Готові списки джерел за темами / Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa

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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 29 вересня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa"

1

Little, David. "A Different Kind of Justice: Dealing with Human Rights Violations in Transitional Societies." Ethics & International Affairs 13 (March 1999): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1999.tb00327.x.

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In “transitional societies” like South Africa and Bosnia, which are currently moving from authoritarianism, and often violent repression, to democracy, questions arise about the appropriate way to deal with serious human rights offenders. Will a system of retributive justice bring about the healing and harmony necessary for peace and stability? Or, is “a different kind of justice” required, one explicitly aimed at reconciliation, and designed to repair and restore relations, and, perhaps, to forgive offenders rather than prosecute them? Are the systems mutually exclusive, or can they be combined in some way?In an effort to clarify terms and sharpen practical choices, this essay distinguishes between retributive and restorative justice and relates the distinction to constructive proposals concerning the ideas of forgiveness and reconciliation. The essay then applies the proposed framework to two recent efforts to cope with the problem: the truth and reconciliation commissions of South Africa and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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2

Verwoerd, Wilhelm J. "Toward the Truth About the Trc: a Response To Key Moral Criticisms of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Religion and Theology 6, no. 3 (1999): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00209.

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AbstractIn this article the 'genre' of the TRC Report is clarified in order to answer some of the criticisms of the TRC. It is argued that the TRC conceptualised its role as the promotion of restorative justice rather than retributive justice. Justice and reconciliation is served not by isolating perpetrators of gross human rights violations but by restoring human community. Different aspects of the effects of the TRC's work are considered, namely reconciliation, amnesty and forgiveness Justice-based and reconciliation-based criticisms of the TRC are answered.
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3

Ujomu, Philip Ogochukwu. "Africa’s Crisis of Social and Political Order and the Significance of Ubuntu Human Values for Peace and Development." Culture and Dialogue 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2020): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-12340077.

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Abstract Social life across the African continent is largely threatened by intolerance, injustice, lack of equal opportunity, inequity in resource distribution, lack of compassion, unfair treatment and disrespect for others’ rights, as well as compromising intrusion of ethnicity, corruption, terrorism and religion into affairs of the state. So, Africans largely struggle with the political problem of building and sustaining societies and institutions that can be civil and compliant to the rule of law. There exists an African problem of political justice (obedience to constitutional and procedural law and order) and social justice (fair treatment and equal opportunities). Disorder and parochialism in a sociopolitical system are mainly instigated by inefficiency and over-politicization of major developmental institutions. We recommend some human values of Ubuntu such as mutual respect, cooperation for the common good and the pursuit of reconciliation as pillars for stable and viable political and social order across most parts of Africa.
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4

Rojas, Hugo, Salvador Millaleo, and Miriam Shaftoe. "Transitional Justice in Established Democracies: Analysis of the Canadian, South African, and Chilean experiences." Latin American Legal Studies 10, no. 2 (2022): 470–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.15691/0719-9112vol10n2a9.

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Анотація:
In the last four decades, theories and mechanisms of transitional justice have been formulated and implemented in numerous countries, forming an interdisciplinary theoretical and practical corpus. This paper proposes to expand the scope of transitional justice so that it can be applied in stable democracies. The proposed reformulation could be useful to address structural injustices affecting indigenous peoples, that are a legacy of colonialism and assimilationist policies, and to address acts of state repression that constitute serious human rights violations. These reflections are formulated on the basis of three recent case studies: 1) from the Canadian experience, the Royal Commission on Indigenous Peoples, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls are analyzed; 2) from South Africa, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Constituent Process and the Land Reform are discussed; and 3) from the Chilean case, the link between social unrest and transitional justice, as well as the Constituent Process, are explained.
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5

Nako, Nontsasa. "On the record with Judge Jody Kollapen." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 66 (April 18, 2019): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/v0n66a6242.

