Готові списки джерел за темами / International relations theory; complexity theory; order

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

1

KURKI, MILJA. "Causes of a divided discipline: rethinking the concept of cause in International Relations theory." Review of International Studies 32, no. 2 (April 2006): 189–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050600698x.

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Анотація:
During the last decades ‘causation’ has been a deeply divisive concept in International Relations (IR) theory. While the positivist mainstream has extolled the virtues of causal analysis, many post-positivist theorists have rejected the aims and methods of causal explanation in favour of ‘constitutive’ theorising. It is argued here that the debates on causation in IR have been misleading in that they have been premised on, and have helped to reify, a rather narrow empiricist understanding of causal analysis. It is suggested that in order to move IR theorising forward we need to deepen and broaden our understandings of the concept of cause. Thereby, we can radically reinterpret the causal-constitutive theory divide in IR, as well as redirect the study of world politics towards more constructive multi-causal and complexity-sensitive analyses.
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2

Kahraman, Filiz, Nikhil Kalyanpur, and Abraham L. Newman. "Domestic courts, transnational law, and international order." European Journal of International Relations 26, no. 1_suppl (September 2020): 184–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066120938843.

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This article revisits the relationship between law and international order. Building on legal research concerned with transnational law, we argue that domestic courts are endogenous sites of international political change. National courts are constitutive of international order by generating new rules, adjudicating transnational disputes, and bounding state sovereignty. We illustrate the ways in which national courts create new political opportunities by updating three core international relations theory debates. Recognizing the role of domestic courts as global adjudicators enhances our understanding of regime complexity and international forum shopping. By re-interpreting aspects of conventional international law, and engaging in cross-border dialogue, domestic courts challenge our understanding of international diffusion and judicialization. By redefining the boundaries of state authority and sovereignty, national courts create potential for conflict and cooperation. A transnational law perspective illustrates the porous nature between domestic and international spheres, highlighting how domestic courts have become adjudicators for state and non-state actors that operate across mainstream levels of analysis. Our approach calls on scholars to move beyond analyzing national legal systems as mechanisms of compliance to instead consider domestic courts as co-creators of international order.
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3

ISH-SHALOM, PIKI. "Theoreticians' obligation of transparency: when parsimony, reflexivity, transparency and reciprocity meet." Review of International Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 973–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001026.

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AbstractOne way to describe the role of the social sciences (international relations included) is by relating to its function of rendering the social world transparent. This is a major conception of moral significance. The social world is a world of moral subjects. To render this world of moral subjects transparent involves exposing the inner states of the human mind. Moreover, according to the moral principle of reciprocity, those who make others transparent should be also transparent themselves. Furthermore, as facts do not order themselves objectively into parsimonious theory, the social scientist requires an extra-theoretical mechanism to classify and filter out data on the way to constructing theory. This extra-mechanism comprises the scientist'sa prioriassumptions of normative, ontological, and epistemological types:a prioriassumptions that constitute the inner states of the theoretician's mind and necessarily precede theory. It is argued here that according to the moral and social principle of reciprocity, theoreticians have an individual and communal moral obligation to ensure that theory and theorising are transparent; an obligation attainable and preceded by strong individual and communal reflexivity. The extra-theoretical mechanism, and especially the ideological inclinations and normative convictions of theoreticians that allows parsimonious theory to be constructed from unbounded social complexity, should be made visible to the public.
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4

Donnelly, Jack. "The Elements of the Structures of International Systems." International Organization 66, no. 4 (October 2012): 609–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000240.

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AbstractStructural international theory has become largely a matter of elaborating “the effects of anarchy.” Simple hunter-gatherer band societies, however, perfectly fit the Waltzian model of anarchic orders but do not experience security dilemmas or warfare, pursue relative gains, or practice self-help balancing. They thus demonstrate that “the effects of anarchy,” where they exist, are not effectsof anarchy—undermining mainstream structural international theory as it has been practiced for the past three decades. Starting over, I ask what one needs to differentiate how actors are arranged in three simple anarchic orders: forager band societies, Hobbesian states of nature, and great power states systems. The answer turns out to look nothing like the dominant tripartite (ordering principle, functional differentiation, distribution of capabilities) conception. Based on these cases, I present a multidimensional framework of the elements of social and political structures that dispenses with anarchy, is truly structural (in contrast to the independent-variable agent-centric models of Waltz and Wendt), and highlights complexity, diversity, and regular change in the structures of international systems.
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5

Acharya, Amitav. "From Heaven to Earth: ‘Cultural Idealism’ and ‘Moral Realism’ as Chinese Contributions to Global International Relations." Chinese Journal of International Politics 12, no. 4 (2019): 467–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/poz014.

