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Статті в журналах з теми "International Council of Social Democratic Women"

1

Aroussi, Sahla. "Women, Peace, and Security and the DRC: Time to Rethink Wartime Sexual Violence as Gender-Based Violence?" Politics & Gender 13, no. 03 (July 21, 2016): 488–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000489.

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During armed conflicts, women experience extensive gender harm of a physical, sexual, legal, economic, social, cultural, and political nature. Recently, however, we have witnessed unprecedented attention in international law and policy-making arenas to the specific issue of sexual violence as a strategy of warfare. This has been particularly obvious in the agenda on women, peace, and security. Since 2008, the United Nations agenda has increasingly and repeatedly focused on sexual violence in armed conflicts in several Security Council resolutions, calling on and pressuring member states and international agencies to address this issue using militaristic and legalistic strategies. In this article, looking particularly at the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), I argue that the prioritization of sexual harm over other forms of gender harm has had a detrimental impact on women living in aid-dependent societies, and the international obsession with sexual harm has delivered neither justice nor security for victims in the DRC. The article concludes that in order to effectively address sexual violence, we have to rethink sexual harm as gender harm and start listening and responding to women's actual needs and priorities on the ground.
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Gurskiy, Viktor. "A FEMALE POLICE OFFICER IN UKRAINIAN SOCIETY." Law Journal of Donbass 74, no. 1 (2021): 169–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2523-4269-2021-74-1-169-175.

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The article deals with the definition of a female police officer position in Ukrainian society. The position of women who serve in the bodies of the national police of Ukraine and the observance of female police officers’ rights have been investigated. It was clarified that equality is the foundation of a democratic society that strives for social justice and respect human rights. But, unfortunately, for some reasons, women are discriminated almost in all spheres of life. It was noted that our state, being at the stage of formation of a gender society and law in general, has the goal of the European choice, and many steps have already been done for achieving this goal. Ukraine has pledged to fulfill general international duties to ensure gender equality. Having chosen the European vector of development, our state has ratified a number of international documents, one of which was the order of the cabinet of ministers of Ukraine «on the approval of the national plan for the implementation of un security council resolution no. 1325 Women, Peace, Security for the period up to 2020». Аn resolution 1325 is dedicated to those states where armed conflicts take place, therefore this document is relevant for Ukraine. Thus, gender equality is one of the conditions for ensuring social development. For example, the United Nations provides gender-sensitive policing throughout the United Nations police work as an urgent need to address the differentiated security needs of women, men, girls and boys. A positive moment, testifying to the improvement in the field of gender equality, is the constant increase in the number of women in the ranks of the national police of Ukraine. We consider that this fact improves the image and the attitude of citizens towards the police, because women are more trusted than men in some issues. We state that achieving gender equality ensures preventing violence, protecting the rights of all people and the opportunity to make a meaningful contribution to public life. All mentioned above aspects are impossible without women. Therefore, in the future we plan to study this issue in more detail.
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Strebkova, Julia. "GARRANTEENG THE SAFETY OF WOMEN AND GIRLS UNDER CONDITIONS OF ARMED CONFLICT." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 25 (2019): 115–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.25.18.

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It has been shown that in recent years in Ukraine the pressure of religious organizations on the legislative and executive authorities has increased and information campaigns and projects of anti-gender and anti-Ukrainian trends have been implemented. The author analyzed how in the regions staying under Russian informational pressure the religious fundamentalism shows the potential of development develop into religious extremism. It has been demonstrated that in Ukraine the gender aspects of security are not well-developed and are heavily influenced by religion. It has been shown that the lack of high-quality gender analytics significantly complicates the forecasting of social processes. The article deals with the question how religious fundamentalism manipulates women's security issues in favor of religious interests. It is noted that the pressure of pro-religious anti-gender movements on the authorities in Ukraine can lead to negative consequences, and that the establishment of a state policy based on religious perceptions of the world can threaten the country's internal security. It was concluded that in times of conflict, religious extremism does not recognize the rule of human rights and proclaims the primacy of religious customs over women's human rights. It is proved that, considering direct conflict with Russia, the spread of religious fundamentalism in Ukraine and the spread of structural gender violence will be relevant and require the immediate development of gender and biopolitical aspects of security. It was concluded that for the progressive democratic development of Ukraine, as well as safe living conditions and the well-being of its citizens, the security services should turn to gender analytics. It has been proven that, in order to protect their interests, religious leaders can initiate a departure from state-guaranteed compliance with international agreements on gender equality in all spheres of life. In this regard, Ukraine's implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution No. 1325 on Women, Peace, Security and the similar resolutions as well as Recommendations of the UN Committee on the Status of Women for Countries that have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, other UN instruments is important for Ukraine. Also important are the country's European commitments in the field of gender equality. In particular, the Council of Europe Convention on the Prevention and Combating of Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention) needs to be ratified.
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Ashok Ram. "Women and their Participation in Urban Local Governance." Revista Review Index Journal of Multidisciplinary 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm2021.v01.n01.003.

