Готові списки джерел за темами / Holden union

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Holden union"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Holden union"

1

Tierney, Robert. "“We will never forget 1964!” Shopfloor Organisation and the Class Politics of Trade Union Officials at General Motors-Holden." Australian Journal of Politics & History 63, no. 4 (December 2017): 540–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12368.

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2

Dickens, Linda. "Collective bargaining and the promotion of gender equality at work: opportunities and challenges for trade unions." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 2 (May 2000): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600205.

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Анотація:
Four areas are discussed to make the case for the importance of harnessing collective bargaining for the promotion of equality. These concern contemporary European developments; advantages of collective bargaining compared with other strategies for promoting equality in employment; the benefits which can accrue to unions from making a positive link between equality and collective bargaining, and the negative consequences of failing to make such a link. The article then discusses some of the issues which harnessing collective bargaining for equality promotion raises for trade unions. These concern the content and priorities of bargaining and the identity of negotiators and union power holders. I argue that an approach which seeks simply to 'add women on' to bargaining agendas and as union members is an inadequate one and that more radical change in trade unions is required.
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3

Barreau, Jocelyne, Christelle Havard, and Angélique Ngaha Bah. "Global union federations and international framework agreements: Knowledge exchange and creation." European Journal of Industrial Relations 26, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680119834170.

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International Framework Agreements negotiated between Global Union Federations and multinational companies are a major innovation which bring collective bargaining to an international level. We focus on the role of the union negotiators and analyse two cases, drawing on studies of innovation processes in business organizations. We identify types of learning processes and the exchange and creation of knowledge, and examine relations inside international trade union networks. We find that two conditions are necessary to develop an innovatory role: international unions must coordinate exchanges between different communities, holders and creators of specific union knowledge, and must also facilitate the dissemination of knowledge by maintaining the regularity and quality of exchanges between network members.
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4

López, Ángela Martínez. "Information is power: ruling C-239/18 and the informative obligation of official bodies vis-à-vis plant variety right holders within the framework of the agricultural exemption*." Journal of Intellectual Property Law & Practice 15, no. 2 (January 23, 2020): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jiplp/jpz174.

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Abstract Case C-239/18, Saatgut-Treuhandverwaltungs GmbH v Freistaat Thüringen, Court of Justice of the European Union, judgment of 17 October 2019, EC?>LI?>:?>E?>U?>:?>C?>:?>2019:869 The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU), in case C-239/18 Saatgut-Treuhandverwaltungs GmbH v Freistaat Thüringen (henceforth, ‘Freistaat Thüringen’), shed light on the scope of the information that official bodies must facilitate further to the request of a plant variety right holder within the framework of the so-called ‘agricultural exemption’ (commonly referred to as ‘farm-saved-seed’ privilege). For holders, knowledge of the users (and concrete use by such) of the agricultural exemption is of paramount importance in guaranteeing a tangible base upon which to enforce their right to remuneration from these users.
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5

Gall, Gregor. "Turning full circle? Changing industrial relations in the magazine industry in Britain." Personnel Review 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2007): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00483480710716731.

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PurposeThe purpose of this article is to examine the processes and outcomes under which employers in the magazine industry in the UK ended the collective bargaining agreements for journalists with the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) and instituted a unilateral‐based regime in the employment relationship.Design/methodology/approachThe research data were generated primarily via interviews with lay office holders and full‐time paid officials of the NUJ.FindingsThe journalists' union maintained a presence despite employer hostility and has been able to use this as a basis to regain collective bargaining agreements. Nonetheless, the relative weakness of the NUJ has meant that it has been unable to date to force the magazine employers into conducting genuine collective bargaining. This represents a case of impeded but not dissipated “union renewal”, suggesting the union renewal could be termed as being of a “stunted” nature.Research limitations/implicationsThe findings of the research should be taken as being preliminary given that the NUJ has only recently regained union recognition and begun conducting collective bargaining again. A longer timescale will allow more definitive judgements to be made.Practical implicationsThe paper indicates the significant challenges that trade unions face to reassert themselves in the workplace in the face of employer ambivalence and hostility despite regaining formal union recognition rights.Originality/valueThis paper provides empirical evidence of how trade unions are progressing after regaining union recognition.
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6

Meshkovskiy, A. P., N. V. Pyatigorskaya, Z. I. Aladysheva, V. V. Beregovykh, A. M. Pyatigorskiy, N. S. Nikolenko, M. M. Marshalova, and V. V. Belyaev. "Responsibilities of the Marketing Authorisation Holders in Respect of GMP Compliance (Review)." Drug development & registration 9, no. 4 (November 26, 2020): 164–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33380/2305-2066-2020-9-4-164-170.

