Готові списки джерел за темами / Indigenous political studies

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Indigenous political studies"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Indigenous political studies"

1

Berg, S. "The Dakota Access Pipeline, Indigenous Studies and Political Economy." Anglistik 31, no. 3 (2020): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33675/angl/2020/3/5.

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2

Prindeville, Diane-Michele, and John G. Bretting. "Indigenous Women Activists and Political Participation." Women & Politics 19, no. 1 (April 21, 1998): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v19n01_03.

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3

Barrenechea, Antonio, and Heidrun Moertl. "Hemispheric Indigenous Studies: Introduction." Comparative American Studies An International Journal 11, no. 2 (June 2013): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1477570013z.00000000041.

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4

Heilman, Jaymie Patricia. "Under Civilian Colonels:Indigenous Political Mobilization in 1920s Ayacucho, Peru." Americas 66, no. 4 (April 2010): 501–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0263.

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With his television blaring in the corner, Don Isidro Durán spoke of the men whom his neighbors had once chosen as leaders, men those neighbors labeled “colonels.” As Don Isidro described the indigenous political mobilization that rocked his rural Ayacucho community back in 1923, he explained that these colonels led their supporters in military exercises and proclaimed that President Augusto B. Leguía was “bad for the Pueblo.” Although the elderly Durán spoke with the authority of an eyewitness and the eloquence of a local intellectual, the indigenous leaders he described are essentially absent from the extensive literature on indigenous politics during Peru's 1920s. That absence is surprising, for reports of various popularly appointed colonels fill Ayacucho's archival records during Leguia'soncenio(his 1919-1930 presidency). These Ayacuchano civilian colonels were typically literate, indigenous men witxiout formal standing in the Peruvian armed forces. During the first years of the 1920s, Ayacucho peasants embraced rliese indigenous men as leaders because of their profound anger at official government authorities and their agents.
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Smith, Thomas Aneurin. "Episodes of concealing: the invisibility of political ontologies in sacred forests." cultural geographies 27, no. 3 (November 7, 2019): 333–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474019886837.

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Indigenous research has demonstrated how Indigenous ontologies are political and how they have been articulated politically to express counter-narratives to modern understandings of human–nature relations. This article argues that current characterisations of political ontology, particularly in relation to environmental conservation, have yet to fully take account of African Indigenous spiritualities. Current thinking on Indigenous ontologies and decolonial scholarship, and their political manifestations, faces two problems: (1) they assume the visibility and availability of Indigenous ontologies to ‘doing politics’ and (2) presumptions are made about the comparability of place-based Indigenous ontologies and wider attempts to reform the state, and that the political goals of Indigenous people will straightforwardly align with those of the researcher. Drawing from research on sacred natural site protection among the Nyiha in Mbozi District, southwestern Tanzania, I examine how these problems might be addressed in a context where notions of Indigeneity are articulated quite differently to those predominantly evident in current writing on Indigeneity and decolonial scholarship. Nyiha ontologies, although already-political at the local scale, resist becoming ‘available’ to environmental politics at wider scales, making straightforward notions of solidarity problematic. Through a particular encounter with Christian groups attempting to spatially appropriate Nyiha sites, I explore the various ways in which ontologies are made politically available and visible and how the Nyiha analyse Christianity as colonial. Finally, I turn to how Nyiha ontologies and their sacred forest sites are replete with ‘episodes of concealing’ and variable invisibilities, which call into question how visible practices are utilised as ‘evidence-of-ontology’, or as part of a wider decolonial project.
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6

Warrior, Robert. "Organizing Native American and Indigenous Studies." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1683–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1683.

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For me, entering this profession involved the broader context of native american and indigenous studies as well as native American literary studies. My scholarship, pedagogy, and professional connections have relied on a synergy between texts as Native authors have crafted them and the social, political, and experiential contexts from which those authors and their texts emerged. Though plenty of work in Native literary studies does not draw on the broader field of Native studies, my own approach has most often placed me firmly in the overlapping space between the two.
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7

McGloin, Colleen, and Bronwyn L. Carlson. "Indigenous Studies and the Politics of Language." Journal of University Teaching and Learning Practice 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53761/1.10.1.3.