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Анотація:
Abstract The discipline of International Relations (IR) is increasingly being criticized for ignoring and marginalizing states and societies outside of the core countries of the West. The idea of a ‘Global IR’ has been proposed since 2014 a pathway toward a bridging the ‘West and the Rest’ divide and thus develop a more inclusive discipline, recognizing its multiple and diverse foundations. At the same time, there is a trend toward developing theories, or ‘schools’, on a national or regional basis, the leading examples of which come from China. This article examines some theoretical constructs emerging in China, such as the ‘Relational Theory’ of Qin Yaqing, who is the foundational scholar in the ‘Chinese School of IR’, the Tianxia (‘all under Heaven’) concept as applied to IR and world order by Zhao Tingyang, and ‘Moral Realism’ of Yan Xuetong, who is the leading figure of the ‘Tsinghua School’. To many scholars, both inside and outside China, the relationship among the various Chinese approaches and their overall contribution to the IR field remain unclear. Without claiming to capture all their nuances and complexity, this article hopes to stimulate a conversation among scholars, Chinese and foreign, with a view to generate greater clarity and highlight their importance to the study of IR. I argue that while making important contributions, the Chinese approaches to International Relations Theory (IRT) also face a number of challenges. This includes the need for them to offer more convincing proof that the concepts and explanations they propose can apply to other societies and to IR more generally. Moreover, there is the need for these approaches to attract a critical mass of followers worldwide, stimulate a research agenda for other, especially younger scholars, and distance themselves from the official Chinese policy framings. The Global IR approach offers a helpful framework for highlighting and perhaps addressing these challenges, especially in avoiding cultural exceptionalism and ensuring their wider relevance beyond China.
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6

SAWARD, MICHAEL. "Shape-Shifting Representation." American Political Science Review 108, no. 4 (November 2014): 723–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000471.

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Анотація:
Shape-shifting representation is common in practice but largely shunned in theoretical and empirical analysis. This article resurrects, defines, and explores shape-shifting and closely linked concepts and practices such as shape-retaining. It generates new concepts of representative positioning and patterning in order to aid our understanding, and makes the case for placing this critical phenomenon front and center in the analysis of political representation. It examines crucial empirical and normative implications for our understanding of representation, including the argument that shape-shifting representation is not intrinsically undesirable. Developing the theory of shape-shifting representation can prompt a new level of analytical purchase on the challenge of explaining and evaluating representation's vitality and complexity.
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7

Mukha, Viktoriia. "The Institution of a Referendum in the United Kingdom in the Context of the Political and Legal Fundamentals of Brexit." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.167-178.

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Анотація:
The article clarifies the essence and potential of the Referendum Institute in the UK in the context of the political and legal foundations of Brexit. The complexity of the subject of scientific research led to the use of an interdisciplinary approach. The article used general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, historical and comparative methods. It has been proven that the British referendum on EU membership has provoked a lot of discussion about the expediency and consequences of Brexit. The results of the Brexit referendum will affect the transformation of the system of international relations and the formation of the international order. Brexit has many legal and constitutional aspects and problematic consequences. It has been established that referendums in Great Britain are not legally binding and the voting results are consultative, not mandatory for the country's Parliament on which the last word remains, since only the Parliament has legislative competence. In theory, representatives of the authorities could legally neglect the will of the people. Consequently, the decision to leave the EU lies not only in the plane of law, but also in politics.
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8

Artamonov, V., V. Lukin, and T. Musienko. "Strategic culture: to the question of the evolution theory." National Security and Strategic Planning 2020, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37468/2307-1400-2020-3-5-15.