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Анотація:
Introduction. The article is focused on differences in quality assurance-related obligations and responsibilities between Marketing Authorisation Holders (MAHs) and manufacturing authorisation holder (manufacturers) in pharmaceutical industry. In case of outsourcing and technical agreements there is a need to differentiate responsibilities related to quality assurance between the above mentioned categories.Text. The guidelines for the pharmaceutical sector of the European Union (EU) provide guidance on the responsibilities of the MAHs in relation to the GMP rules, which are scattered throughout the various chapters of the GMP and its appendices. In addition, certain provisions on this topic are contained in the EU directives. With this in mind the European Medicines Agency (EMA) issued in January 2020 a draft Reflection paper on Good manufacturing practice and Marketing Authorisation Holders. The draft clarifies that while certain activities of an MAH may be delegated to the manufacturer, MAH retains ultimate responsibility for the performance of a medicinal product, its safety, quality and efficacy. The important obligation of MAH in this context is to facilitate GMP compliance by establishing a robust two-way communication system with national competent authorities, manufacturing sites, Qualified Persons (QPs) certifying batches before release, and other interested parties. The MAH ought to communicate to manufacturing personnel, normally through QPs, production processes and related quality control procedures, including subsequent variations, described in registration dossiers.Conclusion. A general one conclusion: in view of rapid developments in the EU GMP Guide, the Eurasian Economic Union GMP requirements ought to be updated. In respect of specific responsibilities of MAH pertaining to GMP compliance the EMA draft Reflection paper merits attention as a guidance regarding separation of obligations and responsibilities between MAH and personnel of manufacturing sights.
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7

Mourell, Mark. "Accounting and Accountability for Australian Federal Unions." Economic and Labour Relations Review 16, no. 1 (July 2005): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530460501600106.

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The amendments to Schedule 1B of the Workplace Relations Act have given the government substantially new means of controlling the internal affairs of industrial organisations. At the government's behest, the Review of Current Arrangements for Governance of Industrial Organisation (the review), used concepts borrowed from the Corporations Act as a basis for recommendations regarding union accounts, accounting procedures, fiduciary obligations of office-holders and organisational rules. This study is a critique of the review and the consequent amendments. It argues that notions borrowed from the Corporations Act are inappropriate for unions and will cause problems for them. The amendments also contradict the government's avowed policy of deregulation of labour market institutions.
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8

Cunningham, Barton, and Lari Mitchell. "Privatization in British Columbia: What the Experts Say Will Happen." Articles 45, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 382–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050588ar.

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Privatization is being either implemented or investigated in over 100 countries and has become the plan of action for the B.C. government, beginningin the October, 1987. The goal of this Project was to predict the effects of privatization on labour relations in British Columbia. Specifically, it sought to understand how privatization might affect worker stability and wages, the structure and mechanisms for bargaining, the union 's structure and size, and the like. A delphi procédure was carried out in the early fall of 1988 which sought to sample three différent groups — representing union, management, and neutrals (eg., arbitrators). Those targeted were some of the highest ranking labour relations practitioners in British Columbia. The future of B.C. labour relations, based on the delphi prédiction, is one of short term instability for job holders, lower wages, and fragmentation of management's approach to bargaining. There could be increased costs for unions, more militancy, and more difficulties in improving labour relations.
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9

Silveira, Alessandra, and Claudia McKenny Engström. "The emerging culture of EU citizenship as “citizenship of rights” and the legal nature of the EU polity." UNIO – EU Law Journal 2 (June 1, 2016): 140–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.2.11.

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Анотація:
The current European crisis shows a crucial disjunction between the expectations of EU citizens and the institutional forms of political integration available to them. The crisis imposes challenges to the EU integration process, which sees its legitimacy questioned, above all in the eyes of the citizens of Member States undergoing intervention, who live with harsh restrictions and low expectations of improvement. EU citizens have never been so attentive to the developments of the EU integration – as testifies the rejection demonstrated in May 2014 elections to EU Parliament, now counting over 100 anti-EU voices. In this context, it is important to scrutinize whether the developing of an EU citizenship as “citizenship of rights” could perform some role in this scenario, putting it into perspective in order to grasp its effects on the legal nature of the EU polity. The status of EU citizenship is constructed around the paradigm of individual rights. Being an EU citizen basically means one is the holder of rights protected by the EU legal order – especially fundamental rights. Therefore, it is important to know to what extent the culture of rights has been strengthened by the change legal status of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (CFREU) following the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty in December 2009.1 In short, the text aims at knowing in which measure the fundamental rights dynamics in times of crisis affect the EU integration process itself.
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10

Kuznetsova, E. A., and M. Yu Kot. "Russian intellectual immunities under the Eurasian Economic Union." Russian competition law and economy, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/2542-0259-2019-3-22-27.

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Анотація:
The problem of the abolishment of “intellectual immunities” has remained relevant for many years. According to Russia’s Federal Antimonopoly Service, the lack of antitrust control over the disposal of exclusive rights makes the Russian market vulnerable before foreign holders of intellectual rights. In fact, the regulator is entitled to impose antitrust restrictions on exclusive rights. This power is expressly stipulated by the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union, which still provides for “intellectual immunities” for foreign holders of intellectual rights. Therefore, the removal of these immunities from the law is a prerequisite for improvement of the antitrust regulation, which must be followed by systemic modification of the antitrust laws, in the first place, by expansion of competition assessment techniques in the field of intellectual property and by setting boundaries in respect of antitrust control, preserving the powers conferred on holders of intellectual rights.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Holden union"

1

Martel, Frances I. "Working Overtime: Multiple-Office Holding in New Jersey." Thesis, Harvard University, 2009. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:5112927.

