
Bony-Cisternes, Romain. "L’état de droit dans le Vietnam contemporain : un système en tension entre héritage socialiste et ouverture capitaliste." Revue internationale de droit comparé 71, no. 3 (2019): 807–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ridc.2019.21123.
Анотація:
Plus de trente ans après le Đổi mới, le Vietnam est désormais pleinement intégré à l’économie mondiale (avec ou sans le TPP) et ouvert au capitalisme. L’ouverture grandissante du pays révèle des tensions entre, d’une part, l’intégration des principes du capitalisme de marché et, d’autre part, les postulats fondamentaux du régime vietnamien tels que la légalité socialiste. Ces tensions proviennent principalement d’une opposition de nature entre la conception socialiste de la règle de droit et le développement économique accompagné de son pendant, l’émergence de la société civile. Pragmatique, le gouvernement vietnamien a progressivement réformé le cadre juridique de la conduite des affaires. Néanmoins, ces réformes demeurent insuffisantes et l’aboutissement de l’État de droit ne peut être correctement réalisé. La poursuite de l’intégration économique internationale continue de questionner la pertinence de la légalité socialiste et, de manière plus générale, l’ensemble des principes sur lesquels elle repose.
7
Mendras, Marie. "L'urss et son Autre." European Journal of Sociology 29, no. 2 (November 1988): 229–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600005683.
Анотація:
L'union soviétique a vécu son immersion dans la vie internationale d'une façon bien particulière. Elle a fait place sans difficulté, dans son idéologie et sa stratégie internationale, au phénomène de mondialisation de la politique depuis la deuxième guerre. Elle en a même tiré les plus grands bénéfices puisqu'elle a créé un camp socialiste de pays alliés-soumis et étendu son influence au-delà de l'Europe. La Russie a réussi à devenir une puissance mondiale, et même l'une des deux plus grandes puissances, plus facilement qu'elle ne s'était imposée comme puissance européenne sous les tsars.
8
Rivé, Marie-Orange, and Florence Galmiche. "L’évolution des relations intercoréennes : statu quo ante bellum ?" Questions internationales N° 123, no. 7 (February 16, 2024): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/quin.123.0085.
Анотація:
Soixante-dix ans après la guerre de Corée, les deux Corées sont toujours techniquement en guerre et ne se reconnaissent pas l’une et l’autre comme des États légitimes. Un régime autoritaire socialiste sur la défensive au Nord a poursuivi sa militarisation et son programme nucléaire, alors que le Sud a fondé sa stratégie sur le développement économique et l’ouverture internationale. Les tentatives de rapprochement ont fluctué au gré des changements internationaux ou des alternances politiques sud-coréennes et américaines. Si la réunification de la péninsule reste officiellement à l’ordre du jour au Nord comme au Sud, sa réalisation est loin d’être acquise .
9
Losser, Alphonse. "La politique monétaire internationale en économie socialiste : le cas de la RDA." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 19, no. 4 (1987): 427–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1987.2911.
10
Favreau, Louis, and Lucie Fréchette. "Développement local, économie solidaire et coopération internationale aujourd’hui : l’expérience latino-américaine." Le dossier : La solidarité internationale 15, no. 1 (May 11, 2004): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008260ar.
Анотація:
Résumé Dans de nombreux pays d’Amérique latine, les années 70 avaient vu la montée d’un solide mouvement urbain-populaire, ouvrier et paysan, les trois souvent unis autour d’un projet socialiste commun. La conjoncture des années 80 a plutôt provoqué une fragmentation de ces mouvements et leur repli. Mais la décennie 90 a par contre introduit de nouveaux acteurs sociaux, notamment les organisations de femmes et celles des jeunes, et de nouvelles stratégies de développement. Cette décennie a ainsi vu naître, en partie grâce à une coopération internationale décentralisée, de nouvelles démarches de collaboration entre des mouvements sociaux locaux, des ONG et des municipalités.
Дисертації з теми "Internationale socialiste":
1
Devin, Guillaume. "L'Internationale socialiste (1945-1976) : politique et éthique du socialisme international." Paris 10, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA100079.
Анотація:
L'Internationale socialiste (IS) jouit d'un curieux privilège : celui d'être fréquemment invoquée sans retenir véritablement l'attention des analystes. Plus de quarante ans après sa reconstruction, l'héritière de l'Internationale ouvrière socialiste a en effet suscité peu de travaux de recherche. Si l'ISs a connu un regain d'actualité depuis son Congrès de Genève en 1976 en raison de ses orientations tiers-mondistes et non alignées et grâce à l'audience personnelle de son nouveau président, W. Brandt, la période qui va de la renaissance de l'organisation au "nouveau départ" de Genève constitue encore aujourd'hui une zone d'ombre. A l'aide des archives de l'organisation, largement inédites, la présente thèse tente de restituer les enjeux qui ont travaillé l'Internationale pendant trente ans et ont contribué à façonner ses inflexions. Le sens de cette démarche tend à démontrer que l'IS n'est pas une organisation étroitement instrumentale mais un mouvement éthique qui a vocation à formuler les idéaux des socialistes, idéaux forgés dans l'ordre interne et projetés dans l'univers international, et dont les prétentions universalistes se sont successivement appuyées sur la mise en ordre lexical des valeurs de la liberté et de l'égalité puis sur leur mise en balanceIf the Socialist International (si) has managed to gain a new audience since its Geneva Congress in 1976, because of its non-aligned approach and the personal audience of its new president, W. Brandt, the period which goes from the rebirth of the organisation in 1945 to the "new start" of Geneva remains, even today, in the dark. Studying the mostly unpublished archives of the organisation, this thesis attemps to identify the stakes which shaped the SI during thirthy years. This analysis tends to portray the SI not as an instrumental organisation but as an ethical movement with a vocation which led it to formulate the socialists' ideals; ideals forged in a domestic context which are then projected into the international environment. These universalistic ideals rested, successively, on the hierachical scale of values of liberty and equality and then on their juxtaposition. The analysis contained in the thesis is an attempt to explain an ethic common to all socialists, wether they be defined as "democratic socialists" or "social-democrats", in their relationship to national politics or to the challenge of the international arena
2
Zakhar, Ghislaine. "La Tchécoslovaquie dans la division internationale socialiste." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375940977.