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Language use changes over time. In Indigenous contexts, language alters to suit the shifting nature of cultural expression as this might fit with Indigenous peoples’ preference or as a consequence of changes to outdated and colonial modes of expression. For students studying in the discipline of Indigenous Studies, learning to use appropriate terminology in written and oral expression can be a source of anxiety. In this paper, we consider how providing insight into the political nature of language can help students to be mindful and to understand that systems of naming have a political impact on those being named and those doing the naming. This paper reflects the views and experiences of teaching staff at the Indigenous Studies Unit (ISU) in the Faculty of Arts at the University of Wollongong. It comes from our teaching experience, and from discussions with staff and students over the past few years that have conveyed to us a continuing anxiety about language use.
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8

Bakari, Mohamed. "The Historical and Political Backdrop to Islamic Studies in Kenya." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i3.285.

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This paper argues that the lack of serious attempts to incorporate Islamic studies in Kenya’s academic culture can best be understood by looking at the colonial and postcolonial policies toward university education there. The early missionary influence that shaped the nature of the indigenous educational system had a farreaching impact upon creating a culture of resistance among Muslims toward western education. In the postcolonial period, the new governments tried to create a level playing field for all of their citizens, regardless of religious orientation. But the colonial imapct had already left its mark on Muslims in terms of their visibility at the university level. The Kenyan government did not interfere in what academic programs should be prioritized at this level. But because Christians outnumbered Muslims in academia, their influence created a dearth of indigenous university-generated information and knowledge on Muslim institutions and society. This gap was left to foreign researchers to fill. As a result, Kenya has no indigenous Islamic intellectual culture. If this status quo does not change, Kenyan Muslims will remain vulnerable to foreign Islamist influences.
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Bakari, Mohamed. "The Historical and Political Backdrop to Islamic Studies in Kenya." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 31, no. 3 (July 1, 2014): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v31i3.285.

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This paper argues that the lack of serious attempts to incorporate Islamic studies in Kenya’s academic culture can best be understood by looking at the colonial and postcolonial policies toward university education there. The early missionary influence that shaped the nature of the indigenous educational system had a farreaching impact upon creating a culture of resistance among Muslims toward western education. In the postcolonial period, the new governments tried to create a level playing field for all of their citizens, regardless of religious orientation. But the colonial imapct had already left its mark on Muslims in terms of their visibility at the university level. The Kenyan government did not interfere in what academic programs should be prioritized at this level. But because Christians outnumbered Muslims in academia, their influence created a dearth of indigenous university-generated information and knowledge on Muslim institutions and society. This gap was left to foreign researchers to fill. As a result, Kenya has no indigenous Islamic intellectual culture. If this status quo does not change, Kenyan Muslims will remain vulnerable to foreign Islamist influences.
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10

Larson, Brooke. "Indigenous Media and Political Imaginaries in Contemporary Bolivia." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 3 (August 1, 2018): 569–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-6934029.

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Дисертації з теми "Indigenous political studies"

1

Nieves, Angelica T. "The Indigenous Movement and the Struggle for Political Representation in Bolivia." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4183.

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The theme of ethnic identity in politics is gaining importance in countries such as Bolivia, where people recently elected their first indigenous President. The Indigenous movement has been able to incorporate themselves in the state apparatus and have produced new political policies and constitutional instruments. They represent an alternative to the "white" political elites who governed them for many decades. This study analyzes the dynamics within the Indigenous social movement in Bolivia and how they reinforced a composite vision of a participatory democratic society through political representation. The results of this participation (and, moreover, political representation) can be seen in the presidential election of 2005, as well as the election of senators and deputies and the new Constitution of 2009. The case studied here provides insight into the processes of how political representation can be obtained by the oppressed and excluded, in this case the indigenous people of Bolivia, who - for centuries - were a majority governed by a white minority. In this context, the importance of ethnicity and identity, in which discourses transformed views of an indigenous consciousness, can be seen in their political demands.
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2

Scofield, Katherine Bowen. "Indigenous rights and constitutional change in Ecuador." Thesis, Indiana University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10260893.

