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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 18 травня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Indo-Soviet relation"

1

Khan, Surat. "Indo-Russian Strategic Relations under Putin." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).05.

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Trust, mutual understanding and compatibility, and common interests in the international system remained the pillars of Indo-Russian relations for seventy years. It brought them closer to each other to cooperate in the areas of defense, trade and technology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both New Delhi and Moscow experienced a low-level relation, but since the coming of Putin, relations between the two have taken a new turn. Besides strategic cooperation, the nations joined hands to make policies for better diplomacy, multipolar world, countering insurgencies, climate change, technology and defense cooperation and terrorism. Besides this strong partnership and common interests, Indo-Russia is facing multiple challenges, particularly in the wake of changing dynamics in Asia politics. This research intends to analyze the history of the indo-Russian strategic partnership with a specific focus on Putins era.
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2

Ghosh, Partha S. "Book Review: Indo-Soviet Relations: Problems and Prospects." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 43, no. 2 (April 1987): 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848704300210.

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3

Vavachan, Davis. "Indo-Russia Relations: A Political Analysis." Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (2022): 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3202.

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Анотація:
Global Political scenario has always been influenced by relations between the states, which in turn affects the global order. The Indo-Russia relations cannot be explained merely as a Bi-lateral relationship. The seven-decade friendship between these two Asian giants should be analysed in the spheres they collaborated in the context of the impressive magnitude of their engagements. The historic relationship had withstood the turbulence of cold war, aftermath of the collapse of USSR and the challenges posed by a unipolar world order. Russia’s resurrection after the Soviet collapse and India’s fast paced development gave these nations new arenas for cooperation and engagement. The purpose of this paper is to study this enigmatic relationship between these two nations using a theoretical approach, drawing from primary and secondary published data. By exploring Indo-Russian relations in the historical and current international scenario, this paper attempts to chart out the scope for furthering constructive engagement in the evolving Indo-Pacific scenario.
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4

Singh, Balwinder. "INDO-US STRATEGIC RELATIONS IN 21ST CENTURY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 7 (July 31, 2017): 417–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i7.2017.2148.

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The disintegration of Soviet Union had positively impacted Indo-US relations in post Cold-War era. The post Cold-War strategic scenario provided a chance to both countries to redefine their bilateral priorities. The US was always keen to improve bilateral relationship with India and therefore India initiated Defence cooperation with the US in changing strategic environment. India’s nuclear explosion [1998] had posed some divergences in Indo-US relationship. India and the US signed strategic partnership in 2000 and therefore the US set-aside its sanctions against India. India signed ‘Next Steps in Strategic Partnership’ [NSSP] with the US in 2004 and both countries started strategic dialogue in 2009. Both the nations signed a ‘New Framework for Defence Relationship’ in 2005 and ‘123 Civil Nuclear Agreement’ in 2008. India has always supported US’s ‘pivot-aria’ policy and played a meaningful role in counter China strategy. India and the US renewed their ‘New Framework for Defence Relationship’ in 2015 and signed ‘Logistic Support Agreement’ in 2016. Indo-US strategic relations were touched new heights when the Obama administration had declared India as a major Defence partner in 2016. The new US President Trump also showed its softness towards India and called Indian Prime Minister Modi as a ‘True Friend of US’. The decline of US-Pakistan strategic relations has positively affected Indo-US relations. The Pakistan factor has always affected Indo-US relations. The US administration considers that India would play a meaningful role in counter China planning. The study explores the raison d’être of Indo-US strategic partnership. The present paper intends to look into the Indo-US strategic cooperation and points out the improvement in Indo-US strategic relations in 21st century.
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5

Bukharin, Mikhail. "Soviet Historical Science and Foreign Policy Dynamics in the Late 1930s and 1940s: The Mishulin Line." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2023): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640023730-1.

