Готові списки джерел за темами / Indonesia politics

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Indonesia politics"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Indonesia politics"

1

Setiawan, Refly, Melinda Esti, and Viktor V. Sidorov. "Islam and Politics in Indonesia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 731–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-731-740.

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Анотація:
The Republic of Indonesia is characterized by ethnic and religious diversity. Islam is the most widespread religion in Indonesia and most of the Indonesian population is Muslim. Indonesian society is based on the principles of religious tolerance. The equality of people is the most important socio-political value of the Indonesian society, which guarantees an equality for allpeople, regardless of their ethnicity, religion or social class. Religion can be the foundation that can strengthen the country and become the foundation for development. At the same time, religion may not be the official state ideology. We study the relationship between religion and state in Indonesia. What problems arise in the relationship between religion and the state? This study aims to find out how Islam and politics in Indonesia are in harmony with the ideology of the Indonesian nation and how religious values can support moral foundations of Indonesian politics. We used analyze secondary sociological data and studied researches of the largest Indonesian academics on the problems of the relationship between religion and politics. We used the method of library research with abstracting and collecting data. A new set of scientific sources in the Indonesian language is being introduced into scientific circulation. The results of the study showed that Indonesia is not a democracy based on the principles of democratic processes of Western Europe. The peculiarity of Indonesia lies in the interaction of religious values and the politics. Indonesian politics is characterized by religious tolerance. At the same time, religious and cultural values are incorporated into the political practices of Indonesia in the form of moral and ethical guidelines. Thus, Indonesia is not a religious or secular country, but a country where religious values are the moral and ethical main ideology of state development.
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2

Dewantara, Agustinus Wisnu. "POLITIK MENURUT FOUCAULT DALAM “THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE” DAN RELEVANSINYA BAGI MULTIKULTURALISME INDONESIA." JPAK: Jurnal Pendidikan Agama Katolik 15, no. 8 (November 10, 2018): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34150/jpak.v15i8.81.

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Political science, the study of politics, examines the acquisition and application of power. Related areas of study include political philosophy, which seeks a rationale for politics and an ethic of public behavior, political economy, which attempts to develop understandings of the relationships between politics and the economy and the governance of the two, and public administration, which examines the practices of governance. Many have dream up the idealization of the politics realization. Politics should not dirty! But, the fact, actually in Indonesia, politics are corruption, abuse of power, and immoral. Is that only one paradigm of politics? Indonesia must learn to Foucault to build the good governance. Specially, i hope, the discussion of this theme can give any contribution for Indonesian politic and social lives, of which to be felt decline in any ways progressively.
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3

Mas'oed, Mohtar, and Amalinda Savirani. "Financing Politics in Indonesia." PCD Journal 3, no. 1-2 (June 7, 2017): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25741.

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This paper aims to map out practices of political financing in Indonesia from the political to the socio-historical perspective. Arguing about the party financing and the corruption of politicians and the parties, this paper also proposes about strategies at the individual level for performing financing politics, as well as factors that help to explain their performance. It compares cases in three different periods of Indonesian history: the post-independence, the Suharto (New Order) era, and reformasi after the fall of Suharto in 1998. This paper discusses and analyses the financing politics belonging to the political and socio-historical perspective, the issue of financing politics, the results of mapping students theses from three universities in Java together with relevant papers by LIPI (the Indonesian Sciences Institute), and directly presents three case studies of individual performing financing politics. Two of the case studies concern with politicians from the post-independence and Suharto era, while the third concerns a member of the city of Solo's local parliament. This paper shows how financing politics would be no longer relevant, as the cultural capital, political capital, and social capital also may contribute in supporting one's political career.
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4

Aspinall, Edward. "Democratization and Ethnic Politics in Indonesia: Nine Theses." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (August 2011): 289–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800007190.