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My dissertation, Indigenous Rights and Constitutional Change in Ecuador, is motivated by a question that has inspired a rich discussion in the political theory literature: how should democracies accommodate indigenous groups? I focus on this question in the context of indigenous participation in the 2008 Ecuadorian constitutional convention. Ecuador is an interesting case in that the constitutional convention represented an opportunity for indigenous and non-indigenous groups to discuss the very topics that concern political theorists: the ideal relationship between indigenous and non-indigenous communities, the formal recognition of indigenous groups, indigenous rights, the fair economic distribution of resources, and the nature of citizenship. However, despite the fact that indigenous groups focused on constitutional change as a vehicle for indigenous empowerment, the political theory literature is largely silent on how constitutional change can affect minority groups. This silence is indicative of a larger failure on the part of political theorists to fully consider how institutions shape the normative goals of a society. Similarly, the literature on constitutional design does not examine indigenous groups as a separate case study and, therefore, provides little guidance as to how institutions can be used to empower indigenous groups.

During the constitutional convention, indigenous people in Ecuador presented their own plan for constitutional change: plurinationalism. This paradigm combined the idea of indigenous group rights with a call for alternative means of economic development, radical environmentalism, and recognition of an intercultural Ecuadorian identity. In so doing, plurinationalism moved beyond the general parameters of group rights and/or power-sharing arrangements discussed by political theorists and constitutional design scholars. In this dissertation, therefore, I examine the underlying tenets of plurinationalism, how plurinationalism was interpreted by non-indigenous people and incorporated into the 2008 constitution, and the future constitutional implications of plurinationalism. I argue that the Ecuadorian case has implications for both the political theory and constitutional design literatures: it allows political theorists to move beyond the language of indigenous rights to consider other institutional avenues for indigenous empowerment and points to value for design scholars in considering indigenous people as a separate case study, reframing assumptions about constitution-making in divided societies.

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Shoaei, Maral. "MAS and the Indigenous People of Bolivia." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4401.

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In the past several decades, social movements have spread all across Latin America, sparking hope for change. This thesis analyzes the well-organized mobilizations of the indigenous people of Bolivia and how they have been able to incorporate themselves in state apparatuses, including the election of its first indigenous president, Evo Morales of the Movement towards Socialism (MAS) party. The case studied her provides insight into the processes if how political representation was achieved by Bolivia's indigenous people who were for centuries excluded from the political, social and economic arena. It also analyzes the outcomes of Morales' policy changes from 2006 to 2009 as a way to examine how they have impacted the marginalized status of the indigenous people. Ultimately this thesis will trace the use of social movements, especially MAS, and how they transformed the Bolivian society from below.
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4

Hartley, Bonney Elizabeth. "Government policy direction in Botswana, Namibia, and South Africa to their San communities : local implications of the International Indigenous Peoples' Movement." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3776.

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5

Devine, Guzman Tracy. "How Culture Shapes Rationality: A Study of Mayan and Miskito Communities in Guatemala and Nicaragua." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625901.

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6

Smiles, Deondre Aaron. "`Decolonized Afterlife’: Towards a New Understanding of the Political Processes Surrounding Indigenous Death." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1594845208731971.

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Zavaleta, Jennifer. "Improving the Status of Indigenous Women in Peru." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/228.