3
Bonnin, Judith. "L'internationalisme rose au tournant de la mondialisation : la politique internationale du Parti socialiste français de 1971 à 1983." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC082.
Анотація:
L’internationalisme socialiste, doctrine prônant l'union et la solidarité des peuples par-delà les frontières, est un marqueur identitaire du socialisme du premier comme du second vingtième siècle. Après sa refondation au congrès d’Épinay en 1971, le nouveau Parti socialiste français (PS), dirigé par François Mitterrand, adhère à l’Internationale socialiste et annonce vouloir construire un « nouvel internationalisme ». C’est sous ce nom qu’il mène sa politique internationale durant une décennie charnière, marquée par la poursuite de la Guerre froide, l’accélération de la mondialisation économique, l’internationalisation croissante de la politique, et la conclusion d’un programme commun avec le Parti communiste français et le Mouvement des radicaux de gauche. Au terme de dix ans de montée en puissance du PS, F. Mitterrand est élu Président de la République française en mai 1981. Étudier la politique internationale et l'internationalisme du PS durant cette décennie clé, c’est ainsi éclairer l’articulation politique des échelles nationale et internationale dans un monde plus globalisé et c’est appréhender le tournant idéologique et politique de la gauche sous un angle nouveau. Dans cette thèse, on analyse ainsi dans une première partie la nature et la place de la notion d'internationalisme dans la culture, la doctrine et l’identité du PS. Puis dans un second temps, on s’intéresse aux pratiques internationales du PS, à ce qui caractérise sa diplomatie à toutes les échelles impliquées. En analysant la vision du monde et l’action internationale d’un groupe politique particulier, cette thèse cherche ainsi à questionner les bases sur lesquelles se sont construites la diplomatie et la société politique mondiales au moment même de l'approfondissement de la mondialisationThe socialist internationalism is a doctrine advocating the union and the solidarity between the peoples and beyond the borders. It is an identity marker of the socialism of the whole twentieth century, not only of its beginning. After the congress of Épinay in 1971, the new French Socialist Party (PS) supervised by François Mitterrand adheres to the Socialist International and announces its will to shape a "new internationalism". The French socialists lead their international policy following this slogan, for a pivotal decade marked by the pursuit of the Cold War, the acceleration of the economic globalization, the increasing internationalization of politics, and the conclusion of a common program with the French communist Party and the “Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche”. After ten years of growing importance for the PS, F. Mitterrand is elected President of the French Republic in May 1981. Studying the international policy and the internationalism of the PS during this key decade enables to inform the political articulation of the national and international scales in a more globalized world. It is a way to understand the ideological and political turning point of the left under a new angle. To do so in this thesis, we analyze in a first part the nature and the place of the notion of internationalism in the culture, the doctrine and the identity of the PS. In a second part, we analyze the international practices of the PS, what characterizes its diplomacy on all the involved scales. By analyzing the vision of the world and the international action of a particular political group, this thesis finally tries to question the bases of global diplomacy and of a new global society at the time of the deepening of globalization
L'internazionalismo socialista, dottrina che esalta l'unione e la solidarietà fra i popoli, rappresenta una caratteristica identitaria del socialismo dell'inizio attraverso l’intero ventesimo secolo. A seguito della sua rifondazione al congresso di Épinay nel 1971, il nuovo Partito socialista francese (PS), sotto la direzione di François Mitterrand, aderisce all'Internazionale socialista ed annuncia di voler costruire un "nuovo internazionalismo". Sarà questo slogan che condurrà la sua politica internazionale durante un decennio contrassegnato dalla continuazione della Guerra fredda, l'accelerazione della mondializzazione economica, l'internazionalizzazione crescente della politica, e la conclusione di un programma comune col Partito comunista francese ed il Movimento dei radicali di sinistra. Sull’onda di un crescente consenso ingenerato nei dieci anni precedenti, F. Mitterrand viene eletto Presidente della Repubblica francese nel maggio del 1981. Studiare l’evoluzione della politica internazionale e dell'internazionalismo del PS durante questo decennio, significa analizzare l’interazione fra politiche nazionali ed internazionali in un contesto sempre più globalizzato ed osservare, sotto una prospettiva differente, il mutamento ideologico e politico della sinistra. La prima parte di questa tesi, si sofferma pertanto sulla natura e la collocazione della nozione di internazionalismo nella cultura, nella dottrina e nell'identità del PS. La seconda parte si inoltra nello studio delle pratiche internazionali e diplomatiche del PS a tutti livelli. Attraverso l’esegesi “della visione del mondo” e dell'azione internazionale di un gruppo politico particolare, questa tesi si interroga sulle basi fondanti la diplomazia e le società politiche mondiali al sopraggiungere della mondializzazione
4
Zakhar, Ghislaine. "La Tchécoslovaquie dans la division internationale socialiste du travail." Paris Panthéon Sorbonne, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA010038.