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After the downfall of President Suharto in 1998, communal violence occurred in several Indonesian provinces, producing an image of the country as one characterized by strong ethnic politics. In this article, I propose that this image is mistaken. The political salience of ethnicity has subsided greatly as a new democratic system has settled into place. Overall, Indonesia is a weakly ethnicized polity. Ethnicity still counts in arenas such as local elections, but what prevails is a soft form of ethnic politics, with few of the deep disputes about ethnohistory or cultural policy that occur in more ethnicized polities. Moreover, rather than producing ethnic polarization, democratization has created powerful new norms of compromise. I present this overarching argument by advancing nine general theses on Indonesian ethnic politics and by pointing to explanations concerning institutional crafting, historical legacies, and the deep architecture of politics, notably the prevalence of patronage. Rather than positing definitive answers, I propose new questions and frameworks for investigating the weakness of ethnic politics in contemporary Indonesia.
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5

Buehler, Michael. "Indonesia in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.106.

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6

Pertiwi, Vidya, and Sugeng Widodo. "Kinship Politics in Indonesia: Developments and Implications." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.131-141.

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Kinship politics has become an old topic of discussion in all countries that adhere to democracy, even for a democratic example country like America. The phenomenon of kinship politics is also inseparable from democracy in Indonesia. The rise of kinship politics is reflected in the implementation of the 2020 Regional Head Elections. This has caused concern from various groups, from the general public to democracy experts. They assume that the practice of kinship politics will harm political developments in Indonesia. Based on this phenomenon, this article aims to review kinship politics in the 2020 Regional Head Elections. The review covers implementing kinship politics, the reasons for the widespread practice of kinship politics in Indonesia, and its implications for governance practices in Indonesia. The methodology used is the method of literature study or literature review. Based on the findings, kinship politics in Indonesia occurs in almost all regions in Indonesia and strengthens in the 2020 Regional Head Elections. This happens because of the pattern of patron-client. Furthermore, negative implications are found in a patronage network that leads to cases of KKN-the Indonesian acronym for corruption, collusion, and nepotism, the destruction of local democracy, and moral hazard problems. The alternative used is political party reform, where the party applies a transparent and merit-based mechanism for regeneration.
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7

Mamonto, Moch Andry Wikra Wardhana. "LEGAL POLITICS OF SIMPLIFYING POLITICAL PARTIES IN INDONESIA (Case Study of 2004-2014 Election)." Substantive Justice International Journal of Law 2, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33096/substantivejustice.v2i1.25.

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Анотація:
combination of presidential government systems and multi-party systems as a system of Indonesian state has led to a government that does not effective and stable. The formulation of the problem which is the focus of the study in this paper, namely how is the legal politics of simplification of political parties in Indonesia for the period 2004-2014. The research method used in this study is normative. Based on the results of the study, the authors obtained answers to the existing problems, that the legal politics of simplifying political parties in Indonesia is democratic legal politics, but the legal politics of simplifying political parties in Indonesia should not only be directed at simplifying political parties in parliament, but also simplifying political parties in political parties participating in the general election.
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8

Maula, Bani Syarif. "Indonesian Muslim Women: Between Culture, Religion, and Politics." Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 1, no. 1 (September 30, 2016): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v1i1.930.

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Islam in Indonesia is culturally very different from that in the Middle East, particularly related to a tradition of greater freedom for women in public places. In Indonesia, there are many women entering public and political arena and even women are seeking and achieving unprecedented power and influence in public life. However, there are some barriers from religion and culture that give burdens to women to express their political views and to involve in public life. Very often women who want to enter politics find that the political and public environment is not conducive to their participation. This paper discusses cultural, religious, and political factors of the difficulties faced by Indonesian Muslim women to participate freely in public and political lives. This paper looks at how women’s status in cultural and social structure influences the involvement of women in political activities. This study is a philosophical investigation of the value of culture, religion, and politics to Indonesian women in democratic practices. With the use of intensive reading of books and other information sources, together with policy document analysis, the study aims to explore the problems and possibilities of putting the visions of democracy into practice in contemporary Indonesian women, to explore the nature of culture, religion, and politics in Indonesia in influencing women’s political activism, and to understand both the status of Muslim women and the dynamics of Muslim societies in Indonesia. This paper concludes that women are still under-represented in public and political institutions in Indonesia. The long struggle of women’s movement for equal rights has not been easy due to the cultural and religious reasons.
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9

Qisthi Faradina Ilma Mahanani, Mega Alif Marintan, Irma Ayu Kartika Dewi, and Moh Ashif Fuadi. "ISLAM AND POLITICS IN INDONESIA (Historical Perspective)." Al-Isnad: Journal of Islamic Civilization History and Humanities 3, no. 1 (July 28, 2022): 61–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/isnad.v3i1.5395.