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The concept of justice in all spheres of life has become a reality. The people want justice." They will understand and try out what it is. At the stage of India's democracy, the new classes, it's worth it to find your own voice. They require their share on the basis of the immortals. The other backward castes, castes, fictitious, made the tribes and women, to be more turbulent, and international conferences, and is emancipated through the creation and revision of the provisions of the Constitution of India. The answer to the woman question. That is, a state in India, stating that its people have chosen women in positions such as President, Prime minister, and the dynamic, the Lok Sabha, and state ministers, one state to another. The women, as well as any kind of authority. The 17th Lok Sabha of 78 women leaders have gone out of the house. This is the highest number of seats in the house of commons, Lok Sabha made by women of 14.38% of the total 543 seats in the Parliament.In the end, it's a story about political freedom, an important asset, which is not visible to the groups. India's democratic system has solved this problem by decentralizing power, which is a giant step, and then the great idea to be a part of the power of the state. The text of the Constitution of India, of Amir and of itself, the dreams and ambitions of its stakeholders. As Granville Austin said, the criteria of the Constitution, if it is unable to do so, in order to provide a solid foundation of the government, in the face of major economic and social transformation. In keeping with the changing socio-economic circumstances and the wishes of the people of india, can be found, as well as a tribute to her that the promise of social, economic, and political justice, equality of status and of opportunity for all its citizens. The Constitution of india guarantees the right to elect the people's Representatives, and even give each and every citizen has the right to vote and to be elected. However, in this process, which is a part of citizens to have a more centralised powers, i.e. the members of the board, the members of the legislative assemblies and councils of the state.
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Dyhal, Yaroslav. "Institutional Mechanisms for Ensuring Gender Equality in the Political Sphere: the European Context." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 44 (December 15, 2021): 148–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.44.148-159.

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Gender equality is one of the elements of a democratic society, in the political sphere gender balance contributes to the effective realization of the rights of men and women. The purpose of the article is to study the institutional mechanisms for ensuring gender equality and their role among other methods. The relevance of the work is determined by the importance of institutional mechanisms in the context of achieving gender parity. Institutional mechanisms for ensuring gender equality include governmental, parliamentary, and other power structures, including the institution of ombudsman. Institutional mechanisms also include organizations of various forms of ownership, independent agencies and civil society institutions. The effectiveness of institutional mechanisms is determined by a number of factors, including the degree of participation of women's organizations in politics, the political orientation of the government, the current economic situation and others. Mechanisms for the protection of women's rights have become a tool for ensuring gender equality in the international arena and have become a guarantee of national gender transformations. In European countries, the functions of ensuring equality are performed by special bodies and ministries of the relevant profile. There are special bodies in each EU country, which are responsible for ensuring gender equality in all spheres of life. Most often, the role of a special body is performed by the ombudsman institution, or the Center for Equal Treatment, the National Anti-Discrimination Council, the Equality Commission, and so on. At the parliamentary level, the activities of institutional mechanisms are implemented in the form of parliamentary committees on gender equality or inter-party women's factions. The activities of national mechanisms for gender equality are aimed at protecting women's rights, which can be explained by the traditionally less active participation of women in socio-political life. National mechanisms are aimed at ensuring equality in all spheres, as equal rights and opportunities in the labor or social sphere indirectly affect the possibility of exercising rights in socio-political life.
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Pererva, Yulia. ""Learning and living democracy for all". Council of Europe Programme promoting Citizenship and Human Rights Education." CADMO, no. 1 (June 2009): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/cad2009-001007.

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- Since 1997, the Council of Europe has supported a Project on Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights (EDC/HRE) with the aim of complimenting its treaty related activities in the fields of Human and Social Rights. The article presents the programmes and the initiatives supported and developed by the Council of Europe both at an international and at the national levels as well as the most important adopted texts and publications. It outlines the principles on which partnership and networking are built by the Council of Europe in close cooperation with member states and other regional and international institutions.Keywords human rights education, education for democratic citizenship, international cooperation.
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Chicharro, Manuel Ramírez. "Radicalizing Feminism: The Mexican and Cuban Associations within the Women's International Democratic Federation in the Early Cold War." International Review of Social History 67, S30 (March 10, 2022): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859022000025.