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Neoliberal agrarian reforms in Latin America have lead to both advances and set backs for the women’s and indigenous movements. While most neoliberal policies were the same in terms of goals, like creating institutions that encourage a capitalist markets, the results were somewhat heterogeneous in part due to the role of the women’s and indigenous movements in individual countries. The rise of the international women’s movement, which was marked by the UN’s decade on women from 1975-1985, coincided with an unfavorable economic climate in Latin America.
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8

Risse, Danielle Christine. ""A Graine of Marveilous Great Increase": A Political Landscape Approach to Powhatan Maize Production and Exchange in Seventeenth Century Virginia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626530.

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Woodard, Buck. "The Nottoway of Virginia: A Study of Peoplehood and Political Economy, c.1775-1875." W&M ScholarWorks, 2013. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623631.

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This research examines the social construction of a Virginia Indian reservation community during the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Between 1824 and 1877 the Iroquoian-speaking Nottoway divided their reservation lands into individual partible allotments and developed family farm ventures that mirrored their landholding White neighbors. In Southampton's slave-based society, labor relationships with White landowners and "Free People of Color" impacted Nottoway exogamy and shaped community notions of peoplehood. Through property ownership and a variety of labor practices, Nottoway's kin-based farms produced agricultural crops, orchard goods and hogs for export and sale in an emerging agro-industrial economy. However, shifts in Nottoway subsistence, land tenure and marriage practices undermined their matrilineal social organization, descent reckoning and community solidarity. With the asymmetrical processes of kin-group incorporation into a capitalist economy, questions emerge about the ways in which the Nottoway resituated themselves as a social group during the allotment process and after the devastation of the Civil War. Using an historical approach emphasizing world-systems theory, this dissertation investigates the transformation of the Nottoway community through an exploration and analysis of their nineteenth-century political economy and notions of peoplehood.
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Bette, Miriam. "Political tourism? : A critical social analysis on ecotourism and the indigenous struggle in the Ecuadorian Amazons." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Romanska och klassiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-168891.

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Enabled by a Minor Field Study scholarship from SIDA, this thesis examines indigenous involvement in ecotourism in the Ecuadorian Amazons. Indigenous people are the most marginalized social group world-wide, and coincidingly often live in resource rich pristine land. The oil-rich lands of the Amazons is called a resource frontier and is now increasingly important for the tourism sector, which comes to entail conflict of interests between the State and indigenous communities living in this area. Both the global call for sustainable development and national policies of “Buen Vivir” promotes ecotourism as an ecologically, socio-economically, and culturally sustainable activity. Scholarly opinion suggest that ecotourism generates potential tools of empowerment for the involved indigenous communities. With this backdrop and with the theoretical framework of the postcolonial debate, main opportunities and challenges are examined with the correlation of tourism ventures and socio-political implications in the local reality of indigenous organizations in Tena, Napo. Complex impediments are uncovered and analysed within the social field of indigenous ecotourism. The conviction of the study holds the call for attentive cross-cultural communication in order to continue the seemingly inevitable path of globalization in a more sustainable and non-discriminatory manner.
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Книги з теми "Indigenous political studies"

1

Sam, Garkawe, Kelly Loretta, Fisher Warwick, and University of Sydney. Institute of Criminology., eds. Indigenous human rights. Sydney NSW: Sydney Institute of Criminology, University of Sydney Faculty of Law, 2001.

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2

Olufemi, Vaughan, ed. Tradition and politics: Indigenous political stuctures and governance in Africa. Trenton NJ: Africa World Press, 2005.

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3

Driskill, Qwo-Li. Queer indigenous studies: Critical interventions in theory, politics, and literature. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2011.

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4

Maddison, Sarah, and Morgan Brigg. Unsettling the settler state: Creativity and resistance in indigenous settler-state governance. Annandale, N.S.W: Federation Press, 2011.

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Driskill, Qwo-Li. Queer indigenous studies: Critical interventions in theory, politics, and literature. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2011.

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6

Folds, Ralph. Crossed purposes: The Pintupi and Australia's indigenous policy. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2001.

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7

Black politics: Inside the complexity of Aboriginal political culture. Crows Nest, N.S.W: Allen & Unwin, 2009.