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This research explains the dynamic perspective of Islam and politics in Indonesia. The relationship between Islam and the political situation in Indonesia is not always harmonious. With qualitative methods through the study of literature, this research resulted in the conclusion that Islamic and political ndication are two aspects that converge in its development that has never been interrupted from the previous period. The existence of Islam in Indonesia is largely determined by the objective conditions built by the Muslims themselves through qualifications and political capacities that are insightful in the formation of the intellectuality of their people. The condition of Muslims today has indeed progressed, but institutionally politically it has regressed. Therefore, discussing Islamic and political issues is felt increasingly urgently by Muslims themselves. The engineering of the conversation and its implementation includes a doctrinal Understanding of Islam that is contextual to the political growth of the nation, a coaching system that can liberate people from material and spiritual backwardness, and leadership that is not only charismatic, but also dedicative and professional. Keywords: Islam, Politic, Perspective, Historical
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10

Mubarak, Haris Zaky. "Islam dalam Politik Indonesia." SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary 3, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/shahih.v3i2.1360.

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One of the important political dynamics of the Soeharto administration was the question of the activeness of scholars in Indonesia's practical political activities. This study shows that the emergence of ulama who actively participated in politics and in the Islamic party at that time namely the United Development Party (PPP) was not only interpreted as a face of political expression of Muslims but also as a large colonization of the current regime against the political aspirations of Indonesian Muslims. PPP was raised by the New Order regime as part of the politics of colonization as well as maximizing the existence of Golkar as a silencer for Islamic political groups. The existence of Golkar during the New Order did not only act as a force for the interests of the New Order but also became a reliable communicator in the practice of national politics. Islamic political discourse on various issues of development and unity has always been reduced by the government for the sake of the solid political legitimacy of the New Order government.
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Дисертації з теми "Indonesia politics"

1

Davidson, Jamie Seth. "Violence and politics in West Kalimantan, Indonesia." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10787.

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2

Sobandi, Khairu Roojiqien. "Symbolic politics and the Acehnese ethnic war in Indonesia." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1939351941&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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3

Indraneel, Datta. "Parliamentary politics in Soeharto's Indonesia." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525481.