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Historical scholarship in the USSR in the 1930s and 1940s developed along with the dynamics of foreign policy. The main issue that shaped the development of historical scholarship was Soviet-German relations. The Soviet alignment with Great Britain and France determined the dominance of the “anti-German” line even in those areas of historical research which, at first glance, were unrelated to modern history in general and German history in particular. Thus, this line is clearly evident in the discussion of the causes of the decline of the Harappan civilisation, which allegedly came about under pressure from the Indo-Aryan tribes, with whom Germany was implicitly identified in relevant studies in the second half of the 1930s. The initiator of the “anti-German” line in ancient history was Alexander Mishulin. After the conclusion of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Treaty on 23 August 1939, the tone of the works on ancient history changed abruptly to “Germanophile” at the initiative of the same scholar. At the same time, the first – “anti-German” – line still persisted and developed in parallel with the second. Soviet-German academic cooperation was also progressing, as can be observed in the documents of the archives of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The “pro-German line” disappeared with the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, while the “anti-German” (“anti-Indo-Aryan”) one disappeared with the independence of India in 1947 and the gradual forging of friendly relations between the USSR and India.
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6

Mohanty, Arun. "Some Reflections on Indo-Russian Trade and Economic Relations in the Post-Soviet Period." China Report 44, no. 4 (October 2008): 421–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944550804400411.

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Chaliha, FarziaYashmeen. "Russia’s interest in Pakistan and its implications on India." International journal of health sciences 6, S1 (March 15, 2022): 501–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.53730/ijhs.v6ns1.4794.

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Анотація:
The main objective of this paper is to examine the five prime reasons under which Russia had shifted its interest towards deepening their strategic relations with Pakistan keeping at stake its historic relations with India. Historically, both Soviet Union and Pakistan looked at each other either through the prism of U.S or India leaving little scope for independent foreign-policy making towards each other or even extending strategic manoeuvring. Currently, the orbit of their relations is undergoing rapid changes in the backdrop of the New Cold War. As such, besides, covering the historical background, the present study is therefore an attempt to analyse the growing geo-strategic interest of Russia in Pakistan and examine whether this reapproachment have any impact on Indo-Russian relations. In the process it also examines how their strategic synergy may alter the existing balance of power in South Asia and international peace.
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8

Shah, Ayaz Ali, Mehreen Ali, and Syed Aizaz Ali Shah. "Pakistan's Foreign Policy and Eastern Border Security Threats (1947-55)." Volume 2, Issue 2 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.55737/qjssh.449446601.

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Since Independence in 1947, Pakistan's foreign policy has been indo-centric. There were two main goals that drove foreign policy decisions during the 1947-55 period: security and foreign economic aid. Rather than going to the Soviet Union to achieve its goals, Pakistan turned to the West and offered conditional support against the spread of communism throughout South Asia. In the end, Pakistan joined the U.S.-backed anti-Soviet alliances without receiving any guarantees of security from the United States. Pakistan's foreign policy was radically altered as a result of this. Strategic, political, and economic implications of this new overture are the focus of this paper. These two phases of foreign policy are examined in terms of their costs and benefits. Pakistan's security and economic affairs will also be examined in light of this development. Relations between the United States and Pakistan and Pakistani institutions will also be considered.
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9

Nesterova, O. A., and O. L. Solodkova. "Area Studies at the Modern University: Experience in Studying International Communication Strategies." Vysshee Obrazovanie v Rossii = Higher Education in Russia 28, no. 11 (December 3, 2019): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31992/0869-3617-2019-28-144-154.