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The residents of Union City, NJ— a 1.2 square mile metropolis across the Hudson from Manhattan—are fond of taking to the task of adorning their city streets on their own. In the business sector of the city (that is to say, most of it) the business owners garnish their windows with red, white, and blue, and more often than not their decoration is accompanied by the uncomfortably warm smile of a middle-aged bespectacled Irish man. The man, so comically out of place in the majority Spanish-speaking, 82.3% Latino city, is referred to interchangeably as Mayor and State Senator Brian P. Stack. On the city’s border is official proof of his status on the “Welcome to Union City” sign, mirrored by its North Bergen, NJ counterpart and the name Nicholas Sacco: mayor, state senator, assistant superintendent of North Bergen schools, and principal of Horace Mann Elementary. For decades, New Jersey politicians have viewed multiple office holding as an integral part of the urban power structure. To rise up in the totem pole, one must collect public office jobs until rising to one high enough to stand on its own. While not particularly common in the less populated areas of the state, urban centers like the aforementioned Hudson County, Newark, and Camden have a tradition of sending their leaders off to Trenton without making them relinquish their jobs at home. And yet it was these very state legislators that passed a ban on the practice into law in February 2008. Supported by senator-turned-governor Jon Corzine, the ban passed with the support of political leaders like Stack and Sacco. On paper and in the pages of the New York Times it read like a rare and barely believable victory for political morality in what longtime NJ political journalists Bob Ingle and Sandy McClure call “The Soprano State”. If it sounded barely believable, it is probably because in practice it was not. A grandfather clause in the law keeps those currently in two positions of power safe from the wrath of the law. And since elections were held in between the passing of the law and the enacting of it, there are actually more dual office holders in the Legislature today than there were when the law was passed according to state newspaper the Star Ledger. This study intends answer several questions regarding the phenomenon of multiple office holding and its sudden “extinction” in New Jersey. I hypothesize that the introduction of such a law was merely cashing in on a long-standing bit of political credit that, due to the highly salient role of the practice in building machines, could not be touched. As the number of political bosses engaging in this practice diminished, and as the need to hold various offices lessened because of an increase in income and power from other sources, dual office holding became an obsolete relic of the 1990s political machine structures. Thus it became feasible to ban the practice with a grandfather clause for those that had established themselves through this old system, with much credit in the field of ethics to be gained by all involved—every dual office holder, legislator, and the governor himself. On a micro level, it aspires to investigate why early 2008 was an opportune time for such a law and where this grandfather clause arouse from and why. Although the tradition has existed previously in less populated areas of New Jersey, especially in the 1940s, at some point (peaking in the 1990s) dual office holding became an essential component in the structure of an urban political machine. On a macro level, this study seeks to explain the place of such a practice in the creation and maintenance of the traditional urban political machine, a structure with a lush history in New Jersey that is still alive and kicking today. It attempts to begin a dialogue with existing literature on urban politics centered around the practice of dual office holding. To do this, the study needs to paint as vivid a portrait as possible of the modern urban political machine, its bosses, and every gear that moves its structure. For this it will heavily rely on literature describing the initial development of political machines of Tammany Hall and similar structures around the country, paying especial attention to the impact of immigration, given that preliminary research is showing a pronounced impact on the system from the wave of Latino immigrants beginning with the rise of the Cuban Revolution in 1958. This new wave of immigrants appears to have jump-started the machines and replenished them with an entire new wave of fodder ready to be introduced to the patronage system post-naturalization (a matter of five years’ time). Of particular note in this body of urban political research is Steven Erie’s Rainbow’s End, which I have discovered to be the definitive work in the field of immigration and its impact on urban political machines. Working with this broad field of urban politics in mind, I also intend on illustrating in detail the specific political machine structures of the three largest urban communities in New Jersey: Newark, Camden, and the general Hudson County area (as the cities of Hudson County tend to be about 1-2 square miles in area excepting Jersey City, there is little that distinguishes one from another culturally and politically). In order to do this, I must work with data specific to the state, beginning with a database of multiple office holders over time. I have constructed this database over the course of several decades and am currently developing it in the 1930s using biographical sketches in the New Jersey Legislative Manuals published yearly in the New Jersey State Archives of Trenton. Unfortunately, this means that my research is limited to multiple office holders who have one job in the state legislature, but as all signs point to most dual office holders preferring to have a state and local job rather than two of either, I do not believe this will seriously hinder my research. Supplementary research will also come from personal stories, which I plan on gathering from interviews with those deeply involved in urban politics. The study will include interviews with multiple office holders from these regions themselves, as well as those close to them—journalists, chiefs of staff, and those receiving patronage and practicing loyalty to the leaders. The goal of this study is to shed some light on the dark, backroom world of urban politics through the lens of this one common practice among the machine leaders. This one practice, currently a topic of much controversy due to this recent law, could very well be the key to understanding the development of machines, their power over citizens and their ability to maintain themselves over such extended periods of time.
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2

Chadwick, Gordon F. "Holding Mardi Gras Hostage: Mayor Ernest N. Morial and the 1979 New Orleans Police Strike." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1687.