5
Candar, Gilles. "Jean Longuet (1876-1938) : S.F.I.O. et Deuxième Internationale." Paris 8, 1995. http://books.openedition.org/pur/6318.
Анотація:
Jean Longuet occupe une place modeste dans la mémoire nationale. Néanmoins, dans une étude qui ne se veut pas une biographie, il sert de fil conducteur précieux pour mieux connaître le parti socialiste S. F. I. O. Et les organisations internationales auxquelles adhère ce parti, des origines jusqu'en 1938. La vie politique de Longuet se mèle en effet intimement aux questions majeures du socialisme francais et international de son temps : quelles sont les relations entre République, socialisme, nation et Internationale ? Quelles sont les conséquences des multiples entrelacements qui les lient et les opposent tour à tour ? Militant politique dès le lycée, journaliste, avocat, spécialiste reconnu de politique internationale, le petit-fils de Karl Marx ne fut pas un notable socialiste parmi d'autres. Certes, il en remplit les fonctions : membre de la direction du Parti socialiste et de l'Internationale, député de la Seine, conseiller général et maire de Chatenay-Malabry. L'essentiel est ailleurs : homme de passages, de permanence, mais aussi de refus, Longuet est avant tout un disciple de Jaurès, qui a conservé sa liberté d'esprit et son originalité propre. Il est a la fois un révélateur d'une culture politique et un acteur, qui connait la valeur du "non". De l'Affaire Dreyfus à l'antifascisme. Il le démontre fermement. Le grand moment de son activité publique demeure cependant la Premiere Guerre mondiale lorsque, placé à la tête de la minorité socialiste, il s'efforce de concilier patriotisme et internationalismeJean Longuet fills a modest place in national memory. Nevertheless, in a study which has no pretention to be a biography, he is a precious vital lead for a best knowledge of socialist Party S. F. I. O. , as well as the international organisations this party joins, from its origins until 1938. Longuet's political life is intimately connected to the main questions of French and international socialism in this period, that are : - what are the relationships between republic, socialism, nation and Internationale ? - what are the consequences of the numerous intertwinings that bind or oppose them ? Political militant from highschool, then journalist, barrister (inscrit au Barreau), acknowledged specialist of international politics, Karl Marx's grand-son was not an ordinary socialist notability. He of course takes the dutics of it : member of the Socialist party's direction and of the Internationale, Seine's county deputy, county councillor and mayor of Chatenay-Malabry (a city in the southdown suburbs of Paris). But the basic essentials are elsewhere : man of transition and permanence, but also of refusal. Longuet is first of all jaures disciple, who kept his own mind freedom and originality. He reveals a certain political culture and acts up, knowing the worth of "no". He strongly demonstrates these peculiarities from the dreyfus affair to antifascism. But the first world war remains the great time of his public activities, when leading the socialist minority, he does his best to conciliate patriotism and internationalism
6
Sionneau, Bernard. "Risque-pays et prospective internationale : theorie et application (la republique socialiste du viet nam)." Paris, CNAM, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000CNAM0347.
Анотація:
Les crises recentes et mal anticipees qui, entre 1994 et 1998 ont secoue les marches emergents et menace le systeme financier international, ont suscite d'abondantes critiques a l'encontre des professionnels du risque-pays, accuses de n'avoir pas su les anticiper. Pour autant, et a la decharge de ces experts, un constat s'impose : l'evaluation du risque-pays est devenue une activite particulierement complexe. Inscrite - dans un contexte d'apres-guerre froide, de dereglementation et de globalisation - a la charniere de realites mondiales et nationales, de logiques privees et d'interets souverains, elle necessite de manipuler de nombreux facteurs et acteurs interagissant simultanement; elle requiert egalement de mobiliser une somme impressionnante de donnees (quantitatives et qualitatives) concernant ces forces. C'est donc pour tenter de completer les methodes traditionnelles d'evaluation du risque-pays en integrant les elements precites, mais aussi pour dissiper les zones d'ombre entourant une activite professionnelle mal connue, que ce travail de recherche a ete realise. L'introduction generale contient des precisions de nature semantique, situe le sujet, ainsi que les objections et demandes faites par rapport a son traitement. La premiere partie de la these dresse un bilan des pratiques du risque-pays. La deuxieme partie propose une theorie du risque-pays et une methode d'analyse prospective destinee a l'evaluer. Dans la troisieme partie, la demarche mono-pays proposee prend pour terrain d'application et test de validite le viet nam. La conclusion generale de la these souligne l'interet de la demarche theorique et methodologique en fonction de l'evolution du risque-pays et des resultats obtenus dans l'application au cas du viet nam.
7
Marcobelli, Elisa. "Solidarité en crise ? : les socialistes français, allemands et italiens face aux crises internationales au temps de la Ile Internationale (1889-1915)." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0163.