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Анотація:
Status of the issue. The development of the theory of strategic culture began more than seven decades ago. To date, the theory has evolved from the theoretical justification of the behavioral styles of elites representing institutions and security services, to the development of models for the use of national strategic cultures as an important tool for political struggle at the global and regional levels. It should be noted that Russian political science is significantly lagging behind foreign science in the theoretical understanding of the problem and in the development of effective models for countering the Anglo-Saxon strategic culture, which has an openly aggressive Russophobic content. Results. In the course of political analysis of the evolution of the theory of strategic culture, four stages of its development and their features were identified. At the first stage-the 40-60s of the XX century, the main content was the study of national styles in strategic planning in the field of national security, caused by a military clash during the World War II. Stereotyping of the initial grounds and a certain ethnocentrism as the main features of the stage, were subjected to reasonable criticism and stimulated the further development of theoretical provisions of the problem. At the second stage – the 70-90s of the XX century researchers developed a methodology for structural and functional analysis, institutionalism and modeling of competitive relations between regional actors. This was caused by the advent of the era of nuclear deterrence. The third stage of the wave of research on strategic culture is formed at the turn of the XX and XXI centuries. Theoretical and methodological research is carried out during this period in the framework of a critical rethinking of previous approaches and the formation of a trend towards neorealism. On the basis of comparative analysis, distinctions and justifications of different types of strategic culture and corresponding strategic thinking, as well as the behavior of actors, were identified. At the present stage of theory evolution, the main attention of researchers is focused on the dynamics of changing strategic culture under the influence of threats and risks of globalization and specific events, identifying competing narratives within countries themselves, searching for effective models for changing existing national strategic cultures in the interests of the dominant regional strategic cultures – Anglo-Saxon, European, Asian (Chinese). The effectiveness of applying the results of Western research programs in political practice is proved by the process of reformatting, for example, the Ukrainian strategic culture with an anti-Russian trend. Application. Political science – in order to continue the debate on strategic culture, the further development of the theory in the light of modern conditions of the clash of strategic cultures on a global level, and also political practice of compromise to minimize the challenges, risks and threats in international relations at the regional and global levels. Conclusions. Further development of the theory of strategic culture is actualized by the sharp aggravation of the confrontation between national and regional strategic cultures in different geopolitical strategic regions of the planet. This confrontation is caused by two main factors: the presence and strengthening of a number of national strategic cultures and the desire to dominate individual national and regional strategic cultures. In the context of using national strategic cultures as an important tool of political struggle, the development of models for interaction of strategic cultures based on compromise can help to minimize risks in international relations. The level of modern theoretical understanding of the problem does not correspond to the complexity of tasks to ensure national, regional and global security.
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9

Cerny, Philip G., and Alex Prichard. "The new anarchy: Globalisation and fragmentation in world politics." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 3 (June 20, 2017): 378–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217713765.

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Анотація:
Modern International Relations theory has consistently underestimated the depth of the problem of anarchy in world politics. Contemporary theories of globalisation bring this into bold relief. From this perspective, the complexity of transboundary networks and hierarchies, economic sectors, ethnic and religious ties, civil and cross-border wars, and internally disaggregated and transnationally connected state actors, leads to a complex and multidimensional restructuring of the global, the local and the uneven connections in between. We ought to abandon the idea of ‘high’ and ‘low’ politics, ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ once and for all. This does not remove the problem of anarchy but rather deepens it, involving multidimensional tensions and contradictions variously described as ‘functional differentiation’, ‘multiscalarity’, ‘fragmegration’, disparate ‘landscapes’, the ‘new security dilemma’ and ‘neomedievalism’. Approaching anarchy from the perspective of plural competing claims to authority and power forces us to think again about the nature of global order and the virtues of anarchy therein. Will the long-term outcome be the emergence of a more decentralised, pluralistic world order or a quagmire of endemic conflict and anomie?
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10

Cha, Taesuh. "Re-reading Friedrich Hayek and Karl Polanyi in the Late-Modern Condition of Fragility." Political Studies Review 15, no. 3 (June 10, 2016): 391–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916644943.

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The cardinal role of complexity in Friedrich Hayek’s theory of the market has hardly gone unnoticed. Indeed, there is now a considerable corpus of literature that has established the importance of spontaneity as a central concept around which neoliberal economic theory revolves. However, as William Connolly analyzes, its closed conception of economic processes simplifies real economic volatilities and ignores both modes of self-organization and creativity found in democracy and social movements that periodically irrupt into market processes. This article builds upon this critique of neoliberalism and employs Karl Polanyi’s genealogy of modern capitalism to understand historical imbrications between the market and the social and their contribution to the fragility of capitalism. Polanyi’s notions of “(dis-)embeddedness” and the “double movement” not only show us a more “complex” view of modern political economy but also provide us with important lessons for political responses to the recent crisis of neoliberal capitalism. Connolly WE (2013) The Fragility of Things: Self-Organizing Processes, Neoliberal Fantasies, and Democratic Activism. Durham: Duke University Press. Hayek F (1973) Rules and Order. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hayek F (1976) The Mirage of Social Justice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Polanyi K (1944) The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Boston: Beacon Press.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

1

Angstrom, Jan Erik. "International relations theory and the problem of internal order after the Cold War." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429285.