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In 1979, New Orleans’ Mardi Gras celebration was disrupted by a police strike. The strike exposed the new political positioning that had resulted from national pressures such as the realization of black political power and the brief surge in public worker unions. New Orleans’ weakening white social elite was forced to assert its remaining power through Mardi Gras, while finding an unexpected ally in Mayor Ernest N. Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans. This temporary alliance exemplifies an experience that was different than that of other American cities. While strong racial tension persisted, the old establishment’s interests coincided with Mayor Morial’s when Mardi Gras, a powerful cultural and economic institution, was threatened. This temporary alliance managed to defeat the local police union by galvanizing the citizens of the city against the strikers.
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3

Zemanek, Holger [Verfasser], Gunther [Akademischer Betreuer] Schnabl, and Bernhard [Gutachter] Herz. "Structural Reforms, Macroeconomic Imbalances and the Crisis in the European Monetary Union / Holger Zemanek ; Gutachter: Bernhard Herz ; Betreuer: Gunther Schnabl." Leipzig : Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1238150047/34.

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4

Salvador, Iborra Susana. "Holding the Stick at Both Ends: The Design of Network Administrative Organizations." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Ramon Llull, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/404968.

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Анотація:
L’objecte d’aquesta tesi doctoral és el disseny de les Network Administrative Organizations (NAOs), les unitats especialment establertes de forma intencionada pels membres de les xarxes publiques inter-organitzacionals per a governar i administrar les mateixes. Tot i l'interès mostrat per la recent investigació en gestió pública i pels estudiosos de les organitzacions en l'àmbit de la governança de les xarxes públiques creades amb objectius específics (goal-directed networks), pocs estudis teòrics s'han basat en la contribució seminal de Provan i Kenis (2008). Com a resultat, aquest camp continua sent una via prometedora per a la recerca. Unint la literatura sobre xarxes, col·laboracions inter-organitzatives, disseny organitzatiu i govern corporatiu, aquesta tesi revela dos factors íntimament relacionats amb el disseny de les Network Administrative Organizations: la interdependència estratègica i l’evitació de la incertesa en els resultats.
El objeto de esta tesis doctoral es el diseño de las Network Administrative Organizations (NAOS), las unidades especialmente establecidas de forma intencionada por los miembros de las redes públicas inter-organizacionales para gobernar y administrar las mismas. A pesar del interés mostrado por la reciente investigación en gestión pública y por los estudiosos de las organizaciones en el ámbito de la gobernanza de las redes públicas creadas con objetivos específicos (goal-directed networks), pocos estudios teóricos han basado en la contribución seminal de Provan y Kenis (2008). Como resultado, este campo sigue siendo una vía prometedora para la investigación. Uniendo la literatura sobre redes, colaboraciones inter-organizativas, diseño organizativo y gobierno corporativo, esta tesis revela dos factores íntimamente relacionados con el diseño de las Network Administrative Organizations: la interdependencia estratégica y la evitación de la incertidumbre en los resultados.
The focus of this Ph.D. dissertation is the design of Network Administrative Organizations (NAOs), the separate units purposefully set up by public inter-organizational goal-directed network partners for to govern and manage it. Despite the interest shown by both public management and organizational scholars in the field of Goal-Directed networks governance, few theoretical studies have built on Provan and Kenis’s (2008) seminal contribution. As a result, this field remains a promising avenue for research. By bringing together the literature on networks, inter-organizational collaborations, organizational design, and corporate governance, this Ph.D. dissertation sheds light on two factors intimately associated with the design of Network Administrative Organizations: strategic interdependence and outcome uncertainty avoidance.
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5

Michaelis, Jan. "Die territoriale Zuordnung von Beteiligungsaufwand im europäischen Unternehmenssteuerrecht : zugleich zur Verfassungsmässigkeit des [Paragraphen] 8b Abs. 5 KStG in der Fassung des ProtErklG /." Frankfurt am Main ; New York : P. Lang, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=014913032&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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6

Fahler, Joshua D. ""Holding Up the Light of Heaven": Presbyterian and Congregational Reform Movements in Lorain County, Ohio, 1824-1859." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1500555102981787.

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7

Fülbier, Rolf Uwe. "Konzernbesteuerung nach IFRS : IFRS-Konsolidierungsregeln als Ausgangspunkt einer konsolidierten steuerlichen Gewinnermittlung in der EU? /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/ilmenau/toc/516444492fuelb.PDF.

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Анотація:
Univ., Habil.-Schr. u.d.T.: Fülbier, Rolf Uwe: Konsolidierte steuerliche Gewinnermittlung nach IFRS?--Bochum, 2005, eine normative Untersuchung der IFRS-Konsolidierungsregeln auf ihre Eignung als Ausgangspunkt einer konsolidierten steuerlichen Gewinnermittlung in der EU.
Literaturverz. S. 377 - 439.
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8

Kabeel, Abdallah Mahmoud Bayoumi. "Nominal strength and size effect of quasi-brittle structures with holes." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/289985.