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With the revelations by Bosasa officials at the State Capture Enquiry, held in early 2019, laying bare the corrupt links between prisons, detention centres and border control, and high ranking political and government officials, the time is ripe to excavate the capitalist interests that fuel incarceration in this country. How did the prison industrial complex overtake the lofty principles that ushered in the South African democratic era? Judge Jody Kollapen is well-placed to speak to about the evolution of the South African prison from a colonial institute that served to criminalise and dominate 'natives', to its utility as instrument of state repression under apartheid, to its present manifestation in the democratic era. He has laboured at the coalface of apartheid crime and punishment through his work as an attorney in the Delmas Treason Trial, and for the Sharpeville Six, and also worked as a member of Lawyers for Human Rights, where he coordinated the 'Release Political Prisoners' programme, Importantly, Justice Kollapen had a ringside seat at the theatre of our transition from apartheid to democracy as he was part of the selection panel that chose the commissioners for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Many questions can be asked of the South African TRC including whether it was the best mechanism to deal with the past and whether it achieved reconciliation. What concerns us here is its impact on crime and punishment in the democratic era. If our transition was premised on restorative justice, then shouldn’t that be the guiding principle for the emerging democratic state? In line with this special edition’s focus on the impact of incarceration on the marginalized and vulnerable, Judge Kollapen shares some insights on how the prison has fared in democratic South Africa, and how imprisonment affects communities across the country. As an Acting Judge in the Constitutional Court, a practitioner with a long history of civic engagement, and someone who has thought and written about criminalization, human rights and prisons, Judge Kollapen helps us to think about what decolonization entails for prisons in South Africa.
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6

Nako, Nontsasa. "On the record with Judge Jody Kollapen." South African Crime Quarterly, no. 66 (April 18, 2019): 53–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3108/2018/i66a6242.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
With the revelations by Bosasa officials at the State Capture Enquiry, held in early 2019, laying bare the corrupt links between prisons, detention centres and border control, and high ranking political and government officials, the time is ripe to excavate the capitalist interests that fuel incarceration in this country. How did the prison industrial complex overtake the lofty principles that ushered in the South African democratic era? Judge Jody Kollapen is well-placed to speak to about the evolution of the South African prison from a colonial institute that served to criminalise and dominate 'natives', to its utility as instrument of state repression under apartheid, to its present manifestation in the democratic era. He has laboured at the coalface of apartheid crime and punishment through his work as an attorney in the Delmas Treason Trial, and for the Sharpeville Six, and also worked as a member of Lawyers for Human Rights, where he coordinated the 'Release Political Prisoners' programme, Importantly, Justice Kollapen had a ringside seat at the theatre of our transition from apartheid to democracy as he was part of the selection panel that chose the commissioners for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). Many questions can be asked of the South African TRC including whether it was the best mechanism to deal with the past and whether it achieved reconciliation. What concerns us here is its impact on crime and punishment in the democratic era. If our transition was premised on restorative justice, then shouldn’t that be the guiding principle for the emerging democratic state? In line with this special edition’s focus on the impact of incarceration on the marginalized and vulnerable, Judge Kollapen shares some insights on how the prison has fared in democratic South Africa, and how imprisonment affects communities across the country. As an Acting Judge in the Constitutional Court, a practitioner with a long history of civic engagement, and someone who has thought and written about criminalization, human rights and prisons, Judge Kollapen helps us to think about what decolonization entails for prisons in South Africa.
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7

Mendy, Ousu. "APPRAISAL OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURTS: LESSONS FOR THE GAMBIA ON JAMMEH’S ALLEGED CRIMES." Justitia et Pax 38, no. 2 (December 9, 2022): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24002/jep.v38i2.6305.