Анотація:
L'opposition à la guerre de la IIe Internationale se résume souvent à un mot : « l'échec » ; celui de 1914. Or, ce jugement est réducteur et tend à lire toute l'existence de cette organisation en fonction de l'événement qui a marqué sa fin. Cette thèse propose d'étudier l'évolution de l'Internationale sans projeter sur celle-ci le déclenchement funeste de la Première Guerre mondiale : elle analyse le combat contre la guerre des socialistes français, allemands et italiens, au sein de l'Internationale et dans chaque espace national. L'attention est particulièrement centrée sur le positionnement des socialistes pendant les crises diplomatiques internationales qui se succédèrent au début du XXe siècle. Il en ressort un constat ambivalent. D'un côté, les efforts de l'Internationale contre la guerre ne peuvent plus être considérés comme un échec. L'institution a bien réussi à créer un sentiment communautaire se fondant sur la volonté de s'opposer à la guerre. Alors que les crises se succédaient, elle apprit à répondre à ces situations de troubles internationaux. D'un autre côté, cependant, la performativité de cette opposition à la guerre changeait en fonction de l'implication directe de la France, de l'Allemagne ou de l'Italie dans les crises diplomatiques en cours. Lorsqu'un pays courrait un danger, ses socialistes exprimaient des sentiments de défiance à l'égard des camarades étrangers, ce qui empêchait ponctuellement l'Internationale de prendre des initiatives efficaces contre les dangers de la situation internationaleOpposition to the war by the Second International has often been considered a failure. This judgment, however, is reductive and tends to read the whole history of this organization on the basis of its position in 1914. In this study the International is investigated independently of the outbreak of the First World War. Our focus is on the struggle against the war by French, German, and Italian Socialists within the International and independently of it. Particular attention is paid to the international diplomatie crises that foliowed one anotheruntil 1914. The resuit is ambivalent. On the one hand, the Internationale efforts against the war no longer appears as a failure. The institution succeeds in creating a sensé of community based on the will to oppose the war. While the crises corne and go, it learns to respond to international crises. On the other hand, the performativity of the opposition to the war changes when France, Germany, and Italy are directly involved in diplomatie crises. When a country is in danger, its socialists express feelings of mistrust towards foreign comrades, which temporarily prevents the International from taking effective initiatives against the dangerous international situation
8
Rioufreyt, Thibaut. "La traduction du néo-travaillisme britannique dans la gauche socialiste française (1997-2008)." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO20049.
Анотація:
À la croisée de la sociologie des intellectuels et de l'expertise, des travaux sur le Parti socialiste et des études de réception, j'ai exploré dans le cadre de ma thèse les mécanismes par lesquels les discours et les idées politiques circulent à la fois entre espaces nationaux et entre espaces savants et politiques. Elle prend pour objet la traduction dans le milieu socialiste français de la « Troisième voie » britannique entre 1997 et 2008. Contribution à une sociologie des discours politiques et idéologiques, elle combine une archéologie des textes produits par les traducteurs, recourant aux outils élaborés par M. Foucault et, à sa suite, l'analyse de discours, avec une analyse écologique de leurs conditions sociales de production, de circulation et de traduction, recourant aux outils d'analyse des propriétés sociales des acteurs et des espaces dans lesquels ils se socialisent. Cette enquête montre comment les usages du référent néo-travailliste et sa circulation se rapportent à la position occupée par ses traducteurs non seulement dans leur différents champs d'origine (en l'occurrence le champ politique, le champ intellectuel et l'espace de l'expertise d'État) mais aussi dans le réseau hybride qu'ils constituent à la croisée de ces différents champs. Mais, contre la tentation de réduire les discours au statut de reflets ou de supports expressifs, la traduction du néo-travaillisme doit aussi se comprendre comme une entreprise d'enrôlement d'une référence étrangère au service d'un travail de problématisation et de redéfinition idéologique du socialisme contemporain face aux problèmes auxquels il est confronté. À la différence d'une approche strictement transnationale ou comparative, la référence à l'étranger fonctionne ici comme une manière de mieux comprendre les logiques socio-discursives à l'œuvre dans le milieu socialiste français. La description des références à la « Troisième voie » ou à la figure de Tony Blair fonctionnent ainsi comme un révélateur fécond de reconfigurations plus larges, comme la mutation des rapports entre savants et politiques, la désintellectualisation de l'activité politique au sein du Parti socialiste ou encore la recomposition idéologique de la gauche française à l'égard du libéralisme dans les années 1990-2000My research stands at the meeting point of sociology of intellectuals and expertise, works on the Socialist party and studies on reception. I investigate the mechanisms through which political discourse and ideas circulate both on a national scale and in intellectual and political spaces. I focus on how the British « Third Way » was translated within the French socialist circle between 1997 and 2008. My thesis works as a contribution to the sociology of political and ideological discourse : referring to M. Foucault's theoretical tools, it is based on an « archeology » of texts produced by the translators. It also relies on discourse analysis through an ecological analysis of their social conditions of production, circulation and translation, taking also into account the social characteristics of the agents and the spaces in which they socialize. This investigation underlines how the New Labour model is used and spread in relationship with the translators' position within the diverse fields they belong to (that is to say, political field, intellectual field, state expertise field) but also within the hybrid network they form at the meeting point of these various fields. However, in order to resist the temptation to reduce discourse to simple reflections or expressive material, the translation of the New Labourism has also to be understood as an attempt to incorporate a foreign reference to help problematizing and redefining the ideology of contemporary socialism, given the problems it has been confronted with. My research is not strictly a transnational or comparative approach : the references to Great Britain work here as a way to better understand the socio-discursive logics at work in the French Socialist circle. Therefore, the references to the « Third Way » or to Tony Blair's figure are made explicit to reveal larger reconfigurations, as the mutation of the relationship between scientists and politicians, the desintellectualization of politics within the Socialist Party or the ideological shifting attitude of the French Left towards liberalism during the 1990's
9
Devin, Guillaume. "L'Internationale socialiste, 1945-1976 politique et éthique du socialisme international /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37613151g.