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Анотація:
The main contribution of this work is to introduce analytical models able to create simple design charts that would allow designers to quickly determine the strength of quasi-brittle structures containing circular holes. Cohesive Zone Models are an excellent tool to model quasi-brittle structures with holes in which a large failure process zone is confined in a plane. Also, the CZM is able to predict the effect of the structure size on its strength. Moreover, it is one of the few models (or the only model) that takes into account the material cohesive law explicitly. Therefore, most of the presented models in this work are based on the cohesive zone model.
La principal contribució d'aquest treball és la dʼintroduïr un model analític capaç de generar diagrames de disseny que permeten obtenir la resistència nominal dʼestructures quasi-fràgils que continguin forats. Els models de zona cohesiva permeten predir la resistencia dʼestructures amb forats formades de materials quasi-fràgils amb una gran zona de procés de fallada confinada en un pla. Aquests models també són capaços de predir lʼefecte de la mida de lʼestructura en la resistència nominal. A mès els models de zona cohesiva són un dels pocs (o els únics) que consideren dʼuna manera explítica la llei cohesiva en la seva formulació. Per aquestes raons, la majoria de resultats presentats es basen en els models de zona cohesiva.
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9

Chadwick, David Justin. "Hear the Lion Roar: Trade unionism at General Motors-Holden’s in South Australia, 1930-1980." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/130170.

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The purpose of the thesis is to investigate and bring to light the role that trade unions played at Holden’s in South Australia. It argues that Holden’s relationship with its main unions was one that was developed over many years and was of mutual benefit. It does this by examining the development of Holden’s, the trade union movement, the unions involved at Holden’s and the growth of secondary industry in South Australia which facilitated the expansion of both. A series of case studies explore industrial action and their outcomes. To further demonstrate this uniqueness, comparisons will be made with General Motors operations in Britain and the US. This thesis reframes the typical narrative of labour and business historiography in Australia. Rather than approaching the question through a binary framework of labour versus business, it will analyse the role of Holden’s and the unions through their relationship of mutual benefit. For many years Holden’s was one of Australia’s largest and most profitable companies. From its entry into building motor car bodies in 1917, the company embraced unionism in its factories to improve industrial relations and ensure uninterrupted production. While this goal was not always achieved, as is shown in this thesis, strike activity was rare until a tumultuous period in the late 1960s and early 1970s that was paralleled throughout the world. However, for much of the time under investigation Holden’s worked closely with its unions, providing better wages and conditions than many other industries. Drawing on previously unused primary source material, this thesis explores an area of Australian history that has to date been overlooked. It argues that the relationship between Holden’s and its unions was unique, long-lasting and of mutual benefit.
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Humanities, 2020
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10

Wilhite, Ryan Daniel. "Riding Red Ink: Public Ownership of Mass Transit in Indianapolis." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/2730.

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**Note** During the research process, IndyGo donated some of the resources cited within this paper to the Indiana Historical Society. That collection has not been archived yet. Further, IndyGo may have placed other documents (created during the time of public ownership) in the Indiana State Archives or the Indiana State Library.
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Today, most urban mass transit providers are publicly owned. Just a few decades ago, and for a majority of the history of mass transit, private owners provided transportation for communities. The decline of private ownership in Indianapolis resulted in transit crisis that pitted private owners against local government, riders and community groups. Advocates lambasted the private owners for their profit-first tactics, pointing to the dividends gained by the private owners. These owners, the Midland Transportation Corporation, also owned the mass transit companies in Milwaukee, Wisconsin and Louisville, Kentucky. Indianapolis politicians, residents and newspapers, all firmly conservative, hoped private owners could continue to operate Indianapolis Transit Systems without public assistance. The imminent failure prompted a discussion of the future of transportation in the city of Indianapolis. Community groups hoped the new public corporation would increase service for Indianapolis and not continue the skeleton system managed by the private owners. A storm of uncontrollable events prevented the robust expansion of the new public corporation and its lack of funding resulted in a continuing decline of service, much akin to the private owners that were abhorred by transit riders. Public ownership in Indianapolis revealed the importance of public ownership in the historiography of mass transportation and urban history. The regional investigation of Midland Transportation confirmed the notion of transit as a unique industry, both in its industrial relations and influence of the locality. The basic rationale for public ownership in Indianapolis would be the most important: the provision of public transportation for those unable to afford private transportation to obtain necessary services.
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Книги з теми "Holden union"

1

Johnston, Stanley H. The Cleveland herbal, botanical, and horticultural collections: A descriptive bibliography of pre-1830 works from the libraries of the Holden Arboretum, the Cleveland Medical Library Association, and the Garden Center of Greater Cleveland. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1992.

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Scheuchzer, Marco. Konzernbesteuerung in der Europäischen Union. Bielefeld: E. Schmidt, 1994.

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3

Valentin, Michael. Bare det holder min tid ud: Fagbevægelsen--fortid eller fremtid? [Copenhagen]: Aschehoug dansk forlag, 2002.

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Kuropka, Joachim. "Um den Karren wieder aus dem Dreck zu holen--": 50 Jahre Christlich Demokratische Union im Landkreis Vechta. Vechta: Vechtaer Druckerei und Verlag, 1995.