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AbstractThis article analyses the interactions between the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) and its Mexican and Cuban national chapters and affiliated organizations. Focusing on the National Bloc of Revolutionary Women, the Democratic Union of Mexican Women, and the Democratic Federation of Cuban Women, this article studies the ideological foundations these organizations defended and the action programmes they used to materialize them. One of its main contributions is to argue that Mexican and Cuban socialist and communist women contributed to the struggle for women's emancipation within the Eastern Bloc through grass-roots contributions that did not simply emulate European communist organizations, but drew on, and were informed by, national contexts, material conditions, and historical backgrounds. The increasing number of requests, demands, and proposals emerging from Latin America, and more specifically from Mexico and Cuba, ultimately fostered a steady process of decentralization that broadened visions of women's progress within the global leftist feminist movement during the early Cold War.
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Kechyk, Olha, Vita Baidyk, and Olena Buriak. "Formation of Civic and Social Competences in School Education: Teacher’s Toolkit." Education and Pedagogical Sciences, no. 2 (180) (2022): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2747-2022-2(180)-27-36.

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The article defines the essence of civic and social competences in accordance with the main state and international regulatory and legislative documents. The article considers as well the conceptual foundations of civic education and the Council of Europe’s Reference Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture as a tool for democratization of the educational environment. A model of the Framework of Competences for Democratic Culture, which represents a systematic approach to the process of formation and assessment of competences for the culture of democracy, has been presented. The principles of Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education have been outlined. The main forms of education for practical implementation of the concept of Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education have been highlighted. A number of multidisciplinary exercises for the formation of social and civic competences in school education with a step-by-step description of their implementation and summary comments has been presented. The suggested exercises serve as a clear example of the successful implementation of the competence approach in school education. The main focus of the exercises is to prepare students for an independent responsible life, rational decision-making and constructive interaction in the community.
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Dujmović, Sonja M. "Social Democratic Reflections on Women’s Activism in the Labor Movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina During the First World War." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2023): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.3.duj.63-84.

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This article seeks to provide an insight into the perception of female activism, the symbolic role of women and their future in the labor movement during the First World War, i.e. to show the imagined space that party and trade union bodies intended for women. The newspaper of the Social Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SDP BiH), Glas slobode (Voice of Freedom), will be used to analyze the category of gender and its representation in one of the sections of the international social democratic movement.
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SOLHJELL, Randi. "“There are no women here”. Gender Discourses in United Nations’ Peace Operations." Relaciones Internacionales, no. 27 (October 29, 2014): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/relacionesinternacionales2014.27.005.

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International Relations (IR) discipline is no longer only a man’s world. For decades, feminist IR scholars have managed to challenge the gender-blind and male-dominated discourses of security, power and conflict. However, and outside this academic bubble, in international politics more broadly, and with the United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) on Women, Peace and Security specifically, “gender” in relation to peace and security is often interpreted in narrow perspectives. The article discuss some of the feminist IR contribution to the Women, peace and security agenda and offers an empirical take on gender discourses that exists within a peace operation context based on multiple fieldwork studies on peacekeepers and national staff working for the UN operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, MONUSCO. The author finds that gender is interpreted as a separate, women-only topic and outside the core mandated activity of state restoration and militarized protection and security. The interpretation of gender as women leads to the distorted assumption that it is irrelevant to men as “there are no women here”, as one peacekeeper put it. This gender essentialism is also reinforced by gender experts themselves in order to gain political leverage. I argue that framing women on the one hand in need for protection (victimhood) and as potential peacemakers is a sellable narrative to a masculinized Security Council as well as ‘robust’ UN peace operations.
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Книги з теми "International Council of Social Democratic Women"

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McCune, Mary. The whole wide world, without limits: International relief, gender politics, and American Jewish women, 1893-1930. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2005.

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Milgram, Norman A., editor of compilation, O'Roark, Ann M., editor of compilation, and Roth, Roswith, editor of compilation, eds. Scientific psychology: New developments internationally : proceedings of the 67th Annual Convention, International Council of Psychologists : July 3-8, 2009, Mexico City, Mexico. Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 2011.

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Kinzo, Mary Dayse. Rhetoric and reality of the United Nations resolutions on the status of women. Brasília: Instituto Sociedade, População e Natureza, 1995.