10
Chuzeville, Julien. "Les courants socialistes et communistes en France sous la IIIe République, du local au transnational, de la monographie à la prosopographie." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Normandie, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024NORMR001.
Анотація:
En étudiant l’histoire des différents courants du socialisme et du communisme en France depuis la défaite de la Commune de Paris jusqu’à la Seconde Guerre mondiale, on met l’accent sur différents thèmes essentiels : l’internationalisme, les rapports avec le féminisme, l’analyse critique de l’impérialisme, l’anticolonialisme. Des éclairages détaillés sont apportés en particulier sur la période primordiale de l’unité socialiste, celle du Parti socialiste SFIO de 1905 à 1914 – dont sont issus par la suite tous les partis et groupes socialistes et communistes en France. Mon but est ici d’essayer de comprendre pour quoi militent ces socialistes, et comment ils le font. Leurs pratiques organisationnelles sont-elles en harmonie avec leurs objectifs politiques ? Comment analysent-ils le monde dans lequel ils vivent, et qu’ils veulent changer ? Quelle est la nature de leur internationalisme, affirmé jusque dans le nom de leur parti ? Quelle est leur place dans le mouvement ouvrier en général ? L’approche historique par diverses focales est complétée notamment par l’étude du militantisme à la base (les réunions de sections), l’attention aux parcours militants sur le temps long, et le regard des socialistes d’autres pays (par exemple en examinant l’attitude et les écrits de Rosa Luxemburg pendant l’affaire Dreyfus)Studying the History of the several socialist and communist currents in France since the defeat of the Paris Commune to the Second World War, the emphasis is on essential topics : internationalism, connections with feminism, the critical analysis of imperialism, anticolonialism. Detailed studies are in particular brought upon the primordial time of the socialist unity, the time of the Socialist party SFIO from 1905 to 1914 – from which are later formed all the socialist and communists parties and groups in France. My goal is to try to understand why those socialists campaign, and how they do it. Are their organizational practices consistent with their policy goals ? How do they analyze the world in which they live, and which they want to change ? What is the nature of their internationalism, affirmed even in the name of their party ? What is their place in the labor movement in general ? The historical approach through various focal points is supplemented in particular by the study of grassroots activism (section meetings), attention to militant journeys over the long term, and the perspective of socialists from other countries (for example in examining the attitude and writings of Rosa Luxemburg during the Dreyfus affair)
Книги з теми "Internationale socialiste":
1
Devin, Guillaume. L' Internationale socialiste: Histoire et sociologie du socialisme international (1945-1990). Paris: Presses de la Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, 1993.
2
Angenot, Marc. L' utopie collectiviste: Le grand récit socialiste sous la Deuxième Internationale. Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1993.
3
Amsterdam), Congrès socialiste international (6e 1904. Congrès socialiste international: Amsterdam 14-20 aout 1904. Genève: Minkoff Reprint, 1985.
4
Jean-Pierre, Legendre, Olivier Laurent 1958-, Schnitzler Bernadette, Bardiès-Fronty Isabelle, and European Association of Archaeologists. Meeting., eds. L'Archéologie nationale-socialiste dans les pays occupés à l'ouest du Reich: Actes de la table ronde internationale "Blut und Boden". Gollion: Infolio, 2007.
5
Candar, Gilles. Jean Longuet, 1876-1938: Un internationaliste à l'épreuve de l'histoire. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007.
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Candar, Gilles. Jean Longuet, 1876-1938: Un internationaliste à l'épreuve de l'histoire. Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007.
7
Nishikawa, Masao. Socialists and international actions for peace 1914-1923. Berlin: Frank & Timme, 2010.
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Zhivka, Kŭneva Damyanova, Dyumon Pol, and Pobornikova Stoyanka, eds. Bŭlgarskite sotsialdemokrati i mezhdunarodnoto sotsialistichesko byuro: Korespondentsiya 1900-1914. [Sofiya]: Mikom, 1996.
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Bandeira, Moniz. Trabalhismo e socialismo no Brasil: Internacional Socialista e a América Latina. São Paulo-SP: Global Editora, 1985.
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Godio, Julio. La Internacional Socialista en la Argentina. Buenos Aires: Centro Editor de América Latina, 1986.
Частини книг з теми "Internationale socialiste":
1
Gregson, John. "The Revolutionary Marxists: The Socialist Labour League and International Socialism." In Marxism, Ethics and Politics, 89–134. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03371-2_4.
2
Yew, Leong. "Relocating Socialism: Asia, Socialism, Communism, and the PAP Departure from the Socialist International in 1976." In Dynamics of the Cold War in Asia, 73–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101999_5.
3
Cruciani, Sante. "Prefazione." In Diritti, Europa, Federalismo, 11–15. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0049-3.03.
Анотація:
Bruno Trentin’s biography represents an ideal prism on the Lefts from the Cold War to globalization, technological innovation and integration processes, and the dialectic between equality and freedom in international communism, the labor movement and European socialism. In addition to his role as “passeur” between Italy and France, Trentin also established a transnational circuit of intellectuals, trade union and political leaders, communists, socialists, democratic Catholics, who crossed the orthodoxies of the Twentieth century, in the name of trade union autonomy and a libertarian socialism based on the indissoluble relationship between Rights, Europe, Federalism. With such interpretative keys, the essay explores the period of the CGIL General Secretary, the election to the European Parliament and the last political interventions (1988-2007).