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5

Vladimír, Karas, and Matt Giorgio, eds. Black holes from stars to galaxies across the range of masses: Proceedings of the 238th symposium of the International Astronomical Union held in Prague, Czech Republic August 21-25, 2006. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

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6

Peterson, B. M. (Bradley M.), Somerville Rachel S, Storchi-Bergmann Thaisa, and International Astronomical Union, eds. Co-evolution of central black holes and galaxies: Proceedings of the 267th Symposium of the International Astronomical Union held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, August 10-14, 2009. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 2010.

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Symposium, International Astronomical Union. The central regions of the galaxy and galaxies: Proceedings of the 184th Symposium of the International Astronomical Union, held in Tokyo, Japan, August 18-22. Boston, Mass: Kluwer Academic, 1998.

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Symposium, International Astronomical Union. The central regions of the galaxy and galaxies: Proceedings of the 184th Symposium of the International Astronomical Union, held in Tokyo, Japan, August 18-22, 1997. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 1998.

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9

V, Migenes, and Reid Mark Jonathan 1948-, eds. Cosmic masers, from protostars to blackholes: Proceedings of the 206th Symposium of the International Astronomical Union held in Mangaratiba, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 5-10 March 2001. San Francisco, Calif: Published on behalf of IAU by the Astronomical Society of the Pacific, 2002.

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10

Bischof, Pirmin. Produkthaftung und Vertrag in der EU: Vertragliche Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten (Freizeichnungs-, Rechtswahl- und Gerichtsstandsklauseln) im Produkthaftungsrecht der Europäischen Union (EU). Bern: Stämpfli, 1994.

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Частини книг з теми "Holden union"

1

Shackleton, Michael. "Scrutinising and Holding to Account." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 77–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27213-5_7.

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2

Lawrence, Elisabeth. "Gender and Office-holding in Trade Unions." In Gender Relations in Public and Private, 33–54. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24543-7_3.

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Rodríguez, Verónica. "The Cosmonaut’s Last Message to the Woman He Once Loved in the Former Soviet Union: “All This Fucking Beautiful Stuff”." In David Greig’s Holed Theatre, 147–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-06182-1_7.

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Acs, Zoltan J. "The Digital Platform Economy and the Entrepreneurial State: A European Dilemma." In International Studies in Entrepreneurship, 317–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94273-1_17.

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AbstractThe application of big data, new algorithms, and cloud computing is creating a digital platform economy (DPE) built around platform organizations and their platform-based ecosystem. We use the DPE Index to examine Europe’s digital efficiency across countries and explain its global position by analyzing Brexit and the electric vehicle industry. We argue that the United Kingdom left the European Union because E.U. regulations were holding back the U.K.’s strong DPE and that a weak DPE is holding German back from being a leader in the electric vehicle industry. The problem for Europe’s DPE is that the entrepreneurial state is strong and the private sector is weak.
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Xulu-Gama, Nomkhosi, Sibongile Ruth Nhari, Musawenkosi Malabela, and Tebogo Mogoru. "Policy Implementation Challenges for Worker Education and Foreign National Migrants." In IMISCOE Research Series, 91–105. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_7.

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AbstractThe importance of worker education around the presence of foreign national migrants “beyond the apartheid workplace” (Webster & von Holdt, 2005: 4) is undisputed. Our intention is to establish the extent to which worker education programmes benefit foreign-national migrants and also to establish the possible challenges in the implementation of the related legislation and policies. The current context of neoliberal capitalism and growing informalisation of work (Webster & von Holdt, 2005; Muller & Esselaar, 2004) is particularly important, as it tends to challenge the existence and effectiveness of worker education while promoting divisions among the workers. During the apartheid era, worker education was a resource used by the trade union movement to address struggles in the workplace and those percolating to the communities (see Xulu-Gama, 2018; Von Holdt, 2002; Webster, 1985; Friedman, 1987). Worker education always took into consideration the history of the South African workplace, which made it relevant, comprehensive, critical and progressive (Hamilton, 2014).
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Samuel, Boris. "The Shifting Legitimacies of Price Measurements: Official Statistics and the Quantification of Pwofitasyon in the 2009 Social Struggle in Guadeloupe." In The New Politics of Numbers, 337–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78201-6_11.

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AbstractIn 2009, Guadeloupe experienced a historic 44 day-long strike against the high cost of living. The union-led collective (LKP) leading the strike used calculations and figures as a weapon to prove that players holding dominant market positions captured undue profits (“pwofitasyon”). Also, official price indexes were subjected to radical political criticism by the LKP actors. Yet, by using averages, these calculations could not account for the existence of individual abusive prices. The “statactivistic” momentum resulted in a shift of the legitimate price measurement methods. Calculation was, however, also the collective’s Achilles heel. LKP members’ use of numbers established only a temporary favourable balance of power in the negotiations. It was not enough for them to compete with the state’s calculative skills on an equal basis.
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Fontana, Olimpia. "Tra solidarietà europea e responsabilità nazionali: la tutela dei beni pubblici europei." In Studi e saggi, 143–62. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-591-2.09.