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Анотація:
Prevailing perspectives on the role of the Indonesian Parliament (DPRlMPR) under President Soeharto's New Order deride it as a politically quiescent institution that had insignificant influence over policy-making. Indeed, approaches that evaluate the legitimacy and effectiveness of legislatures in terms of regularly held free and fair elections and the ability of parliamentarians to initiate or reject legislation will find scant evidence that the Indonesian parliament has played a significant role under Soeharto. From this conventional perspective, the DPR was politically insignificant, save, perhaps, as one of several instruments available to the authoritarian regime to legitimate its rule. Yet a closer look at the history of the New Order casts serious doubts over the notion of a placid legislature where nothing of substance ever took place. For example, the DPR was key in enabling Soeharto to become lawfully President in 1967, and was again instrumental in May 1998 by compelling the dictator to resign from office. This thesis examines the apparent paradox, and makes two clusters of arguments. The first cluster addresses the broad concerns of students of political systems, in particular authoritarianism, and makes two main points. First, there was far more political activity within the DPRlMPR under Soeharto than commonly assumed, especially in the final decade of his rule that is the focus of this study. Secondly, a close scrutiny of the Indonesian parliament demonstrates that the 'authoritarian' New Order underwent some important changes throughout its 32 years. In a nutshell, the New Order degenerated from collusion between capitalists, the military and the bureaucracy into 'monarchical' personal rule, losing some of its modem structures and much of the credibility of its claim to favour democracy. To use the terms coined by Max Weber and subsequently adapted by Juan Linz to the study of contemporary politics of transition, Soeharto's regime developed over the years from a bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime to one with strong 'sultanistic' features. A sultanistic regime is one that involves an increasingly discretionary use of the powers that have been usurped by the ruler. The second cluster of argument adds to scholarship on Indonesia in three respects. First, the factionalism among elites under Soeharto is shown to be far more complex than conventional views that have usually focussed on the Armed Forces to the relative neglect of civilian factionalism. The evidence also indicates that factional lines straddle the civil-military divide. Therefore, it is a false dichotomy to distinguish between civil and military factionalism since the two are inextricably intertwined. Examples of such alliances are discussed in chapters three and four. Secondly, a case is made about periodisation, and the accuracy of commonly accepted milestones in the last decade of the New Order. Again, the evidence gathered in this study points to some anachronisms regarding Indonesia's "Islamic tum," the political clout of the armed forces as an institution, and the cohesiveness of Soeharto's alleged 'inner circle'. The importance of pinpointing the origins of Soeharto' s cultivation of an Islamic middle class basis of support at the expense of the armed forces as an institution sheds considerable light on the balance of power between the officers and the palace, and in particular the validity of describing the New Order as a military dictatorship, as was commonly accepted in the late 1980s. The question of the New Order's 'Islamisation' is discussed in depth in chapter three. The third point examines the limit to Soeharto's sultanistic strategy. It is argued that the shift to absolutist rule, while undermining the logic of the bureaucratic-military authoritarian regime did not provide an alternative that accommodated the interests of powerful elites. Instead, it was perceived as threatening the long-term interests of key factions within both the political Islamic civilian elites and the military. Sultanism ushered unpredictability in the recruitment of elites and in the dispensation of patronage, and threatened the interests of the armed forces as an institution. It gradually alienated these crucial groups, paving the way for an unlikely tactical alliance between Armed Forces commander-in-chief General Wiranto and vice-president Habibie. The origins of this internal realignment in the regime are discussed in detail in chapters four and five. Chapter six brings this study into the final months of the New Order, and examines the background to the critical role played by the parliamentary institutions in giving Soeharto his coup de grace, when the DPR Speaker Harmoko called on the President to resign on 18 May 1998, three days before Soeharto stepped down. We conclude by highlighting the continuities between parliament under the New Order and in the Post-Soeharto era, and assessing the likely role of parliament in Indonesia's democratization.
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4

Rifai, Nurlena. "Muslim women in Indonesia's politics : an historical examination of the political career of Aisyah Aminy." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69679.

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Анотація:
This thesis deals with the political participation of Muslim women since the colonial period into the New Order period. It is a study of the Indonesian women's movement in its different trends: the roles of women in gaining and defending Indonesian independence as well as in Indonesia's politics in the Liberal Democracy, Guided Democracy, and New Order periods. It investigates the reasons for the relatively limited participation of women in politics. This low level of political participation is indicated by the ratio of women membership in the House of People's Representatives (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat), in the Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), and in the central boards of political organizations. This thesis also focuses on the political career and discourse of Aisyah Aminy, and examines her involvement as a case study. The prominence of Aisyah Aminy lies in her ability to transcend the barriers which usually obstruct Muslim women from getting involved in politics.
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5

Djani, Luky. "Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia." Thesis, Djani, Luky (2013) Reform movements and local politics in Indonesia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2013. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/41576/.

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This thesis analyses the factors that have shaped conflicts over corruption in post-Suharto Indonesia and the processes by which corruption has been contained or entrenched. Contrary to mainstream theories it is argued here that institutional reforms in themselves are not sufficient factors in transforming behaviour or incentives for corruption. Most important, democratic reforms and decentralization programs introduced in the aftermath of the political reformasi do not in themselves results either in the containment of corruption or its continued entrenchment. Nor, it is proposed, institutional reforms in public administration and governance the decisive factors. Rather, it is argued here that the success or failure of reformist movements is contingent upon a range of factors that influence the relative power of contending alliances involved in the conflicts over corruption. Among these factors, it is argued that the following are critical. One is the degree to which interests and coalitions that dominate government are able to secure a degree of monopoly over access to resources and revenues. This can provide decisive economic and political leverage in their attempts to protect predatory forms of authority against reformers. A second factor is related to the way such interests distribute public resources and budgetary expenditure and how effectively these consolidate social and political support. The third factor is related to the ability of reformers to build political alliances and coalitions. These may not always include opponents of corruption or the institutions of clientalism but may include some of those currently excluded from the existing benefits of corruption. Using four case studies, the thesis examines how these factors influence the resolution of specific conflicts between reformers and incumbents. The four cases are selected to represent different ways in which elites are able to exert control over resources and how they distribute them as well as different patterns of reformist alliances. In other words, the thesis presents an argument that corruption reform is decided, not in the design and construction of institutions but in the context of constant struggles over power and how it is organised and resources are distributed.
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6

Juliawan, Benedictus Hari. "Playing politics : labour movements in post-authoritarian Indonesia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7d799e4-5a32-4bb3-81fb-76578c78c07f.