4
Pejovich, Svetozar. "Socialist Firms." In International Studies in Economics and Econometrics, 209–27. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-6483-2_13.
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Anaya, Pilar Ortuño. "The Socialist International 1960–77." In European Socialists and Spain, 18–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403907011_2.
6
Wilczynski, J. "International Economic Co-Operation." In Economics of Socialism, 189–205. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032701042-14.
7
Lins, Ulrich. "Socialism and International Language." In Dangerous Language — Esperanto under Hitler and Stalin, 237–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-54917-4_7.
8
Günther, Jutta, Dagmara Jajeśniak-Quast, Udo Ludwig, and Hans-Jürgen Wagener. "Development and Modernization Under Socialism and After: An Introduction." In Roadblocks to the Socialist Modernization Path and Transition, 1–31. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-37050-2_1.
Анотація:
AbstractThe German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the most developed economy under state socialism. After World War II, this system had been introduced in Eastern Central Europe (ECE) under Soviet rule, and it collapsed throughout the region in 1989–90. It had not fulfilled the high expectations concerning development and modernization. In the twentieth century, modernization was pursued along two roads, the liberal and the collectivist. What prevented the latter from succeeding?Prominent features of the system stood in the way of typical modernization trends, such as the organizational, functional, and international division of labor. Extensive unbalanced growth (industrialization)—imperative for the Soviet Union in its early years—was less urgent for the higher developed societies of ECE. They would have needed continuous structural change, specialization, and innovation to keep up with the West. But they were unable to rid themselves from the fetters of the Soviet system.The lack of innovation may be seen as major deficiency of the state socialist system. Traditionally, East German science and engineering enjoyed a high reputation and were further promoted in the socialist period. The problem was to get new products and processes adopted to production due to bureaucratic red tape in planning, a monopolistic industry structure, and low risk-taking of the firm managers. The entrepreneurial habitus lay dormant under the cover of socialism. After the system collapse, it had to be resuscitated in the transition period.
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Winkler, Martina. "A socialist school story." In Children, Youth, and International Television, 131–48. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243274-10.
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Sherratt, Simon. "Corporate Socialism & International Finance." In Propaganda and Power in the Age of Globalization, 79–113. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003458906-7.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Internationale socialiste":
1
Çokgezen, Murat, and Jale Çokgezen. "Transformation in Economics Education in Transition Countries and International Visibility: The Case of Balkan Economists." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00856.
Анотація:
In the socialist era, economists, like other scientists, had limited connections to the West and their work rarely appeared in international journals due to methodological differences between the Western and the socialist scholars in social sciences, inadequacies in English, and other legal restrictions. After the collapse of socialism, legal barriers were lifted but the new republics still needed new economists equipped with the requirements of the new economic order based on private property and market mechanisms. To this end, they reorganized their economics curricula, published new textbooks, and trained students and academics. Aim of this study is to discuss impact of policies adopted in economics education by transition countries on publication performances of economists in former socialist countries in Balkan region. In this regard, articles published by the economists of former socialist countries in the Balkans between 1990 and 2013 are examined. The articles published in journals indexed by Scopus database are classified on the bases of countries, dates, authors, affiliations, journals and subjects. Long term trends derived from these classifications are interpreted. The results of this study show that number of publications by Balkan economists in Scopus economics journals increased gradually over 1990-2013 period: Particularly, increasing number of regional journals indexed in the Scopus soared the international publications of the Balkan economists. Overwhelming majority of these works are in English, published in regional journals and are about regional issues. The study also revealed that most of the contributors are affiliated to big, old, public universities of the region.
2
Jingwei Liu and Feng Ba. "Revelation of ecological socialism to the construction of socialist harmonious society." In 2011 International Conference on Remote Sensing, Environment and Transportation Engineering (RSETE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/rsete.2011.5964370.
3
Kangjian, Shi. "Socialist Transformation is an Important Event in the History of Chinese Socialism." In 7th International Conference on Education, Management, Information and Computer Science (ICEMC 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icemc-17.2017.47.
4
Jocić, Nikola, and Aljoša Budović. "Changes in the social status of the population in the post-Yugoslav period and the impact on housing in Belgrade." In Population in Post-Yugoslav Countries: (Dis)Similarities and Perspectives. Institute of Social Sciences, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.59954/ppycdsp2024.30.
Анотація:
In the post-socialist period, there were many changes in the post-Yugoslav region. The dissolution of the state and the civil war were just some of the most important events. The successor states went through the post-socialist transition at a different pace. The political and economic transition had a significant impact on the social status of the population. According to numerous international urban studies, there is a causal relationship between the social status of the population and the housing situation. Looking at the social status of the population in Belgrade, it is obvious that the social status decreases from the centre to the periphery. The housing situation in Belgrade is very heterogeneous. First, there is a historical centre filled with buildings from different eras: from the pre-World War II period, from the socialist period and from the post-socialist period. Secondly, there are socialist neighbourhoods that surround the historic core of the city. Finally, there are the neighbourhoods on the periphery, which are mostly informally built. The withdrawal of the state and the reintroduction of market mechanisms in the housing sector, drastic proportions of owner-occupied housing, the expansion of illegal construction activity, international isolation during the 1990s and the subsequent reconnection to the global economy, albeit with extremely weakened institutions, characterised post-socialist housing and urban development in Belgrade. Added to this was another wave of demographic pressure from the former Yugoslav republics and Kosovo. Through the lens of social status and housing situation, we observe the patterns of residential segregation in the post-socialist period. Due to the incomparability of statistical data from different periods, we use a combination of sources and research approaches. The first two decades of the post-socialist period were analysed at the level of census units, using data on the education of the population as a proxy for their social status.