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This research is determined to present an appraisal of International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (hereinafter referred to as ICTR) from an international law perspective in their quest to serve justice after the perpetration of the heinous atrocities of genocide in 1994 in Rwanda and other criminal tribunals and courts. It examines the failure of the international community to intervene, the raison d’être of ICTR as the main tribunal in this research and its fate. It focuses on the national mechanisms and the need for The Gambia to achieve justice for victims of the former President, Yahya Jammeh by reflecting on Rwanda. These findings are used to gauge The Gambia’s Truth, Reconciliation and Reparations Commission’s (hereinafter referred to as the TRRC) recommendations and The Gambia’s white paper on Jammeh’s alleged crimes. It examines the violation of human rights, the prospects of this white paper and my perspective on possible mechanisms for social justice, integration and cohesion in The Gambia. This research, therefore, finds out that a hybrid court led by The Gambia and supported by judges in Africa is quite relevant to dealing with these alleged crimes because it is established with the aim of addressing this issue of Jammeh’s alleged human rights violations. This is so when The Gambia liaises with the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States to strengthen this hybrid court by providing this court with judges of outstanding legal acumen in hearing cases of such.
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8

Cohen, Stanley. "State Crimes of Previous Regimes: Knowledge, Accountability, and the Policing of the Past." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 7–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00681.x.

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Анотація:
The policy of lustration is set in the context of responses to abuses of power by previous regimes. Using examples from three recent forms of social reconstruction (in Latin America, the former communist states, and South Africa), the author reviews the “justice in transition” debate. How do societies going through democratization confront the human rights violations committed by the previous regime? Five aspects of this debate are reviewed: (1) truth: establishing and confronting the knowledge of what happened in the past; (2) justice: making offenders accountable for their past violations through three possible methods: punishment through the criminal law, compensation and restitution, and mass disqualification such as lustration; (3) impunity: giving amnesty to previous offenders; (4) expiation; and (5) reconciliation and reconstruction. A concluding discussion raises the implications of the subject for the study of time and social control.
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9

Popkin, Margaret, and Nehal Bhuta. "Latin American Amnesties in Comparative Perspective: Can the Past Be Buried?" Ethics & International Affairs 13 (March 1999): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1999.tb00329.x.

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Анотація:
Throughout Latin America during the past 15 years, new democratic or postwar governments have faced demands for transitional justice following the end of authoritarian rule or the conclusion of internal armed conflicts.Demands for justice for serious past abuses have often been met by threats of destabilization by the perpetrators and calls for forgiving and forgetting in the name of reconciliation.Although recent developments in and interpretations of international law oblige states to punish those responsible for serious human rights violations, many transitional governments insist that reconciliation requires broad amnesty laws. This essay first reviews basic legal and conceptual issues relating to prosecution of, and grants of amnesty to, those responsible for gross human rights abuses during earlier periods. A comparative examination follows, starting with El Salvador, where the amnesty law constitutes the most comprehensive and successful action to end efforts to address past abuses. The essay then reviews the status of efforts in Argentina, Chile, Honduras, Guatemala, and South Africa, where, despite amnesty laws, civil society and courts have sought to uncover the truth about the past, hold perpetrators accountable, and obtain redress for victims.
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10

زوردەشت, پەریان. "Evaluating the mechanisms of transitional justice in Iraq (a critical study)." Journal for Political and Security Studies 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 11–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31271/jopss.10057.

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Transitional justice is one of the most important factors for the political stability of countries. Especially in countries whose political system is going through a stage of transition from a state of grave violations of human rights to a stage of commitment to the protection of human rights, or countries that are exposed to political and economic crises that force them to go through transitional stages. Among these experiences stands out the experience of transitional justice in Iraq, which began since the United States occupied Iraq in 2003, passed through several stages, adopted several mechanisms, and established many institutions and laws that took upon themselves the achievement of the goals of transitional justice, and were directly or indirectly reflected on the political process in Iraq. In view of the above, a number of questions are raised, perhaps the most prominent of which are: What are the mechanisms of transitional justice that were applied in Iraq after 2003? Were these mechanisms able to achieve the goals of transitional justice? In order to study this problem, The research stems from the hypothesis that “the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms in Iraq after 2003 was carried out in a selective manner that lacks transitional justice standards, and the achievement of national reconciliation, due to the different goals and orientations of the political elites in Iraq and their external connections, which led to the failure of transitional justice in Iraq.” The most important results of this study were; It is not to benefit from the international experiences of transitional justice, especially the models closest to Iraq, such as South Africa, and to seek the assistance of experts in the field from those countries that share with Iraq the past of dictatorial rule and division on racial grounds.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa"

1

McConnell, Jesse. "A just culture : restoring justice towards a culture of human rights." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007594.