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Since the collapse of the New Order regime in 1998, democratisation and economic liberalisation have combined to create both opportunities and constraints for the revival of organised labour in Indonesia. The picture of post-authoritarian labour movements painted by various scholars is almost universally bleak, portraying helpless trade unions in the face of economic impasse and the undemocratic remnants of the old forces. Being overtly cautious of the new democracy, this line of analysis has not done justice to Indonesian labour movements. It overestimates the ghost of the old dictatorship and underestimates the power of budding organised labour. Using trade union as the unit of analysis, this dissertation seeks to offer a different view of Indonesian labour movements. It looks at shifting political opportunities in the regions and the agency of trade unions which constitute a political force that is far from being consolidated but has certainly made a significant contribution to the broadening of democratic politics. In negotiating pressures that originate from an increasingly liberalised economy, trade unions have adopted a strategy which is called „playing politics‟ in this dissertation. The term means that in the absence of significant market power, trade unions enter into the realm of power politics primarily by organising labour as social movements and attempt to ally with political elites, exploit the conflicts that emerge within state institutions and between the state and business, and try to join the ruling classes. In developing this argument, this dissertation makes two contributions to the study of labour politics in Indonesia: its reassessment of the historiography of the first ten years of post-authoritarianism and its offer of insights into possible future directions of labour politics.
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7

Muluk, Safrul. "The Indonesian army and political Islam : a political encounter 1966-1977." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33307.

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The main objective of this study is to analyze the political struggle between the Indonesian army and Islamic political parties in the New Order era between 1966--1977. The historical background of the involvement of the army in politics and the attempt of political Islam to establish an Islamic state is a central issue that characterized the relationship between these two groups. When the New Order came to power in 1966, it has exercised strict control over politically organized Islam. With the army emerged as the most significant political force, there was no choice for political Islam except to reformulate its political agenda in order to suit national development program undertaken by the military backed government. The future of political Islam and the involvement of the army in the social and political arena in Indonesia field has since then been central to the development of political system in that country.
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8

Prasetyawan, Wahyu. "Politics of regional autonomy and business : political economy in decentralizing Indonesia, 1998-2004." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/144267.

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Kyoto University (京都大学)
0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第12430号
地博第29号
新制||地||10(附属図書館)
24266
UT51-2006-J421
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻
(主査)教授 水野 廣祐, 教授 濱下 武志, 助教授 パトリシオ・ヌネズ・アビナウレス
学位規則第4条第1項該当
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9

Mundayat, Aris Arif, and risrif@yahoo com au. "Ritual and politics in new order Indonesia : a study of discourse and counter-discourse in Indonesia." Swinburne University of Technology, 2005. http://adt.lib.swin.edu.au./public/adt-VSWT20051129.093517.

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This thesis will examine the more active role played in Java by the urban wong cilik (the underclass; literally, the 'little people') in contesting the state�s authority, particularly during the later years of the New Order regime, and following its demise in 1998. I will provide examples of social practices employed by the wong cilik in their everyday lives and in their adaptation to periods of significant social and political upheaval. These demonstrate the ways in which they are able to contest the state�s efforts to impose its authority. These practices also develop and employ a variety of subversive discourses, whose categories and values diverge significantly from the official language of government. The examination of the relative linguistic, cultural and normative autonomy of the seemingly powerless underclass reveals an extremely contested political terrain in which the wong cilik are active rather than passive agents in urban society. These ideas have developed out of urban field research sited around warungs (sidewalk food stalls), urban kampongs and in the city streets of the three Javanese cities of Yogyakarta, Surabaya, and Jakarta. These urban social spaces will be shown to be significant for the underclass because they constitute sites through which they constantly interact with diverse social groups, thereby sharpening their knowledge of the contradictions and feelings of otherness manifest between the classes in Java�s large cities. It will be shown how, in these spaces, the underclass also experience the state�s attempts at control through various officially sanctioned projects and how the underclass are able to subvert those projects through expressive means such as songs, poems and forms of mockery which combine to make the state�s dominant discourses lose much of their efficacy.
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10

Suh, Jiwon. "The Politics of Transitional Justice in Post-Suharto Indonesia." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343450141.