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Nations, United. The United Nations and the advancement of women, 1945-1996. New York: Dept. of Public Information, United Nations, 1996.

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Jane Eyre. London: J.M. Dent, 1991.

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Bronte, Charlotte. Jan e Eyre [Spanish text]. León: Everest, 1999.

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Jane Eyre. Ann Arbor, MI: State Street Press, 1996.

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Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. New York, N.Y: Penguin Group, 2008.

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9

Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. New York: Penguin USA, Inc., 2009.

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10

Bronte, Charlotte. Jane Eyre. Thorndike, Me: G.K. Hall, 1994.

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Частини книг з теми "International Council of Social Democratic Women"

1

von Prümmer, Christine. "ODDE and Gender." In Handbook of Open, Distance and Digital Education, 1–20. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0351-9_53-1.

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AbstractGender and the concern with gender issues is important for open and distance education (ODE) which is associated with the provision of educational opportunities for minority groups. In countries and cultures the world over, including Western industrialized societies, girls and women are educationally disadvantaged compared to their male counterparts. This educational discrimination is especially prevalent in social minorities. Since 1982, with the start of the Women’s International Network WIN within the International Council for Open and Distance Education ICDE, women working in ODE have brought a feminist and gender perspective to their own situation and to that of women distance students. A manifestation of this was the proliferation of women’s/gender studies into ODE curricula. With the goal of equal access and conditions for women to succeed, women working in ODE researched and analyzed the cultural and social factors underlying the inequalities and identified ways for redressing gender imbalances. The paper discusses four areas of inequality and points out ways for the empowerment of women: (1) gender roles and the social division of labor, (2) learning environments, (3) access equity, and (4) course content and choice of subject. A focus on gendered access and use of technology highlights factors affecting women’s participation in e-learning and the way in which they use electronic communication for overcoming isolation, for networking, and for empowerment.
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von Prümmer, Christine. "ODDE and Gender." In Handbook of Open, Distance and Digital Education, 949–68. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-2080-6_53.

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AbstractGender and the concern with gender issues is important for open and distance education (ODE) which is associated with the provision of educational opportunities for minority groups. In countries and cultures the world over, including Western industrialized societies, girls and women are educationally disadvantaged compared to their male counterparts. This educational discrimination is especially prevalent in social minorities. Since 1982, with the start of the Women’s International Network WIN within the International Council for Open and Distance Education ICDE, women working in ODE have brought a feminist and gender perspective to their own situation and to that of women distance students. A manifestation of this was the proliferation of women’s/gender studies into ODE curricula. With the goal of equal access and conditions for women to succeed, women working in ODE researched and analyzed the cultural and social factors underlying the inequalities and identified ways for redressing gender imbalances. The chapter discusses four areas of inequality and points out ways for the empowerment of women: (1) gender roles and the social division of labor, (2) learning environments, (3) access equity, and (4) course content and choice of subject. A focus on gendered access and use of technology highlights factors affecting women’s participation in e-learning and the way in which they use electronic communication for overcoming isolation, for networking, and for empowerment.
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Gawrich, Andrea, and Doris Wydra. "Conditions and Contestation: Ukraine on Its Way to EU-Membership." In The War Against Ukraine and the EU, 161–88. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35040-5_8.