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Анотація:
This thesis seeks to investigate the possibility that the binary opposition between retributive and restorative forms of justice that structures the discourse on justice is unhelpful and unnecessary, particularly for societies seeking to extricate themselves from violent conflict and towards building peace and democracy. I shall argue for the importance of considering restorative justice as conceptually and historically prior to the possibility of retributive justice rather than the negation of one or the other, as well as advocate the potentially greater transformative power of the values of restorative justice which may provide a constructive alternative to retributive justice in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding.
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2

Abduroaf, Muneer. "Truth Commissions: Did the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission serve the purpose for which it was established?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6028_1359554144.

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Since the 1980&rsquo
s, many dictatorships around the world have been replaced by new democracies. These old dictatorships were notorious for their human rights abuses. Many people were killed and tortured
and many others were disappeared. When the new governments came into power, they had to confront these injustices that were perpetrated under the predecessor regime. This was necessary to create a culture of human rights
promote a respect for the law and access to justice. Many confronted these injustices in different ways, some granted amnesty, some prosecuted and others instituted truth commissions. This research paper focuses on truth commissions. The research focuses particularly on the study of the South African Truth Commission. The mandate of the South African Truth Commission is analysed and the investigation into whether the commission served the purpose for which it had been established is discussed.

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3

Bosire, Lydiah Kemunto. "Judicial statecraft in Kenya and Uganda : explaining transitional justice choices in the age of the International Criminal Court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fa1f9f19-174e-47a2-a288-d4d0312786b7.

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Transitional justice has undergone tremendous shifts since it was first used in Latin American and Eastern European countries to address post-authoritarian and post-communist legacies of atrocity and repression. In particular, the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) has increased the demand for prosecutions within a field that was previously marked by compromise and non-prosecution. While there are increasing expectations that countries with unresolved claims of human rights abuses should enact transitional justice policies, most of the literature on the subject largely omits to explain how elites from those countries choose among the possible options of transitional justice, and specifically, how they choose among international prosecutions, domestic prosecutions, and truth-seeking. Using case studies of Kenya and Uganda, this dissertation examines this decision-making process to understand how elites choose and reject different transitional justice policies. Theoretically, the research examines how preferences for transitional justice policies are constituted through “judicial statecraft”: the strategic efforts by heterogeneous, interest-pursuing elites to use justice-related policies as carrots and sticks in the overall contestation of power. The research finds that the choices of elites about judicial statecraft depend on three factors: the extent to which the elites are secure that their policy choices cannot be subverted from within; the cost and credibility of transitional justice threats; and the effects, both intended and unintended, of history.
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4

Hay, Mark. "Ukubuyisana reconciliation in South Africa /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.

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5

Matignon, Emilie. "La justice en transition. Le cas du Burundi." Thesis, Pau, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PAUU2015.