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2

Kiersey, Nicholas Jeremiah. "Power and International Relations Theory; Why the 'Debate About Empire' Matters?" Diss., Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/26534.

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Анотація:
This dissertation explores how different understandings of power in IR theory lead to different understandings of world order. In particular, I examine how notions of power have informed recent 'debate about empireâ and what the term empire might usefully mean in the context of contemporary international relations. I start by investigating how power is understood in relation to the role of shared understandings. Mainstream or â Rationalistâ scholars of IR have argued that shared norms and principles are epiphenomenal, existing only to the extent that sovereign states find utility in them. 'Reflectivist' scholars, on the other hand, have suggested that we attribute a much greater degree of autonomy to what they call â constitutive knowledgeâ . That is, the intersubjective and historically contingent truths about world politics that inform the values and norms of state behavior. What is noteworthy about the recent debates about â empireâ is that, for better or for worse, Rationalist scholars have tended to explain Americaâ s recent unilateralism in terms of a return to the logic of political realism which gives primacy to state power. However, following the Reflectivist argument, I argue that it is a mistake to limit the analytic scope of unilateralism to the egoistic agency of any one state. Instead, it may be more precise to situate American unilateralism in the context of an emerging regime or formation of shared understandings which is more global in scope. To explore this possibility, I turn to Foucaultâ s theory of power which explores how liberal governments both direct their populations and rationalize the use of certain forms of violence. I turn also to Hardt and Negri who, taking their lead from Foucault, offer a novel definition of the term empire as a quality or condition of the practice of global governance particular to late modernity. Hardt and Negri define empire as a new form of global sovereignty that has emerged along with the global market and global circuits of production. My research explores how this definition can be used to refine such key concepts and categories of IR theory research as sovereignty, political economy and security. Through the reinterpretation of these key categories, I show how theories based on constitutive knowledge are capable of recognizing that there is in fact a great deal more going on in contemporary global power relations than American unilateralism.
Ph. D.
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3

Harris, Anthea Louise. "Long-term perspectives on the transformation of international order : the external relations of the Byzantine Empire AD c.400-c.1200." Thesis, University of Reading, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.314254.

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4

Prichard, Alex. "Justice, order and anarchy : the international political theory of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (1809-1865)." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2008. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12162.

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Анотація:
This thesis provides a contextualised exegesis and re-evaluation of the anarchist Pierre- Joseph Proudhon's writings on war and peace. The thesis has two claims to originality. The first lies in shedding new light on Proudhon's voluminous writings on international politics. These texts have been relatively marginalised in the broader secondary literature on Proudhon's thinking, and the thesis seeks to correct this important lacuna. In International Relations (IR), the academic discipline to which this thesis will make its most obvious original contribution, Proudhon's writings on war and peace have been almost completely ignored. By providing an anarchist approach to world politics, the thesis will also contribute to IR's historiographical and critical theoretical literature. The second claim to originality lies in using these writings and the context from which they emerged to tell a story about the evolution of the nineteenth century, the origins of the twentieth century and provide possible ways of thinking beyond the twenty first. The thesis employs a contextualist methodology that works in four ways. First, I have contextualised Proudhon's thought geo-politically, in relation to the dynamics of the balance of power in nineteenth-century Europe. Secondly, I have sought to understand Proudhon's ideas against the backdrop of the evolution of the French nation state in the mid to late nineteenth century. Third, I have shown how Proudhon's thought emerges out of the dominant intellectual currents of his day – ideas that range from the inspiration for the activism of Fourierist and Saint-Simonian feminists, to the epochal influence of Rousseau and Kant. Finally, I argue that Proudhon's thinking on world politics needs to be understood in relation to the evolution of his own thinking after Napoleon III's coup d'état of the 2nd of December 1851. I will show that Proudhon's mature anarchism, his mutualist federalism, was an engaged response to each of these social and intellectual contexts. I will argue that his critiques of these processes, and their intellectual champions, have been given an added poignancy given that he campaigned in large part against those very processes that culminated in two world wars.
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5

Bodung, Sverre. "Regions, Powers And Order: A Structural Approach To Regional Politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/337267.