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AbstractRussia’s attack on Ukraine in February 2022 has not only brought war back to the European continent, it has also created a new urgency for the European Union to allow new members to find economic and strategic protection within its confines. While no accession procedure has been successfully concluded since 2013, the list of candidates is growing. In June 2022, the European Council decided to grant the status of candidate country to both Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova. This was greeted with great enthusiasm, in particular in Ukraine—which now expects a swift accession in reward for the enormous price it has had to pay for its European choice.The key question this chapter addresses is which dynamics have evolved in this early accession process under the conditions of war, where the EU strives to defend the rule of law and democracy internally and externally simultaneously (in particular because of past experiences of how vulnerable democratic achievements are to recession), while at the same time trying to prove its geopolitical capacities by providing credible accession perspectives. The literature on EU conditionality provides us with helpful insights into factors conducive to the transformation of a candidate country along EU conditions (e.g. clarity, tangibility of rewards, absence of veto-players). This seems to make Ukraine an ideal candidate for successful transformation, as the renewed emphasis of the ‘geopolitical’ EU on enlargement strengthens the credibility of the promise, and a renewed enlargement methodology contributes to clarity and increases (tangible) rewards along the way. Additionally, an active Ukrainian civil society is putting pressure on political elites to continue on their European path. The close linkage of EU accession with reconstruction plans for Ukraine also makes successful EU integration an effective remedy for domestic challenges.We argue, however, that in order to comprehensively understand ‘membership politics’ and the politicisation of EU conditions, it is essential to address the contextual interpretation of the norms posed by the EU as part of its accession conditionality. For this, we combine the concept of conditionality with approaches to norm contestation from International Relations (IR) Research. This induces a shift of perspective from a unidirectional norm-giver/norm-taker perspective, closely assigned to conditionality approaches, towards a focus on the web of interactions between actors on the EU and the Ukrainian side as they engage with, interpret and enact norms based on their social context. By example of the reform of the Ukrainian judiciary (and here in particular the Constitutional Court of Ukraine) we show how the ‘sovereignty argument’ is put forward to challenge the “West’s right to evaluate”. Furthermore, the contestation of time frames is of high salience not only because Ukraine demands a ‘fast track accession’ against the will of some EU Member States, but also because it raises the stakes as to how ‘sufficient progress’ for gaining promised rewards is assessed. It is thus indispensable to conceptualise and address contestation in order to understand the current challenges of turning Ukraine’s candidate status into a meaningful membership perspective under increased geopolitical pressure, and while a war is raging on the EU’s doorstep.
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Yudkivska, Ganna. "Council of Europe." In The Oxford Handbook of International Law in Europe. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198865315.013.21.

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Abstract This chapter offers a concise overview of the Council of Europe, emphasizing its historical roots and its mission to foster unity and progress among member States. It introduces the three pillars of the Council—Democracy, Human Rights, and the Rule of Law—and highlights key institutions and structures, including the PACE, European Court of Human Rights, Venice Commission, Committee of Ministers, European Social Charter, CPT, and the Commissioner for Human Rights. The chapter explores the Council’s transformative journey from destructive conflicts to constructive dialogues and collective efforts, underscoring its role as a platform for sharing best practices and its global influence in promoting democracy and human rights. Additionally, it acknowledges the organization’s limitations and challenges, exemplified by the recent expulsion of the Russian Federation, emphasizing the need for collective action to strengthen the Council and safeguard the rule of law and democratic values.
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Orford, Anne. "Alva Myrdal." In Portraits of Women in International Law, 183—C14N65. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868453.003.0014.

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Abstract Alva Myrdal was a feminist public intellectual, social policy researcher, ambassador, socialist internationalist, and eventual Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. She is remembered both as one of the major architects of the Swedish welfare state and as a significant figure in international disarmament. For much of her life she was engaged in debates about social policy, initially within Sweden and then on the international stage, first as principal director at the UN Department of Social Affairs in New York from 1949, then director of the Department of Social Sciences at UNESCO from 1951, and finally as Swedish Ambassador to India from 1955 to 1961, before becoming the head of Sweden’s delegation to the UN Committee on Disarmament from 1962 to 1973. Alva Myrdal’s life and work offers a window into social democratic internationalism at the period when it was at its most idealistic and influential. As this chapter shows, the struggle over how to interpret her legacy is closely tied up with the rise and fall of social democratic internationalism in Sweden and beyond.
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Olcott, Jocelyn. "WINGO Politics." In International Women's Year. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195327687.003.0002.

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This chapter examines the organizational and geopolitical rivalries that gave rise to IWY. It considers how long-simmering ideological tensions between the International Council of Women (ICW) and the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF)—dubbed WINGOs (women’s international non-governmental organizations)—fostered competing visions for IWY. While the WIDF and its allies saw IWY as linking women’s issues with human rights, their Cold War rivals linked IWY humanitarian concerns and development strategies. Australia provides a case study of the growing rift in civil society between WINGOs and feminists and the tensions between those working within the rules of the game to those who wanted to change the game entirely. The chapter examines the Australian case to demonstrate the ways that IWY highlighted generational differences, particularly between younger women’s liberationists and older, more establishmentarian activists.
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Mégret, Frédéric. "Ghénia Avril de Sainte-Croix." In Portraits of Women in International Law, 149—C11N43. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868453.003.0011.

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Abstract Ghénia Avril de Sainte Croix is a forgotten figure today and was certainly no international lawyer. Yet as an early French feminist, pacifist, and member of the International Abolitionist Federation and the International Council of Women, she was involved in the League’s burgeoning efforts to deal with women’s trafficking. As such, she evolved in inter-war circles that were crucial in crafting a certain humanitarian and social sensitivity for international law. Her emphasis on abolishing prostitution had begun in France but continued internationally in ways that show the potential continuity of domestic and international social struggles. That legacy continues to manifest itself with us, even as it needs to be reassessed critically.
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Lyon, E. Stina. "Karl Mannheim and Viola Klein: Refugee Sociologists in Search of Social Democratic Practice." In In Defence of Learning. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264812.003.0012.