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En réponse aux cycles de violences de masse et à la guerre civile qui ont jalonné son histoire douloureuse, le Burundi s’est engagé dans un processus de justice transitionnelle, officiellement depuis la signature des Accords de paix d’Arusha en 2000. Malgré la mobilisation des énergies internationales et l’omniprésence de la problématique au sein du débat public depuis douze ans, seules des consultations nationales destinées à recueillir l’avis de la population burundaise sur le sujet ont été organisées en 2009. Á l’aube de la mise en place d’une Commission Nationale de Vérité et de Réconciliation, à laquelle devrait être associé un tribunal spécial, le constat de la nature globale de la justice transitionnelle s’impose. Cette globalité s’exprime à travers le recours à des instruments à la fois judiciaires et extra-judiciaires mais également à des outils ayant vocation à s’appliquer de façon immédiate (ou conjoncturelle) et durable (ou structurelle). D’une part, dans une perspective normative et légaliste, le processus global de justice transitionnelle semble être cause d’inerties et de blocages comme peut a priori l’illustrer le cas du Burundi. D’autre part, à la lumière d’une approche systémique et inclusive, la globalité est au contraire source d’évolutions et d’émulations qui stimulent la créativité de la justice transitionnelle comme le démontre également le Burundi. Cette justice elle-même en transition est en réalité une justice réconciliatrice porteuse de doutes mais aussi d’espoirs. Elle est une justice complexe qui s’invente chaque jour, qui ne peut être efficace et efficiente qu’à condition d’être adaptée, légitime et appropriée par ceux à qui elle est destinée. Elle implique que soient trouvées des réponses satisfaisantes aux souffrances et aux besoins indissociables des victimes et des auteurs des violences de masse d’hier et des injustices sociales d’aujourd’hui. Elle a aussi pour ambition de prévenir la commission des crimes du futur en participant au renforcement de l’État de droit et, de façon plus globale, de rompre avec l’histoire de violences symboliques et actives subies et perpétrées au Burundi
As an answer to cycles of mass violence in Burundi, a transitional justice process has been opened. The Burundian case study presents some particularities among this kind of process. Whereas the Arusha peace and reconciliation agreement for Burundi in 2000 decided setting up two transitional justice instruments, a special court and a Truth Reconciliation Commission, the transitional justice process has not begun yet. Only National Consultations were organized in 2009. The negotiations and the mediation occurred during the ongoing war. There were no winners and no losers but just armed men who decided to discuss in order to conquer the power and then to keep it. That may explain why negotiations were so longer and staggered. A sort of consociativisme system was set up in Burundi as the model organization of power-sharing. Inside the politic game of power-sharing the peace-justice dilemma appears through instrumentalization of retributive justice which is assimilated to justice and the truth and pardon which claim referring to peace. Another particularity is found regarding numerous judicial and legal reforms relatively to children rights, lands conflict, electoral law or Criminal Code. On the eve of the implementation of the Truth Reconciliation Commission, the global nature of the transitional justice process is obvious. The Burundian context appears as an illustration of the extensive meaning of transitional justice which represents a justice in transition. The global nature of the matter is emerging through its temporal and disciplinary versatility. On one hand, transitional justice seems to be past justice, currently justice and future justice at the same time and on the other hand it may take several forms out of the official one, initially predicted. In a legalist and normative view, global nature of justice in transition might cause deadlock regarding the case of Burundi. In a systemic and multidisciplinary perspective, global nature of justice in transition reveals change capacities according to the case of Burundi. What really matter in such transitional justice process is relieving victims and perpetrators’sufferings which are undeniably linked and bringing answers to each protagonist of the crime as to the society with the permanent and ambitious aim of reconciliation
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6

Asmal, Kader. "Victims, survivors and citizens: human rights, reparations and reconciliation: inaugural lecture." University of the Western Cape Printing Department, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/69386.