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Анотація:
In this dissertation I develop a theory that seeks to account for the variation in stability and conflict proneness we observe across regions. I propose that the observed variation in regional order in the international system is fundamentally rooted in the polar arrangements of the different regions. Specifically, I argue that regions that do not have clearly recognized regional powers are more prone to conflict, that their conflicts are more severe, and that these regions are more vulnerable to outside influence than those that do have such powers. Using an opportunity and willingness framework, I define regions as stable geographic spaces of interacting states behaving uniquely from the broader international system. In order to test these propositions, I make use of novel data defining both regional memberships and that identifies leading regional actors. The results show that not only do regional polarity have a strong explanatory effect, but they also suggest that it is necessary to take regional-level effects into account when analyzing international politics.
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6

Watson, Louis E. "The state versus the individual in international theory : a critical review of three realist conceptions of world order: Hedley Bull, The Anarchical society - Terry Nardin, Law, morality and the relations of states - Charles R. Beitz, Political theory and international relations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/129728.

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Анотація:
In the following chapters, I will examine how three prominent theorists of international relations justify their conception of world order. Bull, Nardin and Beitz have each developed state-centric theories of world order which, they claim, nevertheless protect the common good of individuals within states: Bull argues the interests of individuals are best served by maintaining order among states; Nardin claims human rights considerations are already implicit in customary international law; and Beitz argues it is possible for the system of states to accommodate principles of justice. All three texts under consideration implicitly endorse the realist proposition that promoting order among states will ultimately serve the interests of the individuals within them.
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7

Lees, Nicholas D. M. "The evolution of international inequality : justice, order and north-south relations from the NIEO to the G20." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ae4a460-7eb7-4f6b-8b17-1556d3957eef.

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Анотація:
Within the contemporary international order, deep structural inequalities coexist alongside a nominally pluralistic society of states that grants international personality to politically organised communities. Asymmetric interactions between distinct political communities have shaped the development of the international system from the colonial era to the present phase of global economic integration. Rising interdependence, problems of unequal development and the democratic mobilisation of peoples around the world have generated moral claims regarding the injustice of global inequality. In this context the international politics of inequality have taken the format of challenges by the political representatives of the global South to the dominance of the advanced industrialised North. The normative dimensions of this process can be understood through a focus on this process of political argument between unequals. Political argument is contestation over the principles appropriate to govern a sphere of social interaction. The thesis seeks to vindicate the notion that the challenges by the global South have given rise to a dynamic of political argument within a norm-governed international society. Changes in patterns of normative belief, material power and forms of political organisation have historically shaped North-South relations. Therefore, through the analysis of particular episodes of North-South argument, the thesis attempts to provide insights into the moral limits and possibilities of an evolving international society. Analysing the organised attempts to challenge inequality on the part of the representatives of the global South, the thesis seeks to advance the position the tensions generated by claims over inequality might provide the nucleus for the incorporation of egalitarian concerns into the operation of international society. Through participation in common practices of statehood, the peoples of the global South possess at least some ability to challenge structural inequalities and thus the potential to expand the moral limits of international society.
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8

Macdonald, Emily Jane Camilla. "The shape of things to come : global order and democracy in 1940s international thought." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ec798d71-0b4d-4595-8592-d3099a9a3fc9.

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Анотація:
This thesis examines the role of democracy in British, French and American visions of global order in the 1940s. It argues that 'democracy' in a global context did not reflect 'Wilsonian' or 'Cosmopolitan' dreams, nor did it refer to the questions of state representation and institutional accountability that dominate contemporary debates. Instead, it shows that building a 'democratic' global order in the 1940s meant, above all, an attempt to address the challenge of democratic modernity, summarised by Karl Polanyi in 1944 as the search for 'freedom in a complex society', in the new global environment of the mid-century. This challenge was composed of five core concerns, ranging from the protection of the individual from the modern state and the transformation of democratic participation, to the use of expert planning and modern technology to secure economic justice. Achieving a balance between these competing and at times contradictory imperatives was seen as the key to securing a new democratic order that could resist the temptations of nationalism and totalitarianism and secure peace. Crucially, it was only through the structures of a new global order that, internationalists argued, there could be any chance of success. The task was not an easy one, and the historical investigation shows how the choices and trade-offs internationalists made in relation to these imperatives entailed costs in terms of inclusivity, participation and even rights within visions of democratic global order. The thesis has both historical and conceptual goals. First, it recovers important ideas about global order that have been largely written out of the history of this period by taking the language of democracy in world order debates seriously and understanding these visions in context. Conceptually, its aim is to contest and transform how we think about global order and democracy in the history of international thought and in the present day. Instead of Cosmopolitan, Wilsonian, liberal or other normative blueprints for a democratic world order, the conclusion argues that we should, following the example of the 1940s, reconceptualise the relationship between global order and democracy today in relation to the persistent dilemmas of democratic modernity. In a global context, these continue to have interlocking domestic and international dimensions and, more importantly, continue to require choices that entail normatively contestable costs in the construction of a democratic global order. Only then, it argues, will it be possible to think about how these shortcomings can be mitigated and whether and what kind of democratic order we want to pursue at all.
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9

Smittenaar, Richard. "Keeping Europe in order : conservative international political thought in Victorian Britain, 1854-1880." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2014. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/35983.