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8

Paul, Spoonley, ed. Recalling aotearoa: Indigenous politics and ethnic relations in New Zealand. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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9

Identities in transition: Challenges for transitional justice in divided societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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10

Indigenous minorities and the future of good governance in Cameroon: An inquiry into the politics of local governance in the local councils of Fako Division, 1866-2001. Buea, Cameroon: Center for Research on Democracy and Development in Africa, 2001.

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Частини книг з теми "Indigenous political studies"

1

Mabingo, Alfdaniels. "Historical, Sociocultural, and Political Contexts of Indigenous Dance Practices in Uganda." In Critical Studies in Dance Leadership and Inclusion, 9–24. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5844-3_2.

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2

Nxumalo, Fikile, and Maria F. G. Wallace. "In Conversation with Fikile Nxumalo: Refiguring Onto-Epistemic Attunements for Im/possible Science Pedagogies." In Palgrave Studies in Education and the Environment, 321–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79622-8_20.

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AbstractThis chapter elucidates critical concepts of place in relation to Black-feminist and more-than-human geographies in the context of early childhood education. This conversation helps get at pressing political contexts for science education that are often excluded in white educational spaces. Our conversation with Dr. Nxumalo offers practical starting points for researchers interested in playing with the messy intersections of materiality, settler-colonialism, white supremacy, Indigenous knowledges, and more-than-human kin.
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3

Vanhees, Katrijn. "Politics of oneness and Twa’s struggle for land." In Critical Indigenous Rights Studies, 46–64. Abingdon, Oxon [UK] ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315189925-3.

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4

Turner, Dale. "On the politics of Indigenous translation." In Routledge Handbook of Critical Indigenous Studies, 175–88. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429440229-16.

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Kidman, Joanna. "Indigenous Youth, Nationhood, and the Politics of." In Handbook of Children and Youth Studies, 1–10. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-4451-96-3_49-1.

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Van Alst Jr., Theodore C. "The politics of language in Indigenous cinema." In Routledge Handbook of Critical Indigenous Studies, 501–10. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429440229-43.

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Kidman, Joanna. "Indigenous Youth, Nationhood, and the Politics of BelongingIndigenous Youth Nationhood Belonging." In Handbook of Children and Youth Studies, 637–49. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-4451-15-4_49.

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Azam-Ali, Sayed, Hayatullah Ahmadzai, Dhrupad Choudhury, Ee Von Goh, Ebrahim Jahanshiri, Tafadzwanashe Mabhaudhi, Alessandro Meschinelli, Albert Thembinkosi Modi, Nhamo Nhamo, and Abidemi Olutayo. "Marginal Areas and Indigenous People Priorities for Research and Action." In Science and Innovations for Food Systems Transformation, 261–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15703-5_14.

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AbstractMarginal environments are characterized by constrained agricultural potential and resource degradation attributable to biophysical and politico-socio-economic factors. These environments and the indigenous people who cultivate them rarely attract academic interest, policy studies or investment. The agricultural expertise of indigenous communities is often overlooked by decision-makers. Interventions based on mainstream crops and external technologies may fail indigenous communities where a vast range of crops are cultivated in diverse production systems and in marginal environments. Hunger, malnutrition, and poverty in indigenous communities are high. The challenges should be approached from the perspectives and resources of indigenous people. In this chapter, we discuss four biogeographical regions, arid, semi-arid, humid and mountainous, representing large parts of marginal lands and innovations, investment opportunities, and proposed action for the transformation of food systems in these areas. Marginal areas and indigenous people can benefit from improved linkages between formal and indigenous knowledge systems, participatory and demand-driven technologies, integration of indigenous knowledge in research, improvements in local crops, integrated management and access to markets. Our recommendations for the transformation of food systems in these areas include (1) Efforts to mainstream diverse value chains, (2) Development of evidence-based policies (3) Awareness of under-utilized and forgotten crops (4) Collective action and (5) Coordinated public and private investment in research and development for the empowerment of indigenous people and the development of their land.
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Dutt, Priyanka, Anastasya Fateyeva, Michelle Gabereau, and Marc Higgins. "Redrawing Relationalities at the Anthropocene(s): Disrupting and Dismantling the Colonial Logics of Shared Identity Through Thinking with Kim Tallbear." In Palgrave Studies in Education and the Environment, 109–19. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-79622-8_7.