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Анотація:
The professorial inaugural lecture is for the university an occasion to celebrate - celebrate in the full meaning of the word, i.e. to perform publicly and duly, to observe and honour with rites and festivities, to publish abroad, praise and extol. Through the custom of the inaugural lecture the university celebrates and affirms its basic function, that of creating, preserving, transmitting and applying knowledge, particularly scientifically-based knowledge. The university appoints to the position of professor one who has attained excellence in the handling of knowledge in her or his discipline, and through a jealous watchfulness over the dignity and esteem of this time-honoured position of excellence amongst scholars, defends the capacity of the university to advance human knowledge and human progress. The University of the Western Cape is particularly honoured to celebrate by way of this address the inauguration of its first ever Professor of Human Rights Law. We take pride from both the position and the incumbent: the post demonstrates our commitment to scholarly relevance, the incumbent to the pursuit of excellence. This university has distinguished itself amongst South African educational institutions for the way that it has grappled with questions of appropriate intellectual and educational responses to the demands of the social and political environment. That search involved debates and contests over what constitutes knowledge or valuable knowledge, over the nature of the process of knowledge production, over the relationship between theory and practice, about autonomy and accountability, about the meaning of "community" and about how the activities of a university are informed by the definition and conception of "community". The decision to establish a chair in Human Rights Law was arrived at as part of that process of searching for the appropriate forms of curricular transformation. South African society with its history of colonial conquest and latterly apartheid rule is one bereft of a rights culture; and where the discussion of a bill of rights and the general establishment of an awareness of human rights had been started in recent times, it has often been motivated by a concern with the protection of traditionally advantaged sectors of society. A university like ours has an obligation to contribute to the debate about and the promotion of human rights in ways which will also be concerned with healing, reparation and reconstruction in this severely brutalised nation. In this address marking his formal assumption of the University of the Western Cape’s Chair in Human Rights Law, Kader Asmal gives testimony of the depth of scholarly rigour and the breadth of humane concern brought to and emanating from this position. The integral coming together of Asmal the international scholar, the anti-apartheid activist of long standing, the seasoned international solidarity worker, the spirited publicist is evidenced in this address which is sure to stand as a signal point of reference in our national debate about this complex subject. The University had been privileged to attract to its staff some of the finest scholars from the ranks of the formerly exiled South Africans; this inaugural ceremony provides the institution with the opportunity to welcome into its midst one of those in the person of Kader Asmal.
Publications of the University of the Western Cape ; series A, no. 64
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7

Jardine, Varushka. "The Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2010. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-03112010-141422.

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8

Ngowet, Luc. "Les fondements théoriques de la modernité politique africaine : essai de phénoménologie politique." Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCC337.

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Анотація:
Toute réflexion sur la pensée politique africaine ne peut faire abstraction du problème du recouvrement de celle-ci, par le discours africaniste. L’hégémonie de ce discours est en partie à l’origine de notre réflexion sur les fondements théoriques de la modernité politique en Afrique qui souhaite poser les jalons d’un programme de recherche au long cours sur la pensée politique africaine. Notre thèse est également motivée par une anticipation de sens plus fondamentale, qui postule et voudrait montrer que la pensée africaine a toujours joué un rôle de premier plan dans la construction de la modernité politique du continent. Nous analyserons les contours et le contenu de cette pensée à l’aide d’une méthode de recherche et d’un principe de raison qui puissent en rendre compte avec conviction et lucidité. Notre thèse poursuit donc deux objectifs principaux. Premièrement, élaborer une critique de la raison africaniste qui fasse place à une herméneutique des discours endogènes sur le politique en Afrique, selon une méthode d’investigation que nous appellerons phénoménologie politique. Cette intelligence phénoménologie du politique comme instrument d'élucidation de la modernité africaine se fera à partir d'une interprétation des grands textes - francophones et anglophones- de la pensée politique du continent. Deuxièmement, dans son aboutissement ultime, notre projet théorique aimerait se donner à lire comme une histoire philosophante de la pensée politique africaine, offrant du même coup une compréhension précise de ses concepts et de ses problématiques divers, en un mot comme un métadiscours philosophique sur la modernité africaine,dont on s’attachera à montrer la spécificité
Any consideration of African political thought cannot disregard the issue of its recovering by Africanist discourse. The hegemony of this discourse is partly at the origin of our reflection on the theoretical foundations of modernity in Africa, that seeks to lay the foundations for a long-term research agenda on African political thought. Beyond a contention with the Africanist discourse, my thesis is also motivated by a more fundamental objective that presupposes and seeks to demonstrate that African thought has always played a vital role in the construction of the political modernity of Africa. I will analyse the contours and content of the theoretical foundations of that african political modernity through a methodology and a principle of reason that will bear witness to those foudations with conviction and lucidity. My doctoral dissertation therefore has two main objectives. First, it seeks to develop a critique of Africanist reason that will lead to an interpretation of endogenous discourses on politics in Africa, through a method of investigation called political phenomenology. Such a phenomenological understanding of politics as an instrument that can elucidate African modernity in Africa will be based on a critical interpretation of major african political texts written in both French and English. Secondly, my thesis aims at developing a philosophizing history of African political thought, providing a precise understanding of its concepts and issues. In sum, this dissertation would have achieved its objective if it read as a philosophical meta-narrative on African modernity, the specificity of which I shall define
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9