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This chapter recounts the story of a relationship forged out of a shared intellectual past, a passion for sociology as a discipline, and the circumstances of being academic refugees. Karl Mannheim (1893–1947), whose sociological writings count amongst the classics in the discipline, arrived in Britain in 1933 as one of the first beneficiaries of the Academic Assistance Council/Society for the Protection of Science and Learning (SPSL). Viola Klein (1908–1973), a pioneer in the field of the sociology of women, also arrived in Britain as a refugee from the onslaught of National Socialism, though without the assistance of SPSL. For a brief period during the war, Mannheim became Klein's Ph.D. tutor at the London School of Economics. Theirs is a story of academic success and enduring intellectual legacy, but also of the hardships of displacement, marginality, tireless networking, and backbreaking daily slog to find employment, academic recognition, and a platform from which to contribute to the country they proudly came to see as their own.
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Watts, Sir Arthur. "Statelessness." In The International Law Commission 1949-1998, 139–62. Oxford University PressOxford, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198298038.003.0003.

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Abstract The International Law Commission’s work on State1cssness was all that survived from what began as a more ambitious project to tackle the broader topic of’Nationality, including StatelessnesS: one of the fourteen topics provisionally selected by the Commission in 1949 for codification,’ although not included in its priority list. The scope of the Commission’s work on this topic was increased in 1950, when the UN Economic and Social Council requested the Commission to draft a convention on the nationality of married women.
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10

McCarthy, Helen. "Associational voluntarism in interwar Britain." In The Ages of Voluntarism. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264829.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the interwar voluntary sector to demonstrate that associational life did not come to be dominated by the ideologies of class and mass political parties, but rather continued to develop an independent voice, oriented towards support for liberal democracy more generally. Considering organisations such as the League of Nations Union, the National Council of Women, the Club and Institute Union, and the British Legion, it outlines the ‘ideological work’ performed by voluntary associations: educating and socialising the new mass electorate into the workings of the liberal democratic system; and assisting in the democratisation of social relations. While class, gender and religious stratification continued to exist, significant ecumenism and gender- and class-mixing meant there was ‘a democratising logic at work’.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "International Council of Social Democratic Women"

1

Sunest, Yuyun, Noorhaidi Hasan, and Muhammad Azca. "39. Negotiating Identity in Democratic Society The Internet and The New Public Sphere of Salafi-Niqabi Women." In 5th International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (IcoSaPS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosaps-18.2018.39.

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2

Mohammed Hanif Shaikh, Sana. "The Contribution of Women in the Rojava Revolution: A Study on Their Role in Building a Democratic and Feminist Society." In The 6th International Conference on Modern Approaches in Humanities and Social sciences. Acavent, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/6th.icmhs.2023.03.005.

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3

Petkova, Tatyana V., and Daniel Galily. "When you are named Ruth." In 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.06085p.

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This study aims to recall the ideas and activities in the field of law, politics, philosophy, the struggle for democracy and respect for human rights of two bright and exceptional personalities who left this world last year: Ruth Gavison (her areas of study include ethnic conflicts, protection of minorities, human rights, political theory, the judiciary, religion and politics, and Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. She was a member of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Nominated as a Judge at the Supreme Court of Israel in 2005.) and Ruth Bader Ginsburg (Judge at the Supreme Court of the United States. She upholds and defends the rights of women and people of color, gender equality.).
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Gheibi, Noushin, and Stefan Boeschen. "Democratization in Industry via Multi-Agent Systems, The case of a production company." In 15th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2024). AHFE International, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1004709.