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AbstractWhat does it mean to respond to the Anthropocenes, plural, when doing science education? Specifically, can we critically engage with the Anthropocene, singular, without responding to the multiplicity in which Indigenous land and its many facets within the global community were at risk of destruction from Man? In this work, we contemplate the urgency of the inclusion of Indigenous philosophies and ways-of-knowing within the arching body politic, giving space to these practices that have been otherwise silenced within and beyond Western colonial frames. We argue that if the ways of thinking and practicing science and science education continue to stem from settler colonialism, capitalism, and toxicity, having previously and continually been responsible for the erasure of Indigeneity, the response within the Anthropocene will be multitudinously harmful. Here, we turn to Dakota scholar, Kim Tallbear, (Native American DNA: Tribal belonging and the false promise of genetic belonging, University of Minnesota Press, 2013) and her work in the intersections of identity, science, settler relations, and Indigeneity with the use of provocative imagery to the innate feeling of and within the Anthropocene(s).
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Shava, Soul, and Nkopodi Nkopodi. "Indigenising the University Curriculum in Southern Africa." In Indigenous Studies, 243–54. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-0423-9.ch013.

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The academic landscape in higher education institutions (universities) in southern Africa (countries in SADC)) remains highly influenced by western epistemologies. This is despite the fact that these academic institutions are situated in independent states. The research and teaching activities in universities are entrenched within western theories and knowledge disciplines that are presented as neutral, universal and singular. The implication is that while we celebrate political independence we are still entrapped in continuing coloniality. This points to a need for reframing the curriculum to prioritise the interests of Africans. This chapter explores possible factors that contribute to the continued alienation of indigenous knowledges in southern African universities. It argues that in order to achieve the indigenisation of universities in Africa there is a need for a decolonial process to subvert and decentre western epistemologies by offering African Indigenous epistemologies and African-centred standpoints as alternatives in research and teaching processes in the academy.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Indigenous political studies"

1

Silubun, Anton, Abdul Razak, Muhammad Yunus, and Romi Librayonto. "Legal Politics of the Establishment of Traditional Kampung in Empowering Indigenous Communities in Papua Province." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Indonesian Legal Studies, ICILS 2021, June 8-9 2021, Semarang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.8-6-2021.2314328.

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2

Bhat, Raj Nath. "Language, Culture and History: Towards Building a Khmer Narrative." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2019. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2019.3-2.

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Genetic and geological studies reveal that following the melting of snows 22,000 years ago, the post Ice-age Sundaland peoples’ migrations as well as other peoples’ migrations spread the ancestors of the two distinct ethnic groups Austronesian and Austroasiatic to various East and South–East Asian countries. Some of the Austroasiatic groups must have migrated to Northeast India at a later date, and whose descendants are today’s Munda-speaking people of Northeast, East and Southcentral India. Language is the store-house of one’s ancestral knowledge, the community’s history, its skills, customs, rituals and rites, attire and cuisine, sports and games, pleasantries and sorrows, terrain and geography, climate and seasons, family and neighbourhoods, greetings and address-forms and so on. Language loss leads to loss of social identity and cultural knowledge, loss of ecological knowledge, and much more. Linguistic hegemony marginalizes and subdues the mother-tongues of the peripheral groups of a society, thereby the community’s narratives, histories, skills etc. are erased from their memories, and fabricated narratives are created to replace them. Each social-group has its own norms of extending respect to a hearer, and a stranger. Similarly there are social rules of expressing grief, condoling, consoling, mourning and so on. The emergence of nation-states after the 2nd World War has made it imperative for every social group to build an authentic, indigenous narrative with intellectual rigour to sustain itself politically and ideologically and progress forward peacefully. The present essay will attempt to introduce variants of linguistic-anthropology practiced in the West, and their genesis and importance for the Asian speech communities. An attempt shall be made to outline a Khymer narrative with inputs from Khymer History, Art and Architecture, Agriculture and Language, for the scholars to take into account, for putting Cambodia on the path to peace, progress and development.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Indigenous political studies"

1

Tadros, Mariz, ed. What About Us? Global Perspectives on Redressing Religious Inequalities. Institute of Development Studies, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.005.