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The theme of solidarity between European Union (EU) member states lies at the heart of the European integration process itself, in the context of an ongoing tension between the renunciation of national sovereignty, driven by a drive for cooperation, and the maintenance of prerogatives of strategic interest to states. In fact, the EU was born from the decision of its members to pool selected aspects of their sovereignty, in a process whose evolution is expressed both in the choice of community policies and in the availability and methods of financing those policies. These are two sides of the same coin, that of the Community budget, which is the operational instrument that supports and accompanies the major steps in the EU's evolutionary process. Indeed, since the 1980s, the Community budget has represented the instrument capable of holding together on the one hand the process of economic liberalisation and on the other the objective of social integration between countries that had different starting conditions. However, cooperation and solidarity are aspects that need to be strengthened today, albeit in new dimensions. The financial crisis has brought about a new acceleration in the coordination of national fiscal policies, without, however, generating the missing piece to European economic policy, namely an autonomous fiscal capacity, endowed with taxation power, on which a full fiscal union would be based.
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Martin, Ciaran. "Geopolitics and Digital Sovereignty." In Perspectives on Digital Humanism, 227–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86144-5_30.

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AbstractThe geopolitical dialogue about technology has, for a quarter of a century, essentially revolved around a single technological ecosystem built by the American private sector. An assumption took hold that, over time, clearer “rules of the road” for this digital domain would take hold. But progress toward this has been surprisingly slow; we sometimes refer to “grey zone” activity, because the rules, insofar as they exist, are fuzzy.In the meantime, the digital climate is changing. China’s technological ambitions are not to compete on the American-built, free, open Internet, but to design and build a completely new, more authoritarian system to supplant it. This is forcing a bifurcation of the Internet, and organizations like the European Union and countries across the world have to rethink whether the regulation of American technology is really where the focus should be, rather than working with the USA to contest China’s ambitions.
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Malavasi, Pierluigi. "Interpretations. Market, Work, Training." In Employability & Competences, 295–304. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-672-9.35.

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What of the job market in the era of Brexit and in the international arena of the Trump presidency? Naturally, there are various perspectives, but forms of emotive or propagandist rhetoric threaten to hold sway here. Above all, Guidance Towards the Job market means recognizing the complexities of geopolitical change within our information-sharing and collaborative networks, as well as the various and contrasting interpretations that arise. The current decline of the European Union − of which the UK public referendum result is symptomatic − and the ‘America First’ slogan, now a distinguishing feature of the current US government, are only two of the multiple forces interacting and defining pervasive transformations in economic, labour, and educational policies
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10

Jones, Peggy. "Pi / Holding Together (Union)." In The I Ching, 27–29. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429482021-8.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Holden union"

1

D’Sena, Peter. "Decolonising the curriculum. Contemplating academic culture(s), practice and strategies for change." In Learning Connections 2019: Spaces, People, Practice. University College Cork||National Forum for the Enhancement of Teaching and Learning in Higher Education, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/lc2019.13.

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In 2015, students at the University of Cape Town called for the statue of Cecil Rhodes, the 19th century British coloniser, to be removed from their campus. Their clarion call, in this increasingly widespread #RhodesMustFall movement, was that for diversity, inclusion and social justice to become a lived reality in higher education (HE), the curriculum has to be ‘decolonised’. (Chantiluke, et al, 2018; Le Grange, 2016) This was to be done by challenging the longstanding, hegemonic Eurocentric production of knowledge and dominant values by accommodating alternative perspectives, epistemologies and content. Moreover, they also called for broader institutional changes: fees must fall, and the recruitment and retention of both students and staff should take better account of cultural diversity rather than working to socially reproduce ‘white privilege’ (Bhambra, et al, 2015) Concerns had long been voiced by both academics and students about curricula dominated by white, capitalist, heterosexual, western worldviews at the expense of the experiences and discourses of those not perceiving themselves as fitting into those mainstream categories (for an Afrocentric perspective, see inter alia, Asante, 1995; Hicks & Holden, 2007) The massification of HE across race and class lines in the past four decades has fuelled these debates; consequentially, the ‘fitness’ of curricula across disciplines are increasingly being questioned. Student representative bodies have also voiced the deeper concern that many pedagogic practices and assessment techniques in university systems serve to reproduce society’s broader inequalities. Certainly, in the UK, recent in-depth research has indicated that the outcomes of inequity are both multifaceted and tangible, with, for example, graduating students from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) backgrounds only receiving half as many ‘good’ (first class and upper second) degree classifications as their white counterparts (RHS, 2018). As a consequence of such findings and reports, the momentum for discussing the issues around diversifying and decolonising the university has gathered pace. Importantly, however, as the case and arguments have been expressed not only through peer reviewed articles and reports published by learned societies, but also in the popular press, the core issues have become more accessible than most academic debates and more readily discussed by both teachers and learners (Arday and Mirza, 2018; RHS, 2018). Hence, more recently, findings about the attainment/awarding gap have been taken seriously and given prominence by both Universities UK and the National Union of Students, though their shared conclusion is that radical (though yet to be determined) steps are needed if any movements or campaigns, such as #closingthegap are to find any success. (Universities UK, 2019; NUS, 2016; Shay, 2016)
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SMUTKA, Ľuboš, Helena ŘEZBOVÁ, and Patrik ROVNÝ. "EUROPEAN UNION´S SUGAR MARKET CONCENTRATION UNDER THE SUGAR QUOTA PRODUCTION SYSTEM." In Rural Development 2015. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2015.110.