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Democracy is typically a question of political government. Nevertheless, in recent years, the forms of democratic development have changed in the course of the governance debate. According to Council of Europe, E-democracy tools use technology to boost key democratic values like participation, inclusivity, efficiency, effectiveness, transparency, openness and accountability within the democratic system. Alongside civil society, companies are playing an increasingly important role in the establishment of collective order. The difficult aspects of this development can be seen in the concentration of market power and the circumvention of employee co-determination. At the same time, however, Small and Medium Enterprises (SME) sometimes take on the role of pioneers. One key example is about AI-based decision support systems in order to realize new decision-making and co-determination opportunities. This raises the question of what potential for democratization and, if so, in what form, is actually emerging here. On the one hand, this article raises the question of how aspects of a “democratization” in companies can be realized and presents a conceptual approach for analysing such ambitions. On the other hand, specific challenges of a “democratization” via digital tools will be worked out by analysing the case study of a SME. An important result is that forms of democratization via multi-agent systems are only perceived as democratic if they are introduced and procedurally anchored within the company through social processes that are perceived as legitimate.
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5

Karaman, Ebru. "Government’s Responsibility to Prevent the Violence against Women in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01228.

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Violence against women, which is accepted as a violation of human right in Turkey and in whole world for many years, causes physical and mental harms by practicing all kind of personal and collective behavior including force and pressure. Femicides have increased 1400% in the last seven years and one of every three women is subjected to violence. It is doubtful that in international law; Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and Council of Europe Convention and in additional to this in national law; The 1982 Constitution and The Law to Protect Family and Prevent Violence Against Women can provide effective guarantee to protect the place of woman in Turkish Society or not? Despite all of the legislative regulations, the violence against women in Turkey increasingly goes on. For this reason it is crucial to evaluate the articles no 5th, 10th, 17th, 41st and 90th of Constitution which compose the legal basis for preventing violence against women. Republic of Turkey’s founding philosophy bases on equality of women and men, which means equal rights for every single citizen. To end this violence against women; can be achieve only through provide this equality legally and defacto, and also, apply social state’s principles in real life. Because in social states, struggling against this violence should be accepted as government’s policy. The state should be in cooperation with all women's organizations and provide training for related trade bodies.
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Matic, Andreea Elena, and Florin Tudor. "THE RIGHT TO LIBERTY AND FUNDAMENTAL FREEDOMS IN CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY � BETWEEN LIMITS AND IDEAL." In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s02.019.

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The right to liberty is one of the fundamental human rights. Over time, obtaining the right to liberty for people from different social categories (men, women, slaves, etc.) was in many occasions hard and it was achieved at the end of difficult ideological and political struggles. In this article we aim to analyze the equilibrium that exists in contemporary democratic society, between the liberty of each person on the one hand and, on the other hand, the exercise and protection of the other fundamental human rights: the right to life, health, physical and mental integrity and so on. We will analyze aspects related to the individual liberty in the matter of expressing opinions, the freedom in the choices we make, the freedom of conscience and religion, freedom of movement. For example, in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic our liberty has been severely limited in order to protect the right to life and the right to health. We will analyze the concept of liberty in relation to legal and moral norms and taking responsibility for one's own decisions and their consequences. The idea of individual liberty is very important for each person, as it is one of the elements that allow us to think and believe that we are the masters of our lives. The right to liberty and the fundamental freedoms can be limited only in exceptional circumstances established through national and international legal provisions and we will refer to these limitations in our paper. Concluding, it is our opinion that the right to liberty and the fundamental freedoms must be respected for every individual and its restriction have to be seriously weighed.
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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.
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8

Lāma, Elza. "Unspoken Truths in Narratives of Contemporary Mothers Towards Their Mothers in Latvia." In 80th International Scientific Conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/htqe.2022.09.

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Soviet propaganda promised liberation of women from household shackles, glorifying them as ‘heroines’, who embody love for family, work and communist ideals. Behind ideology, the ‘second shift’ burdened mothers with tedious housework, childrearing, and professional workload. Nowadays their daughters, who were born in the turmoil of collapse of USSR, experience motherhood differently, with the aid of information and technologies, that seemingly ease childcare and everyday life in democratic Latvia. Although mothering is a subjective experience and each next generation questions decisions of the previous one, contemporary motherhood favours different childrearing methods, rooted in evidence-based sources, Western medicine practitioners, and democratized family models in contrast to Dr. Spock’s advice, home remedies or physical punishment. ‘Intensive mothering’ ideology adds to the pressures of modern motherhood, deeming the mother entirely responsible for social, psychological and cognitive well-being of her children. By employing the theoretical framework of Arlie Hochschild, this article explores the unspoken truths, doubts, and grievances of 21st century mothers towards their ‘mothers-heroines’ of USSR. The ‘deep story’ has been constructed, intertwining narratives, gained from eight phenomenological semi-structured interviews with new mothers. The ‘deep story’ has been supplemented by a case study of a viral post (Facebook, March 2021) by a contemporary mother, reflecting on advantages of modern motherhood in comparison to mothering in 1985, sparking a heated debate. The ‘deep story’ of contemporary mothers unfolds the layers of unarticulated feelings – from resentment to gratefulness, from anger to love. Inner conflict between respecting parents, and following an individual path is also present.
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Звіти організацій з теми "International Council of Social Democratic Women"

1

Clark, Louise, Jo Carpenter, and Joe Taylor. Insights for Influence: Understanding Impact Pathways in Crisis Response. Institute of Development Studies, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/core.2023.016.