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Анотація:
In this paper, we show the importance of including the large corpus of scholarly, popular and media texts describing the experience of 20th-century Russian and Soviet Indologists in bachelor’s Asian studies programmes. We explain the significance of the practical work of Soviet Asian scholars on developing and implementing international communication strategies and practices and show that this work is topical and relevant for modern tertiary education. We emphasize the extensive experience accumulated by Russian Indologists in developing scenarios and models of interaction between Russia and Asian countries that take regional particularities into account. We examine the work of the Russian Indologist, scholar, journalist, publicist and professor Leonid Mitrokhin (1934-2002), winner of the Nehru Award (1985), who worked for over a decade in India and devoted his entire life to studying South and Central Asia. We analyse Leonid Mitrokhin’s key communicative practices, whose results are reflected in his monographs, popular books and articles. The results of our linguocultural study confirm the effectiveness of the implementation of friendly communication strategies in Indo-Soviet relations in the 1960s and 1970s. The case study of Leonid Mitrokhin’s work shows the broad range of professional competencies of Soviet Indologists, who had in-depth knowledge of the political and sociocultural makeup of South Asia, the systemic connections between individual social, economic and political groups and institutes, and the ethnopsychological, ethnocultural and religious particularities of interethnic communication. The knowledge and skills of Soviet Indologists allowed them to make accurate forecasts of the development of the political and economic situation in South Asia and neighbouring regions, promote communication, make expert assessments in key areas of interaction between the USSR and countries in the region, elaborate effective communication strategies, and shape a positive image of their country in the international arena. The study of the communication experience of Soviet Indologists shall help contemporary students to learn the methodology of area studies, develop their strategic thinking, expand their study and research interests, improve their knowledge of the region’s history and interregional relations, and learn the basics of foreign impact strategies and the practice of foreign propaganda in Asia.
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Rahman, Md Sayedur, and Shakila Tul-Kubra. "Economic dimension of India’s foreign policy towards Russia: Late 20th- early 21st century." Contemporary Research: An Interdisciplinary Academic Journal 4, no. 1 (November 8, 2020): 153–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/craiaj.v4i1.32757.

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In the international framework India is finding a larger position for itself. This hope is focused on the belief that India is a prosperous democracy with substantial human and material resources; it is an increasingly strong economic power; it has a proven record as a responsible and law-abiding regime, and as a member of the non-aligned party it has consistently shared the interests of the developing nations. Indian foreign policy makers argue that India wants to re-invent itself at this point of 'take-off' as a great force. India needs new alliance for the proposed new position, including the dominant superpower, the United States of America (US). The US has said it would turn India into a great force. This essay attempts to examine the old pattern of relations with Russia that India had enjoyed. There's an Indo-US triangular alliance taking its place. How is this current type of strategic partnership distinct from that of the Indo Soviet/ Russian alliance? However, both countries' natural desire to strive towards multi polarity in world politics has helped restore the relationship, particularly over the past decade. Remarkably, ties with the US no longer stand in the way of stronger relations between India and Russia. The turbulent security climate marked by what is frequently assumed to be the state-sponsored insurgency invulnerable Asian areas, the war in Afghanistan, and the political turmoil in both Afghanistan and Central Asian countries has paved the way for a strategic alliance between India and Russia.
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Дисертації з теми "Indo-Soviet relation"

1

Deb, Krishna Chandra. "Indo-Soviet relationship: since independence (1947-1989)." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/189.

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Mukhopadhyay, Debkumar. "INDO- SOVIET TRADE RELATION : AN ASSESSMENT IN THE CONTEXT OF DISINTEGRATION OF THE SOVIET UNION." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/575.

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Mehrotra, S. K. "Economic relations between a centrally planned and a developing market economy : Indo-Soviet trade (1970-82) and technology transfer (post-1955)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372893.

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4

JUCYTE, Elena Nora. "Indo-Soviet relations and cultural diplomacy during the premiership of Indira Gandhi." Doctoral thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1654110.

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Анотація:
The presented thesis aims to fill in the gap of in-depth studies on Indo-Soviet relations as a whole, taking into account political as well as cultural aspects of this unusual and dynamic friendship. Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of India and the face of socialists of the Congress, had initiated the collaboration with the USSR as diplomatic relations between the two countries had been established a few months before the official proclamation of independence of India. The apex of the relations was reached during Indira Gandhi’s premiership (1966-1977; 1980-1984) due to the peculiarities of Indian domestic politics and the geopolitical circumstances, which created the favourable conditions for even closer ties between the two countries and bolstered assertiveness of India as a regional power. Indo-Soviet relations are researched against the backdrop of the Cold War and Indian history, using physical and electronic documents retrieved from Indian, American, Russian, Lithuanian and Chinese archives, newspapers, magazines and monographs.
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Книги з теми "Indo-Soviet relation"

1

Indo-Soviet relations. New Delhi, India: Rima Pub. House, 1985.