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The European sugar beet quota system is in very high dynamic process in recent years. The number of sugar companies involved in this system has been constantly decreasing. The aim of this paper is to define subjects (companies/alliances), which possess the current production capacities working under the production quotas system. The paper is determining especially the level of beet sugar production quota holder system concentration using the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index. The paper provides the following findings. The European quota holder system is extremely concentrated and it is becoming more and more dominated by fewer players. Sugar quota is distributed among 19 EU-Member States. In this regard, the quota is generous, especially in relation to France, Germany, Poland and United Kingdom. In Finland, Lithuania, Hungary, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, Slovakia and the United Kingdom controlled by two or even one subject (companies, alliances). There is a large discrepancy between political efforts to distribute equitable R 1308/2013-sugar quotas among states and the actual reality of those distributions. While the EU-quota holder system does not indicate an extreme concentration, an analysis according to the headquarters´ location and allocated quotas to owners of production capacities provides the evidence of extreme concentration.
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Tkachev, Vitaliy. "Protocols of the Irkutsk Regional Union of Soviet Artists in 1937–1938 as a Source for Studying the Economic History of the Creative Association." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.52.

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The article analyzes the protocols of the board and general meetings of the Irkutsk Regional Union of Soviet Artists for 1937–1938. The history of the Union, the adoption of program documents, the charter, the organization and holding of exhibitions, the preparation of estimates and plans, the adoption of new members and the exclusion of old ones are considered. The paper presents the economic history of the creative association through the protocols of the Irkutsk Regional Union of Soviet Artists in 1937–1938. Through official documents, financial difficulties and material support for the members of the union are identified, the question of contracting is raised, estimates and plans are determined.
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Cuadros-Melgar, B., E. Abdalla, J. Oliveira, A. Pavan, and C. Pellicer. "Stability of galileon black holes under spinorial perturbations." In 10th Jubilee International Conference of the Balkan Physical Union. Author(s), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.5091162.

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Kunz, Jutta, Petya Nedkova, and Stoytcho Yazadjiev. "Distorted black holes in an external magnetic field." In 10th Jubilee International Conference of the Balkan Physical Union. Author(s), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.5091164.

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Sakallı, İzzet, and Gülnihal Tokgöz. "Spectroscopy of stringy black hole." In 10th Jubilee International Conference of the Balkan Physical Union. Author(s), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.5091161.

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Dönmez, O. "Perturbed Accretion Disk Around the Massive Black Hole." In SIXTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE BALKAN PHYSICAL UNION. AIP, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2733077.

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Gyulchev, Galin N., and Stoytcho S. Yazadjiev. "Strong gravitational lensing by Kerr-Sen dilaton-axion black hole." In SIXTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE BALKAN PHYSICAL UNION. AIP, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2733078.

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Stefanov, Ivan Zh, Stoytcho S. Yazadjiev, and Michail D. Todorov. "Charged black holes coupled to non-linear electrodynamics in scalar-tensor theories of gravity with massless scalar field." In SIXTH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE BALKAN PHYSICAL UNION. AIP, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2733084.

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Wibowo, Rudi, and Ratnawati Ratnawati. "Conflict Dynamics Of Protectionism Policy Trading Of Biofuel Commodities Between Indonesia And The European Union." In LPPM UPN "VETERAN" Yogyakarta International Conference Series 2020. RSF Press & RESEARCH SYNERGY FOUNDATION, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31098/pss.v1i1.200.

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The dynamics of the conflict in bio-fuel commodity trade policies was triggered by the conflict of economic interests between Indonesia and the European Union. A series of steps for negotiation and diplomacy were taken by the government and Indonesian business actors to negotiate and resolve these problems by holding talks with important (state) actors in Europe.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Holden union"

1

Crafts, Nicholas, Emma Duchini, Roland Rathelot, Giulia Vattuone, David Chambers, Andrew Oswald, Max Nathan, and Carmen Villa Llera. Economic challenges and success in the post-COVID era: A CAGE Policy Report. Edited by Mirko Draca. CAGE Research Centre, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-01-3.

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In 2008 there was an expectation of major reform to social and economic structures following the financial crisis. The European Union (EU) referendum of 2016, and the UK’s subsequent exit from the EU in 2020, was also signalled as a turning point that would bring about epochal change. Now, in the waning of the coronavirus pandemic, we are experiencing a similar rhetoric. There is widespread agreement that the pandemic will usher in big changes for the economy and society, with the potential for major policy reform. But what will be the long-term impacts of the pandemic on the UK economy? Is the right response a “new settlement” or is some alternative approach likely to be more beneficial? This report puts forward a new perspective on the pandemic-related changes that could be ahead. The central theme is assessing the viability of epochal reform in policymaking. There seems to be a relentless desire for making big changes; however, there is arguably not enough recognition of how current settings and history can hold back these efforts. Foreword by: Dame Frances Cairncross, CBE, FRSE.
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