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The Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) programme was a three-year initiative funded by the Canadian International Development Research Centre (IDRC) that brought together 20 projects from across the global South to understand the socioeconomic impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic, improve existing responses, and generate better policy options for recovery. The research covered 42 countries across Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East to understand the ways in which the pandemic affected the most vulnerable people and regions, and deepened existing vulnerabilities. Research projects covered a broad range of themes, including macroeconomic policies for support and recovery; supporting essential economic activity and protecting informal businesses, small producers, and women workers; and promoting democratic governance to strengthen accountability, social inclusion, and civil engagement. The Institute of Development Studies (IDS) provided knowledge translation (KT) support to CORE research partners to maximise the learning generated across the research portfolio and deepen engagement with governments, civil society, and the scientific community. As part of this support, the IDS KT team worked with CORE project teams to reconstruct and reflect on their impact pathways to facilitate South-South knowledge exchange on effective strategies for research impact, and share learning on how the CORE cohort has influenced policy and delivered change. This report presents an overview of these impact pathways and the lessons learnt from a selection of the projects chosen to represent the diversity of approaches to engage policymakers, civil society, and the media to generate and share evidence of the effect of the pandemic on diverse vulnerable groups.
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2

Gender Inequalities and Demographic Behavior: Egypt. Population Council, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/pgy1994.1010.

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This is one of three reports on the relationship between gender equity, family structure and dynamics, and the achievement of reproductive choice prepared by the Population Council for the 1994 International Year of the Family and the 1994 International Conference on Population and Development. These reports provide critical reviews of the relationship between gender inequality and demographic behavior in three demographically significant, culturally distinct parts of the developing world: Egypt, India, and Ghana and Kenya. Their purpose is to help governments and international agencies design and implement policies that are affirmative of women, sensitive to the family's central role in resource allocation and distribution, and effective in achieving broad-based population and development goals. The objectives of this report are to examine the legal, social, and policy context in which gender relations operate in Egypt and to better understand the links between gender dynamics and reproductive behavior.
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3

District level baseline survey of family planning program in Uttar Pradesh: Kanpur. Population Council, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1995.1008.

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The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW) with financial support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has sponsored the Innovations in Family Planning Services Project (under the management of the State Innovations in Family Planning Services Agency, Lucknow). The project aims to reduce fertility through increasing accessibility, improving quality, and generating demand for family planning services. It attempts to achieve its objectives by supporting service innovations in the public and nongovernmental sector and through social marketing of contraceptives. These intervention strategies are expected to increase the couple protection rate of the state in general and of Kanpur Nagar in particular. One of the prerequisites is to carry out a baseline survey in selected districts of Uttar Pradesh. The BSUP is primarily a household survey with an overall target sample size of 37,000 ever married women ages 13–49 years. The Population Council has collaborated with a number of Indian Consulting Organizations (COs) for survey implementation. Each CO has carried out the survey in one or more districts. The baseline survey was initiated in 15 out of the state’s 63 districts. This report pertains to district Kanpur Nagar.
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4

District level baseline survey of family planning program in Uttar Pradesh: Jalaun. Population Council, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1995.1005.

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The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare (MOHFW), with support from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), has sponsored the Innovations in Family Planning Services (IFPS) Project under the management of the State Innovations in Family Planning Services Agency, Lucknow. The project aims to reduce fertility by increasing accessibility, improving quality, and generating demand for family planning services. The project attempts to achieve its objectives by supporting service innovations in the public and nongovernmental sector, and through social marketing of contraceptives. These intervention strategies are expected to increase the couple protection rate of the state in general and of Jalaun in particular. One of the prerequisites is to carry out a baseline survey in selected districts of Uttar Pradesh. The BSUP is primarily a household survey with an overall target sample size of 37,000 ever-married women ages 13–49 years. The Population Council has collaborated with a number of Indian Consulting Organizations (COs) for survey implementation. Each CO has carried out the survey in one or more districts. The baseline survey was initiated in 15 out of the state’s 63 districts. This reports pertains to the district of Jalaun.
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