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Conservative international thought in Victorian Britain is a prominent landmark in the landscape of international thought which has up to now gone unmapped. In illuminating this body of thought, the thesis addresses weaknesses present in three different historiographies. As the first detailed study of conservative international thought in Victorian Britain, the thesis rectifies a marked bias in Victorian intellectual history towards the study of liberal and radical thought. Furthermore, by analysing the political thought of major representatives of the conservative educated classes, this thesis provides context for the history of conservative high politics, thereby leading us to view these in a different light. Finally, this study, by providing a historically nuanced account of the evolution of major themes of international relations theory in mid-Victorian Britain, functions as a corrective to the self-history of the academic field of International Relations. The thesis makes its argument by analysing conservative contributions in periodicals, pamphlets, and newspapers to British public debates on international affairs, from the Crimean War (1854-56) until the Eastern Question crisis of 1876-80. The general claim of this thesis is that there existed a distinctly conservative perspective on the international sphere. The core elements of this conservative perspective were the primacy of statesmen in setting foreign policy; of interests, military force, and stature in determining the course of international politics; and of order and equilibrium as its normative content. Conservative authors used this constellation of ideas in the major debates of the mid-Victorian era on international affairs, both as a means to make sense of events, and as a counterpoint to liberal narratives - with which Victorian international thought is all too often identified. In recovering the international political thought of Victorian conservatives, this thesis illuminates an important but neglected aspect of how international relations were understood and conceptualised in mid-Victorian Britain.
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10

Kavalski, Emilian. "Peace in the Balkans : the influence of Euro-Atlantic actors in the promotion of security-community-relations in southeastern Europe." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2005. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7771.

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This thesis examines processes of peace-promotion in the Balkans since the end of the Cold War. It is conducted from the perspective of International Relations theory and as such identifies peace as a pattern of order defined by the analytical framework of security communities. In this respect, the thesis argues that the initiation of a security community in the Balkans is a result of the post- 1999 international socialisation of regional decision-making by the EU and NATO. It, therefore, advances the concept of an elite security community as the embryonic stage of securitycommunity- building. The focus on state-elites is an outcome of the procedural dynamics of socialisation, where it is the decision-making behaviour that signifies compliance with externallypromoted standards. The conjecture is that the promotion of peace in the Balkans is the result of the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community. The inference is that both the EU and NATO tend to be more convincing agents of socialisation as a result of their association/partnership and accession programmes. Being a complex and context specific process, the conditioning of Balkan states into a security-community-pattern of relations is underwritten by the Euro-Atlantic exercise of socialising power. This notion of power, however, is not defined as the control of policy-outcomes, but instead emphasises the ability of external actors to cause change in decision-making behaviour. The thesis also argues that the process of international socialisation has different effects depending on the nature of statehood in the target entities - in integrated states the external agency is both more immediate to discern and implement, while in awkward states the process tends to be longer and more intricate. Yet, as the case of the Balkans attests, the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community to the region depends on the viable (even if distant) prospect of membership in the EU and NATO. In this way the thesis contributes to understanding the early stages of initiating a security community, as well as the role played by international actors in its promotion.
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Книги з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

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International relations, political theory, and the problem of order: Beyond international relations theory? London: Routledge, 2000.

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Chaos and complexity theory in world politics. Hershey PA: Business Science Reference, 2014.

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The Baltic transformed: Complexity theory and European security. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2001.

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Crisis theory and world order: Heideggerian reflections. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002.

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5

Dyer, Hugh C. Moral order/world order: The role of normative theory in the study of international relations. Houndsmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1997.

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Classical liberalism and international economic order: Studies in theory and intellectual history. London: Routledge, 1998.

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7

Holsti, Kalevi. Kalevi Holsti: A Pioneer in International Relations Theory, Foreign Policy Analysis, History of International Order, and Security Studies. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26624-4.

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8

The logic of international relations. 6th ed. Glenview: Scott, Foresman, 1988.

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9

Jones, Walter S. The logic of international relations. 8th ed. New York: Longman, 1997.

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Jones, Walter S. The logic of international relations. 7th ed. New York: HarperCollins, 1991.