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MONTESI, Cristina. "DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH AND HUMAN HAPPINESS: THE LEGACY OF WILLIAM THOMPSON." In Proceedings of The Third International Scientific Conference “Happiness and Contemporary Society”. SPOLOM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/7.2022.30.
Анотація:
The paper analyzes the figure of William Thompson (1785-1833), a very versatile intellectual. Thompson was in fact a philosopher, a social scientist, a social reformer, a defender of women’s rights, but, above all, a moral and radical economist precursor of Marx’s theory of surplus value. This forerunner intuition of some basic assumptions of marxist theory of value should not allow Thompson to be counted among Ricardian Socialists, the group to which he has erroneously led back by many scholars of economic doctrines. Thompson’s main research topic can be deduced from the title of his most important scientific work: “An Inquiry into The Principles of Distribution of Wealth most conducive to Human Happiness”. The paper shows that the search for the natural laws of distribution of wealth which can ensure the achievement of the greatest quantity of human happiness at his time, led Thompson to an original combination of Jeremy Bentham’s utilitarianism, Robert Owen’s socialism, Adam Smith’s theory of value (not David Ricardo’s theory of value). This syncretism forced Thompson to take distance from Bentham on various topics (the concept of happiness like well-being not pleausure and like a relational good; the non-subordination of equality principle to safety principle); compelled Thompson to differentiate from Owen’s mutual co-operation in a more democratic, feminist and reformist direction; obliged Thompson to embrace a noninstrumental theory of value. At microeconomic level Thompson’s legacy can be found in the anticipation, inside his mutual co-operation social system, of Rochdale principles, which would later have been be the guiding principles of co-operative enterprises, integrated with the principle of public happiness, a Civil Economy notion. Key words: Ricardian Socialists, Smithianian Socialists, Cooperative Socialists, Benthamian Utilitarianism, Public Happiness
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Stojiljković, Danica. "The Concept of Synthesis in Yugoslav Socialist Society – Synthurbanism of Vjenceslav Richter." In SPACE International Conferences April 2021. SPACE Studies Publications, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51596/cbp2021.gkjs9365.
Анотація:
Abstract The avant-garde inclinations in the socio-political and cultural milieu of Yugoslav socialism postulated the concept of synthesis as the central theme in architecture and visual arts. This was facilitated by the critique of functionalist and formal concepts and by promoting ideas of organic systems that balance natural and built environments and are unsustainable outside the context of integrity. Vjenceslav Richter was probably the most persistent in developing the concept of synthesis among Yugoslav architects, proposing a global, holistic and systematic approach. In the early 1960s, Richter used experimental models to explore spatial-plastic relations, which led to the development of the concept that provided synthetic solutions for urban functions – synthurbanism. Richter’s theory of the organisation of living synthesis was rooted in the key concepts of socialist society – harmonious relations between individuals and the collective and human as an integrated biological and social being. The premise of this study is that the original ideological agenda of Yugoslav Socialism based on the values of Marxist humanism provided a comprehensive social and philosophical context for the concept of synthesis.This study aims to describe a broader context of synthetic thought in Yugoslav society through the architectural and urbanistic ideas of Vjenceslav Richter. His utopian model is based on the premise that the environment represents a system of intertwined functions and that living space and humans are integrated into interactive processes, which show functional correlativeness in achieving sustainable urban living. Keywords: synthesis, synthurbanism, Vjenceslav Richter, Marxism, self-management socialism
7
Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Mustafa Kemal Değer, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Liberalism and Economic Growth in Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00290.
Анотація:
In the world economy, since 1960s, countries, which are open and apply liberal policies succeeded higher economic growth and welfare. Therefore, liberal policies became more attractive. In that case, the transition, which has political, economic, and socio-cultural aspects, means moving from socialist-authoritarian structure to market based-liberal structures. In the literature, there are many studies which point out labor force and capital are not significant on the economic growth. In addition, the literature focuses on the importance of institutions on the economic growth. In this study, we compare the countries which were quickly away from the socialist structures with the countries which were slow on the reforms. Our analysis depends on their economic growth with cross section. However, we know the importance of institutional aspects on the growth research; therefore, we applied 2SLS regression analysis and to determine the economic liberalism indicators we used political rights, civil liberties, years that were under the socialism, openness, secondary school ratio, and public spending/GDP ratio. In the late phase, GDP per capita, as an indicator of economic growth, is explained with an independent variable which is predicted in the first phase via liberalism variable, and labor-population ratio and constant capital stock GDP ratio variables used in Neo-classical Solow-type growth model.
8
Özdemir, Dilek, Ömer Selçuk Emsen, Ayşen Hiç Gencer, and Cemil Hakan Kılıç. "The Relationship between Economic Growth and Income Distribution: The Case of Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00291.
Анотація:
In the literature on economic growth, Kuznets curve shows the relationship between growth and income distribution. According to the Kuznets curve, as per capita income rises, income distribution would first become more unequal, and then less unequal. This means that, in a less developed country poverty is shared; in a developing country the difference between the rich and the poor becomes wider; and in a developed country richness is shared. In economies in transition, from socialism to market economy, however, income distribution should be less unequal because of the socialist system. But during the transition, there occurred recessions that led to falls in income. Therefore, during the transition process, as income decreased, income distribution became more unequal. In this study, the relationship between per capita income and income distribution on the transition economies are investigated by means of panel data analysis. The results obtained are then compared with the Kuznets curve.