Rattazzi, Erin Alexis. "Narrating rape at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14273.

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Includes bibliographical references.
The seven women who shared their stories of rape at the human rights violation hearings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission ('TRC') in South Africa offer a nascent public record of women's experiences of rape under apartheid. This project is motivated by a desire to examine how these testimonies of rape were affected by explicit and implicit underlying narrative frameworks associated with the language of the TRC, and that of rape. In particular, this project analyses the extent to which the juxtaposition of these two frameworks at the TRC may have either enabled or constrained the seven women's narratives.
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Adonis, Cyril Kenneth. "An investigation into the structure and process of forgiveness following gross human rights violations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002430.

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This study focuses on the structure and process of forgiveness as experienced by individuals, from the East London and surrounding areas, who either suffered gross human rights violations or who are related to someone who suffered gross human rights violations during the Apartheid era. Those who participated in the study testified at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and expressed forgiveness towards the perpetrators of the violations. The aims of the study were to reveal: the participants' structure cif forgiveness, i.e. how they define forgiveness; the process of forgiveness, i.e. the changes that took place from the time of the violation up until the participants forgave the perpetrators: and, the relation. if any. between the participants' structure and process of forgiveness. It is argued that mainstream Psychology has neglected to study forgiveness because the subject matter is incompatible with the natural scientific method. For this reason, the study was approached from a hermeneutical paradigm. This was motivated by its ability to explicate the meaning and content of phenomena. Unstructured qualitative interviews were conducted with the participants. Data was analyzed using a multi-layered process of progressively deeper interpretation, employing a reading guide technique. Results indicated that authentic forgiveness is an unconditional commitment on the part of victims and survivors to relate positively towards the perpetrators. The relationship should include non-bitterness, non-vengeance, unconditional love and respect for their human rights. Another significant dimension of the structure of forgiveness is the fact that the desire for the truth is not abandoned although forgiveness has taken place. Forgiveness also does not take away the effects of the violation. This means that one does not forget although forgiveness has been granted. Results further indicate that the forgiveness process is highly complex, individualized and not instantaneous. The individuals have to deal with various intrapersonal conflicts and anxieties as a result of the violation, before forgiveness is explored as an option, and before they can finally forgive. Significant interrelations between the structure and process of forgiveness were also identified.
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Книги з теми "Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa"

1

Alex, Boraine, Levy Janet, Scheffer Ronel, and Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa., eds. Dealing with the past: Truth and reconciliation in South Africa. Cape Town: IDASA, 1994.

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2

Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation., ed. Making ends meet: Reconciliation and reconstruction in South Africa. Braamfontein, Johannesburg, South Africa: The Centre, 1994.

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3

Sriram, Chandra Lekha. Peace versus justice?: The dilemma of transitional justice in Africa. Oxford: James Currey, 2010.

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4

Gruchy, John W. De. Reconciliation: Restoring justice. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002.

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5

Peace versus justice?: The dilemma of transitional justice in Africa. Scottsville, South Africa: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2009.

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6

Ghana Center for Democratic Development., ed. National reconciliation & transitional justice processes in West Africa: A report of proceedings of a Conference on "National Reconciliation & Transitional Justice Processes in West Africa" held in Accra on October 2-3, 2003. Accra: Ghana Center for Democratic Development, 2004.