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How can we make religious equality a reality for those on the margins of society and politics? This book is about the individual and collective struggles of the religiously marginalised to be recognised and their inequalities, religious or otherwise, redressed. It is also about the efforts of civil society, governments, multilateral actors, and scholars to promote freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) whatever shape they take. The actors and contexts that feature in this book are as diverse as health workers in Israel, local education authorities in Nigeria, indigenous movements in India, Uganda, or South Africa, and multilateral actors such as the Islamic Development Bank in Sudan and the World Bank in Pakistan. Some of the case studies engage with development discourses and narratives or are undertaken by development actors, while other cases operate completely outside the international development paradigm. These case studies present some important insights, which while highly relevant for their contexts also draw out important insights for academics, practitioners, activists, and others who have an interest in redressing religious inequalities for socioeconomically marginalised populations.
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2

Bano, Masooda. International Push for SBMCs and the Problem of Isomorphic Mimicry: Evidence from Nigeria. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/102.

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Establishing School-Based Management Committees (SBMCs) is one of the most widely adopted and widely studied interventions aimed at addressing the learning crisis faced in many developing countries: giving parents and communities a certain degree of control over aspects of school management is assumed to increase school accountability and contribute to improvements in learning. Examining the case of Nigeria, which in 2005 adopted a national policy to establish SBMCs in state schools, this paper reviews the evidence available on SBMCs’ ability to mobilise communities, and the potential for this increased community participation to translate into improved learning. The paper shows that while local community participation can help improve school performance, the donor and state supported SBMCs struggle to stay active and have positive impact on school performance. Yet for ministries of education in many developing countries establishing SBMCs remains a priority intervention among the many initiatives aimed at improving education quality. The paper thus asks what makes the establishment of SBMCs a priority intervention for the Nigerian government. By presenting an analysis of the SBMC-related policy documents in Nigeria, the paper demonstrates that an intervention aimed at involving local communities and developing bottom-up approaches to identifying and designing education policies is itself entirely a product of top-down policy making, envisioned, developed, and funded almost entirely by the international development community. The entire process is reflective of isomorphic mimicry—a process whereby organisations attempt to mimic good behaviour to gain legitimacy, instead of fixing real challenges. Adopting the policy to establish SBMCs, which is heavily promoted by the international development community and does not require actual reform of the underlying political-economy challenges hindering investment in education, enables education ministries to mimic commitment to education reforms and attain the endorsement of the international community without addressing the real challenges. Like all cases of isomorphic mimicry, such policy adoption and implementation has costs: national ministries, as well as state- and district-level education authorities, end up devoting time, resources, and energy to planning, designing, and implementing an intervention for which neither the need nor the evidence of success is established. Additionally, such top-down measures prevent state agencies from identifying local opportunities for delivering the same goals more effectively and perhaps at a lower cost. The paper illustrates this with the case of the state of Kano: there is a rich indigenous culture of supporting community schools, yet, rather than learning why local communities support certain kinds of school but not state schools, and trying to replicate the lessons in state schools, the SBMC model introduced is designed by development agencies at the national level and is administratively complicated and resource-intensive. The opportunity for local learning has not been realised; instead, both the agenda and the implementation framework have been entirely shaped by international aid agencies. The paper thus demonstrates how apparently positive policy interventions resulting from pressure exerted by the international community could be having unintended consequences, given the national-level political-economy dynamics.
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