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2

Kidwai, M. Saleem. Indo-Soviet relations. New Delhi, India: Rima Pub. House, 1985.

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3

1913-, Haksar P. N., and Chopra V. D, eds. Studies in Indo-Soviet relations. New Delhi: Published by Patriot Publishers on behalf of Indian Centre for Regional Affairs, 1986.

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4

Prakash, Arvind. Non-alignment and Indo-Soviet relations. Allahabad, India: Chugh Publications, 1990.

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5

Bhatia, Vinod. Indira Gandhi and Indo-Soviet relations. New Delhi: Panchsheel Publishers, 1987.

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6

Bhatt, G. D. Indo-Soviet relations and Indian public opinion. Delhi: Pacifier Publications, 1989.

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7

Bhatt, G. D. Indo-Soviet relations and Indian public opinion. Delhi: Pacifier Publications, 1989.

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8

Sharma, Subhash Chandra. Indo-Soviet trade since independence. New Delhi: Radha Publications, 1992.

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9

Bhatia, Vinod. Jawaharlal Nehru: A study in Indo-Soviet relations. New Delhi: Panchsheel Publishers, 1989.

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10

Menon, M. S. N. Indo-Soviet trade and economic ties. New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1986.

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Частини книг з теми "Indo-Soviet relation"

1

Banerjee, Jyotirmoy. "Indo-Soviet security relations." In The Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the Third World, 211–27. Cambridge University Press, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511628368.012.

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2

Bain, Mervyn. "India-Russia Relations during the United Progressive Alliance Governments, 2004–14." In Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers, 116—C4.P55. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192868060.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter analyses India-Russia relations during the period of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments led by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The first section of the chapter examines Russian strategic thought and introduces the analytical framework (defensive realism) to be used throughout the chapter; the second section charts the Indo-Soviet relationship from the time of Indian independence in 1947 until the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991; the third section examines the relationship in the early post-Soviet period; the fourth and the fifth sections focus on the ‘Manmohan Doctrine’ and the ‘Putin Doctrine’; while the sixth section examines Indo-Russian relations during the 10-year period in which the UPA was in power. The chapter concludes that despite the apparent contradictions between the two doctrines, India-Russia relations actually strengthened during the period.
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3

"Indo-Soviet economic relations: geo-political and ideological factors." In India and the Soviet Union, 18–28. Cambridge University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511559884.004.

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4

Young, John W., and John Kent. "8. Collapsing Empires: The Cold War Battle for Hearts and Minds, 1953–63." In International Relations Since 1945, 203–30. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0008.

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This chapter examines how the United States and the Soviet Union sought to win the hearts and minds of people in various parts of the world as empires began to collapse during the period 1953–63. It begins with a discussion of the end of the French Empire, taking into account the loss of French Indo-China and the start of American involvement in Vietnam, along with the collapse of French rule in Morocco and Tunisia. It then considers the crises in the Congo, Angola, and the Middle East, focusing on the zenith of the Cold War in Black Africa, Britain’s declining power, and the Suez Crisis. It concludes by looking at the end of the British Empire in Africa.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "8. Collapsing Empires: The Cold War Battle for Hearts and Minds, 1953–63." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0010.

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Анотація:
This chapter examines how the United States and the Soviet Union sought to win the hearts and minds of people in various parts of the world as empires began to collapse during the period 1953–1963. It begins with a discussion of the end of the French Empire, taking into account the loss of French Indo-China and the start of American involvement in Vietnam, along with the collapse of French rule in Morocco and Tunisia. It then considers the crises in the Congo, Angola, and the Middle East, focusing on the zenith of the Cold War in Black Africa, Britain’s declining power, and the Suez crisis. It concludes by looking at the end of the British Empire in Africa.
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6

Nayudu, Swapna Kona. "The Soviet Peace Offensive and Nehru’s India, 1953–1956." In India and the Cold War, 36–56. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469651163.003.0003.