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7

Werle, Gerhard. Justice in transition - prosecution and amnesty in Germany and South Africa. Berlin: BWV, Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2006.

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8

South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa report. [Cape Town]: Truth and Reconciliation Commission, 1999.

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9

South Africa. Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa report. Cape Town: The Commission, 1998.

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10

Leman-Langlois, Stéphane. Constructing post-conflict justice: The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission as an ongoing invention of reconciliation and truth. [Toronto]: S. Leman-Lanaglois, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa"

1

Walling, Carrie Booth. "Justice and Reconciliation after Atrocity." In Human Rights and Justice for All, 89–110. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003256939-6.

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2

Fanneron, Evelyn, Eunice N. Sahle, and Kari Dahlgren. "Transitional Justice, Gender-Based Violence, and Women’s Rights." In Human Rights in Africa, 89–144. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51915-3_4.

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3

Schaffer, Kay, and Sidonie Smith. "Truth, Reconciliation, and the Traumatic Past of South Africa." In Human Rights and Narrated Lives, 53–84. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403973665_4.

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4

Hallowes, David. "New Constitutional Order, Rights and Environmental Justice in South Africa." In Human Rights in Africa, 59–87. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51915-3_3.

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5

da Silva, Antero Benedito. "Transitional Justice: A Dispute Over Reconciliation and Justice." In Rethinking Human Rights and Peace in Post-Independence Timor-Leste Through Local Perspectives, 27–40. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3779-7_2.

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6

Malu, Linus Nnabuike. "ECOWAS Community Court of Justice, Human Rights and Transitional Justice." In Transitional Justice in West Africa, 59–77. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003242994-3.

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7

Carmody, Michelle Frances. "Reconciliation: Defining the Limits of Transitional Justice." In Human Rights, Transitional Justice, and the Reconstruction of Political Order in Latin America, 101–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78393-2_4.

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8

Cronin, Claire. "Subjectivities of Suffering: Human Rights in the Solomon Islands Truth and Reconciliation Commission." In Transitional Justice in Practice, 37–62. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59695-6_2.

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9

Carmody, Michelle Frances. "Reconciliation Under Fire: New Contestations of Transitional Justice." In Human Rights, Transitional Justice, and the Reconstruction of Political Order in Latin America, 139–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78393-2_5.

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10

Skaar, Elin. "Transitional Justice for Human Rights: The Legacy and Future of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions." In International Human Rights Institutions, Tribunals, and Courts, 401–20. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5206-4_15.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa"

1

Winandi, Woro, and Endah Lestari Dwirokhmeiti. "Relevance for the Establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the Enforcement of Human Rights in Indonesia." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.353.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Human rights, justice and reconciliation in Africa"

1

Everett, Michael. Reconciliation in South Africa: Addressing Apartheid Era Human Rights Violations. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada385901.

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Dalabajan, Dante, Ruth Mayne, Blandina Bobson, Hadeel Qazzaz, Henry Ushie, Jacobo Ocharan, Jason Farr, et al. Towards a Just Energy Transition: Implications for communities in lower- and middle-income countries. Oxfam, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.9936.

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More frequent or intense floods, heatwaves, wildfires, droughts and typhoons devastate people’s homes, livelihoods and the natural world. A clean energy transition is urgently needed to reduce carbon emissions and prevent the impacts worsening. Wealthy countries have the prime historic responsibility for the climate crisis and therefore for its mitigation. But as the clean energy transition gathers speed, it inevitably also impacts lower-income, lower-emitting countries and communities. This research report, written by 20 co-authors from Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, the US and Europe, investigates the implications of the energy transition for them, and asks how the world can achieve a truly just, as well as fast, transition. The findings highlight the stark choice facing humanity. If the transition is undertaken with justice and respect for communities’ rights at its heart, it offers an unprecedented opportunity to simultaneously mitigate the climate crisis and reduce poverty and inequality. Conversely, an unjust transition, which entrenches or exacerbates inequalities, risks generating public resistance and slowing the transition with devastating human consequences.
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