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Книги з теми "Indonesia politics"

1

Hatta, Mohammad. Pendidikan Nasional Indonesia =: Indonesian National Education. Clayton, Australia: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, 1985.

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2

Indonesia, society and politics. Delhi: Shipra Publications, 2003.

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3

Kingsbury, Damien. The politics of Indonesia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1998.

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4

Singh, Bilveer. Succession Politics in Indonesia. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230513563.

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5

Wieringa, Saskia. Sexual Politics in Indonesia. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403919922.

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6

The politics of Indonesia. 2nd ed. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2002.

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7

Kingsbury, Damien. The politics of Indonesia. 3rd ed. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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8

Berlatsky, Noah. Indonesia. Edited by Cribb R. B. Farmington Hills, Mich: Greenhaven Press, a part of Gale, Cengage Learning, 2014.

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9

Suryadinata, Leo. Elections and politics in Indonesia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2002.

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Macintyre, Andrew. Business and politics in Indonesia. Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia in association with Allen and Unwin, 1990.

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Частини книг з теми "Indonesia politics"

1

Philpott, Simon. "The Study of Indonesian Politics." In Rethinking Indonesia, 46–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981672_2.

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Fuller, Andy. "Indonesia." In The Palgrave International Handbook of Football and Politics, 623–38. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78777-0_31.

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Thirkell-White, Ben. "Indonesia." In The IMF and the Politics of Financial Globalization, 128–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230514089_6.

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Setiawan, Ken M. P., and Dirk Tomsa. "Islam and Politics." In Politics in Contemporary Indonesia, 85–101. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459511-6.

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Rudnyckyj, Daromir. "Market Islam in Indonesia." In Islam, Politics, Anthropology, 175–93. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444324402.ch11.

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Aspinall, Edward. "Researching Indonesian Politics: Three Generations, Three Approaches, and Three Contexts." In Producing Indonesia, edited by Eric Tagliacozzo, 237–52. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501718977-020.

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Pribadi, Yanwar. "Muslim politics." In Islam, State and Society in Indonesia, 48–69. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315473697-3.

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Pribadi, Yanwar. "Electoral politics." In Islam, State and Society in Indonesia, 136–78. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315473697-6.

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Pribadi, Yanwar. "Village politics." In Islam, State and Society in Indonesia, 179–205. New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315473697-7.

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Setiawan, Ken M. P., and Dirk Tomsa. "Indonesia in Comparative Perspective." In Politics in Contemporary Indonesia, 202–18. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429459511-13.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Indonesia politics"

1

Yustitia, Senja, Muhammad Susilo, and Subhan Afifi. "Opinion Polarisation in Indonesia Politics." In Proceedings of the 1st Asian Conference on Humanities, Industry, and Technology for Society, ACHITS 2019, 30-31 July 2019, Surabaya, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-7-2019.2287626.

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Azmy, Ana Sabhana. "Political Literacy and Money Politics in Indonesia The Phenomena of Money Politics in Jakarta's Local Election on 2017." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.41.

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Choeroni, Choeroni, and Azwan Pratama. "Nurcholish Madjid's thoughts on Islamic politics in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the Third Workshop on Multidisciplinary and Its Applications, WMA-3 2019, 11-14 December 2019, Medan, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.11-12-2019.2291804.

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Laxamanahady, Moch Syafrudin Dwi Sapto, and Sunny Ummul Firdaus. "Legal Politics of Electric Vehicle Development in Indonesia." In International Conference For Democracy and National Resilience (ICDNR 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211221.008.

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Sanjaya, Fitri Juliana, Robby Darwis Nasution, Nabillah Audia Putri Utami, and Ninda Mirantama. "Green Politics Theory: Industrialization and Environment." In 2nd International Indonesia Conference on Interdisciplinary Studies (IICIS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211206.046.