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This chapter historicizes the intellectual changes that took place in the Indo-Soviet relationship between 1953 and 1956. An account of the view from New Delhi, the chapter's central argument is that this period should be studied as one of intense politicization of relations. The chapter has a discussion of the flurry of diplomatic activity that took place back and forth from Moscow during these year and comments on Nehru’s attempts at reciprocating the thaw, and to extend it from a purely bilateral relationship to a multilateral one, and indeed to institutionalize these relations by pushing forth his advocacy of the UN as being as accessible and amenable to the Soviet Union as much as it was to other powers.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "11. Other Regional Conflicts." In International Relations Since 1945, 284–96. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0011.

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This chapter examines conflicts in Latin America, South-East Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East during the Cold War in which the United States and the Soviet Union were involved. Lyndon B. Johnson’s decision to escalate the war in Vietnam may have been encouraged in the spring of 1965 by events in the Caribbean, where armed intervention by US Marines put a quick end to a supposed communist menace in the Dominican Republic. Arguably, this action reflected a change of priorities from the Eisenhower and Kennedy presidencies, when there were hopes of the US stimulating Latin American economic development. The chapter first considers US intervention in the Dominican Republic before discussing the Malaysia–Indonesia ‘confrontation’ of 1963–1966, the Indo–Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, and the Six Day War in 1967 between Arabs and Israelis.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "11. Other Regional Conflicts." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0014.

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Анотація:
This chapter examines conflicts in Latin America, South-East Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East during the Cold War in which the United States and the Soviet Union were involved. Lyndon B. Johnson’s decision to escalate the war in Vietnam may have been encouraged in the spring of 1965 by events in the Caribbean, where armed intervention by US Marines put a quick end to a supposed communist menace in the Dominican Republic. Arguably, this action reflected a change of priorities from the Eisenhower and Kennedy presidencies, when there were hopes of the US stimulating Latin American economic development. The chapter first considers US intervention in the Dominican Republic before discussing the Malaysia–Indonesia ‘confrontation’ of 1963–1966, the Indo–Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, and the Six Day War in 1967 between Arabs and Israel.
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9

Ravi, Chaitanya. "How the Deal Was Born." In A Debate to Remember, 1–32. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199481705.003.0001.

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Анотація:
The chapter begins with a brief history of lukewarm Indo-US relations during the Cold War and the reasons for the lack of depth. The chapter then traces the converging trends including the collapse of the Soviet Union, India’s neoliberalization, India’s 1998 nuclear tests, the Indian American diaspora, the rise of China and re-emergence of Russia that resulted in movement towards a Indo-US strategic embrace undergirded by a grand nuclear accommodation of India’s hitherto sanctioned nuclear programme culminating in the July 18, 2005 joint statement. Multiple narratives of the nuclear deal’s origins are explored and the more salient ones are highlighted. The chapter ends with a brief summary of the constructivist Science and Technology Studies (STS) approach’s key principles such as thick description, multidimensional narration and rejection of technological determinism.
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Moss, Richard A. "Divergent Channels." In Nixon's Back Channel to Moscow. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813167879.003.0005.

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Although Nixon and Kissinger superimposed a Cold War distortion on a regional situation, tried to spin stories in the media, and allowed personal biases to flavor their responses, they responded logically and perhaps justifiably when seen in the broader context of U.S.-Soviet relations. The Nixon administration steadily escalated diplomatic signals, and the top policymakers sincerely believed that India had launched external aggression—not Pakistan—with its support for Mukthi Bahini (liberation force) raids into what was then East Pakistan. Several additional themes run through Nixon and Kissinger’s response to the Indo-Pakistani War, many of which were also reflected in U.S.-Soviet back-channel communications and in the taped conversations. Not surprisingly, Nixon’s and Kissinger’s policy perceptions were clearly colored by their personal experiences with Indira Gandhi and Yahya Khan. The White House was unwilling to dismiss Yahya’s role as an honest broker in Sino-American rapprochement and likewise saw duplicity on the part of Indira Gandhi after she visited Washington, D.C., in early November 1971 and claimed that India had no desire for war with Pakistan. In addition, the surreptitiously recorded conversations between the president and his advisors are rife with gendered speech and appeals to masculine “toughness” that colored Nixon’s actions. Significantly, the frequent contact with the Soviets during the war mitigates some of the criticism of recklessness.
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