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Частини книг з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

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Flood, Robert L., and Ewart R. Carson. "Systems Theory in International Relations." In Dealing with Complexity, 141–49. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-2235-2_7.

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Flood, Robert L., and Ewart R. Carson. "Systems Theory in International Relations." In Dealing with Complexity, 159–67. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4684-7799-3_7.

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Kramer, Christian R. "Networks, Complexity and International Relations." In Network Theory and Violent Conflicts, 27–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-41393-8_2.

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4

van de Haar, Edwin. "Friedrich Hayek, International Order, and Federalism." In Classical Liberalism and International Relations Theory, 101–24. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230623972_6.

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Liu, Xin. "Reimagining the Global Order: China in History and Theory." In Non-Western Global Theories of International Relations, 73–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84938-2_4.

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Brosig, Malte. "Regime Complexity and Resource Dependence Theory in International Peacekeeping." In Palgrave Handbook of Inter-Organizational Relations in World Politics, 447–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-36039-7_21.

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Holsti, Kalevi. "Introduction on International Theory." In Kalevi Holsti: A Pioneer in International Relations Theory, Foreign Policy Analysis, History of International Order, and Security Studies, 21–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26624-4_3.

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Haacke, Jürgen. "Michael Leifer, the balance of power and international relations theory." In Order and Security in Southeast Asia, 46–58. London: Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203014813-4.

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Holsti, Kalevi. "The Problem of Change in International Relations Theory." In Kalevi Holsti: A Pioneer in International Relations Theory, Foreign Policy Analysis, History of International Order, and Security Studies, 37–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-26624-4_5.

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10

Silverstone, Scott A. "Liberal International Relations Theory and the Military." In Handbook of Military Sciences, 1–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02866-4_104-1.

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AbstractWhile much of the study and practice of international relations is anchored in the centuries-old tradition of realism, this chapter explores the important contributions that another theoretical tradition, liberalism, has made to the study of international security and the role of military power. Emerging from Enlightenment beliefs about the rationality of individuals and the potential for progress in human affairs, liberal theories and policy ideas have focused on offering alternative means for states seeking security, alternatives that might break the endless competition and warfare that realists see as inevitable in an anarchic world. Liberal theories emphasize how rules and institutions can help self-interested states achieve mutual interests, they see economic interdependence as a potent incentive for states to avoid war, and they argue that democracies enjoy more peaceful relations with other democracies. The chapter traces the history of liberal international relations theory as it matured in response to the mass violence and chaos of the twentieth century, and it examines a number of examples – like European integration, the post-World War II global economic order, and the control of nuclear weapons – to showcase how liberal ideas in practice might reduce the dangers of war and enhance the prospects for global cooperation.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

1

Jonsson, Peter, and Victor Lagerkvist. "Lower Bounds and Faster Algorithms for Equality Constraints." In Twenty-Ninth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence and Seventeenth Pacific Rim International Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-PRICAI-20}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2020/247.

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We study the fine-grained complexity of NP-complete, infinite-domain constraint satisfaction problems (CSPs) parameterised by a set of first-order definable relations (with equality). Such CSPs are of central importance since they form a subclass of any infinite-domain CSP parameterised by a set of first-order definable relations. We prove that under the randomised exponential-time hypothesis it is not possible to find c > 1 such that a CSP over an arbitrary finite equality language is solvable in O(c^n) time (n is the number of variables). Stronger lower bounds are possible for infinite equality languages where we rule out the existence of 2^o(n log n) time algorithms; a lower bound which also extends to satisfiability modulo theories solving for an arbitrary background theory. Despite these lower bounds we prove that for each c > 1 there exists an NP-hard equality CSP solvable in O(c^n) time. Lower bounds like these immediately ask for closely matching upper bounds, and we prove that a CSP over a finite equality language is always solvable in O(c^n) time for a fixed c.
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Xu, Xusong, and Xuegong Zeng. "Disorder-Order Theory of Complexity Science Management." In 2008 4th International Conference on Wireless Communications, Networking and Mobile Computing (WiCOM). IEEE, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/wicom.2008.2635.

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"STATISTICAL ANALYSIS OF SECOND-ORDER RELATIONS OF 3D STRUCTURES." In International Conference on Computer Vision Theory and Applications. SciTePress - Science and and Technology Publications, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0002042200130020.

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Todros, Koby, and Joseph Tabrikian. "On order relations between lower bounds on the MSE of unbiased estimators." In 2010 IEEE International Symposium on Information Theory - ISIT. IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isit.2010.5513333.