9
Yarbaşı, İkram Yusuf, and Adem Türkmen. "Women Entrepreneurship in Transition Economies: The Causality Relationship with Economic Growth." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02542.
Анотація:
Especially in the structures where women are excluded from socioeconomic life parallel to the traditional understanding of society, the burden has remained on men as a factor of production. However, as women started to be included in the production process as a production factor in parallel with getting rid of this shackle, societies that experienced an increase in the labor force stock gained a greater advantage than societies that could not achieve this. On the other hand, not only in terms of the workforce but also with its entrepreneurial dimension, the factor of women leads to significant progress in economic development. In other words, it is clear that entrepreneurship in general and women's entrepreneurship, which is an excluded factor in many societies in particular, has higher effects on economic growth and development. Since the market mechanism was not known due to the public power that carried out production and distribution in the former socialist countries that went through the transition from socialism to capitalism, the process was built by trial and error. Beyond the perspectives that perceive women as non-production, the claim that not seeing women as planning the independent production process would be an obstacle to economic development has been analyzed on 18 former socialist countries. Considering the cross-sectional dependency and heterogeneity problems of the data used in the study, the panel Grenger Causality test was conducted. In the findings obtained, it has been determined that there is a one-way causal relationship from women's entrepreneurship to economic growth.
10
Ramšak, Jure. "Depoliticisation of religious interest? The league of communists of Slovenia and the ambiguities of its religious policy during the final decades of Yugoslavia." In International conference Religious Conversions and Atheization in 20th Century Central and Eastern Europe. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-39-2_04.
Анотація:
The fact that progressive theologians and Marxist-humanist sociologists of religion had publicly displayed a significant level of mutual understanding and reached notably similar conclusions regarding Church-state relations by the early 1990s cannot obfuscate the controversies within the sphere of societal life in Yugoslavia that remained least affected by the principles of socialist self-management democracy. On the surface, the relationship between the Catholic Church and the state authorities in Slovenia, the northernmost and predominantly Catholic republic of Yugoslavia, appeared fairly peaceful and cooperative throughout the late socialist period. Furthermore, as this paper illustrates, Slovenian religious policy was proposed as a sophisticated model for the inclusive life of believers in a modern socialist society and presented to Vatican diplomats, international experts, and foreign journalists. Nonetheless, during that period, the more independent intellectuals, Catholic and Marxist alike, who warned that the Slovenian Catholic Church was departing from the course of the Second Vatican Council and that the Communist Party should abandon its orthodox Marxist-Leninist understanding of religion to foster genuine dialogue, were marginalised. Instead, there were lengthy debates focusing on whether certain social activities of the Catholic Church encroached on the domain designated for initiatives of the League of Communists and the Socialist Alliance of Working People. With a mounting crisis and increasing public pressure, some public religious manifestations were allowed in the second half of the 1980s, but the fundamental problems remained unaddressed. Although the liberalization of public discourse in Yugoslavia’s final years brought to the fore issues such as freedom of religion and freedom from religion ‒ both of which were integral to the contested programme of the ruling Communist Party and the type of socialist secular society the Slovenian reformed Communists sought to establish ‒, there was not enough time to rework the entrenched religious policy that had alienated many religious citizens.
Звіти організацій з теми "Internationale socialiste":
1
Principles of Community Monitoring: A Path for Companies and Investors to Strengthen Human Rights and Environmental Due Diligence and Support Community Tenure in Land-based Sectors. Rights and Resources Initiative, May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/atou9714.
Анотація:
Companies and investors in land-based sectors have a responsibility to respect human rights and the legitimate tenure rights of Indigenous Peoples, local communities, and Afro-descendant Peoples (IPs, LCs, and ADPs). These responsibilities are evident in international frameworks, national laws, emerging regulation, industry best practices, and the social and sustainability policies and commitments made by progressive companies and investors. As a result, comprehensive human rights and environmental due diligence (HREDD) processes are required for companies and investors to proactively assess the potential impacts of their enterprises on collective rightsholders and establish measures to prevent, mitigate, and remedy potential harms tied to their business operations, supply chains, and investments. Secure tenure and the effective engagement of local rightsholders are critical to the success of HREDD, and community monitoring provides a pathway to building reciprocal and rights-based relationships that bridge the divide between communities and companies/investors. Community monitoring (CM) refers to a process in which IPs, LCs, and ADPs assess and collect data on business operations that may affect their lands, territories, resources, rights, cultures, and livelihoods. Communities utilize this data to inform and shape business practices, prevent/address negative human rights and environmental impacts, and hold companies and investors accountable to crucial laws and standards. Where partnerships are developed, CM can help companies and investors improve their compliance with these laws and standards, including their internal policies and commitments, as well as reduce operational and reputational risks. Most importantly, CM supports more direct, balanced, and rights-based partnerships between communities and companies/investors, which are required to continually respect the legitimate tenure rights and self-determination of IPs, LCs, and ADPs—rights that are intrinsically tied to achieving global climate and biodiversity goals and associated corporate sustainability agendas. In response to this burgeoning opportunity, this document shares emerging ideas, principles, and good practices to socialize the concept of CM among companies and investors in land-based sectors, as well as outline steps they can take to meaningfully engage with IPs, LCs, and ADPs to monitor and respond to the potential environmental and human rights impacts of their operations, supply chains, or investments.