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Firnas, M. Adian. "The Dynamics of Politics Indonesia: Patrimonial Bureaucracy Model in Indonesia Period of Reform." In International Conference Recent Innovation. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0009933516671674.

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Yakub, Andi, and Jamaruddin Suro. "Local Political Dynamics: Bugis Ethnic Perception of the Urgency of Decentralization Politics in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 1st Hasanuddin International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, HICOSPOS 2019, 21-22 October 2019, Makassar, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.21-10-2019.2291533.

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Chaerowati, Dede Lilis, Nova Yuliati, and Mochamad Rochim. "Building Women’s Resources in Local Politics: A Case of Indonesia Political Women’s Caucus Karawang." In 2nd Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200225.081.

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Isdaryanto, Noorochmat. "The Politics of Sport in National Resilience Perspective." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288009.

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Warjio, Warjio, and Heri Kusmanto. "Islam and Democracy in Contemporary Politics in Indonesia: Contributions and Model." In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2288025.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Indonesia politics"

1

Bazzi, Samuel, Gabriel Koehler-Derrick, and Benjamin Marx. The Institutional Foundations of Religious Politics: Evidence from Indonesia. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25151.

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NATIONAL WAR COLL WASHINGTON DC. Bureaucratic Politics and the Spoiled F-16 Sale to Indonesia. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada441694.

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3

T., Cronin, and Santoso L. REDD+ politics in the media: a case study from Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR), 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.17528/cifor/003275.

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4

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Анотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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5

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Анотація:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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6

Chambers-Ju, Christopher, Amanda Beatty, and Rezanti Putri Pramana. Exploring the Politics of Expertise:The Indonesian Teachers’ Union and Education Policy, 2005-2020. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/101.

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Research on education politics often uses interest group pressure to explain the policy influence of teachers’ organizations. While acknowledging the power teachers’ unions have to articulate interests and shape labor policy, we explore how a less-studied variable–expertise (or the credibility of the claims they make to expertise)– shapes the policy process. In many low-and middle-income countries, teacher organizations struggle to demonstrate policy expertise and professional competence in core areas related to teaching and learning. Focusing on Indonesia from 2005-2020, we examine how the largest teachers’ organization influenced labor policy but was marginal in debates about professional standards, training, and evaluation due to its limited technical capacity and struggles to propose viable policy alternatives. Expertise is a critical policy input, and it deserves more attention in the education politics subfield. It is central for setting the agenda for policies to improve the quality of education and it has normative value for improving policy design overall.
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7

Arif, Sirojuddin, Risa Wardatun Nihayah, Niken Rarasati, Shintia Revina, and Syaikhu Usman. Of Power and Learning: DistrictHeads, Bureaucracy, and EducationPolicies in Indonesia’s Decentralised Political System. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/111.

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This paper examines the politics of education policies in a decentralised political system. Under what conditions does decentralisation promote learning-enhancing policies? Despite the numerous works that have been written on decentralisation and education, little is known about how politics influenced local education policies. To address this problem, this paper looks at the linkages between local politics, bureaucratic capacity, and the development of learning-enhancing policies in Indonesia’s decentralised political system. More specifically, it assesses how regional variation in the discretionary power of district heads over employment decisions in the state bureaucracy explains the variation in local education policies in four districts in Indonesia. The primary data were collected through in-depth interviews with political leaders, bureaucrats, district education councils, school principals, teachers, teacher organisations, parents, non-government and community-based organisations, journalists, academicians, and other relevant informants. Using Mill’s method of difference, the comparative analysis presented in this paper demonstrates that institutional constraints on the discretionary power of the district head over employment decisions in the state bureaucracy do matter for the development of learning-enhancing policies. Such constraints can pave the way for the development of the bureaucratic capacity required for governments to pursue learning-enhancing policies. Absent constraints on the discretionary power of district heads over employment decisions in the state bureaucracy, the extent to which districts implement learning-enhancing policies will depend on district heads’ commitment to student learning.
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8

Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe04.

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Анотація:
This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
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9

Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/122.

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Анотація:
This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
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10

Goode, Kayla, and Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.

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Анотація:
The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.
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