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Dumer, Ilya, Grigory Kabatiansky, and Cedric Tavernier. "Soft-Decision List Decoding with Linear Complexity for the First-Order Reed-Muller Codes." In 2007 IEEE International Symposium on Information Theory. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isit.2007.4557410.

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Gheerbrant, Amélie, and Cristina Sirangelo. "Best Answers over Incomplete Data : Complexity and First-Order Rewritings." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/236.

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Answering queries over incomplete data is ubiquitous in data management and in many AI applications that use query rewriting to take advantage of relational database technology. In these scenarios one lacks full information on the data but queries still need to be answered with certainty. The certainty aspect often makes query answering unfeasible except for restricted classes, such as unions of conjunctive queries. In addition often there are no, or very few certain answers, thus expensive computation is in vain. Therefore we study a relaxation of certain answers called best answers. They are defined as those answers for which there is no better one (that is, no answer true in more possible worlds). When certain answers exist the two notions coincide. We compare different ways of casting query answering as a decision problem and characterise its complexity for first-order queries, showing significant differences in the behavior of best and certain answers.We then restrict attention to best answers for unions of conjunctive queries and produce a practical algorithm for finding them based on query rewriting techniques.
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Cozman, Fabio Gagliardi, and Denis Deratani Mauá. "The Finite Model Theory of Bayesian Networks: Descriptive Complexity." In Twenty-Seventh International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-18}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2018/727.

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We adapt the theory of descriptive complexity to Bayesian networks, to quantify the expressivity of specifications based on predicates and quantifiers. We show that Bayesian network specifications that employ first-order quantification capture the complexity class PP; by allowing quantification over predicates, the resulting Bayesian network specifications capture each class in the hierarchy PP^(NP^...^NP), a result that does not seem to have equivalent in the literature.
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Edemskiy, Vladimir, and Andrew Ivanov. "Autocorrelation and linear complexity of quaternary sequences of period 2p based on cyclotomic classes of order four." In 2013 IEEE International Symposium on Information Theory (ISIT). IEEE, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isit.2013.6620800.

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Yu-Ting Kuo, Wen-Wei Chiu, Gene Eu Jan, and Chia-Ling Ho. "A new constant time analog rank order filter with O(n) complexity." In 2010 3rd International Conference on Advanced Computer Theory and Engineering (ICACTE 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icacte.2010.5579356.

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Patel, Apurva, Patrick Andrews, and Joshua D. Summers. "Evaluating the Use of Artificial Neural Networks, Graph Theory, and Complexity Theory to Predict Automotive Assembly Defects." In ASME 2016 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2016-59664.

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Artificial Neural Networks (ANNs) have been used to predict assembly time and market value from assembly models. This was done by converting the assembly models into bipartite graphs and extracting 29 graph complexity metrics which were used to train the ANN prediction models. This paper presents the use of sub-assembly models instead of the entire assembly model to predict assembly quality defects at an automotive OEM. The size of the training set, order of the bipartite graph, selection of training set, and defect type were experimentally studied. With a training size of 28 parts, an interpolation focused training set selection, and second order graph seeding, over 70% of the predictions were within 100% of the target value. The study shows that with an increase in training size and careful selection of training sets, assembly defects can be predicted reliably from sub-assemblies complexity data.
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Звіти організацій з теми "International relations theory; complexity theory; order"

1

Carty, Anthony, and Jing Gu. Theory and Practice in China’s Approaches to Multilateralism and Critical Reflections on the Western ‘Rules-Based International Order’. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.057.

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China is the subject of Western criticism for its supposed disregard of the rules-based international order. Such a charge implies that China is unilateralist. The aim in this study is to explain how China does in fact have a multilateral approach to international relations. China’s core idea of a community of shared future of humanity shows that it is aware of the need for a universal foundation for world order. The Research Report focuses on explaining the Chinese approach to multilateralism from its own internal perspective, with Chinese philosophy and history shaping its view of the nature of rules, rights, law, and of institutions which should shape relationships. A number of case studies show how the Chinese perspectives are implemented, such as with regards to development finance, infrastructure projects (especially the Belt and Road Initiative), shaping new international organisations (such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), climate change, cyber-regulation and Chinese participation in the United Nations in the field of human rights and peacekeeping. Looking at critical Western opinion of this activity, we find speculation around Chinese motives. This is why a major emphasis is placed on a hermeneutic approach to China which explains how it sees its intentions. The heart of the Research Report is an exploration of the underlying Chinese philosophy of rulemaking, undertaken in a comparative perspective to show how far it resembles or differs from the Western philosophy of rulemaking.
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