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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 26 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Governors – Hong Kong"

1

Chai, Ying. "Governmental Attitudes towards the Development of HK (1984–2022): A Corpus-Based Discourse Study." International Journal of Languages, Literature and Linguistics 10, no. 1 (2024): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijlll.2024.10.1.474.

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This study aims to provide an account of the governmental attitudes of former Hong Kong Governors and the Hong Kong (HKSAR) Chief Executives. Two large corpora have been built to explore the keyword-in-context data and do a linguistic analysis of them. It is argued that combining the methods and theories in critical discourse analysis, appraisal theory, and semantic prosody can generate more illuminating findings concerning attitudes in political discourse.
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2

Cole, Jonathan R. "Academic freedom under fire." Science 374, no. 6573 (December 10, 2021): 1300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.abn5447.

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Academic freedom is under fire across the world—from Hong Kong, where the Chinese government’s crackdown on open discussion has spurred an exodus of scholars from universities, to the United States, where there is a rising tide of anti-intellectualism and assaults on free inquiry. The effort to undermine this cornerstone of American democracy has been driven by former President Trump and his administration, members of Congress, state governors, and legislators. Alas, it also comes from faculty and students on the ideological right and left, and even from some presidents of the country’s research universities. These are powerful forces that must be overcome.
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3

Yam, Kai Chi, Joshua Conrad Jackson, Christopher M. Barnes, Jenson Lau, Xin Qin, and Hin Yeung Lee. "The rise of COVID-19 cases is associated with support for world leaders." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 117, no. 41 (September 24, 2020): 25429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2009252117.

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COVID-19 has emerged as one of the deadliest and most disruptive events in recent human history. Drawing from political science and psychological theories, we examine the effects of daily confirmed cases in a country on citizens’ support for the political leader through the first 120 d of 2020. Using three unique datasets which comprise daily approval ratings of head of government (n= 1,411,200) across 11 world leaders (Australia, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Mexico, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and weekly approval ratings of governors across the 50 states in the United States (n= 912,048), we find a strong and significant positive association between new daily confirmed and total confirmed COVID-19 cases in the country and support for the heads of government. These analyses show that political leaders received a boost in approval in the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic. Moreover, these findings suggest that the previously documented “rally ‘round the flag” effect applies beyond just intergroup conflict.
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4

Tong, Ruijie. "The Formation and Practical Dilemma of Hong Kong's Executive-Led System from the Perspective of British Colonial History and Policy." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/4/20220361.

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Hong Kong, as a particular administrative region of China, practices a very different system from that of mainland China, in which Hong Kong practices an executive-led approach in the distribution of government power. The formation of this system has very much to do with the more than 150 years of British colonial rule and its policies in Hong Kong. The focus of this paper is how Britain, as the suzerain state, exerted its influence on the colony and eventually made Hong Kong an executive-led system. Also, this study examines the dilemma of the executive-led system in Hong Kong today and the reasons for the hole's formation. This paper finds that Hong Kong's Executive-led system is essentially an extension of the Governor's system. It is the result of the influence of various policies during the British colonial rule in Hong Kong
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5

Shaoyang, Lin. "Hong Kong in the Midst of Colonialism, Collaborative and Critical Nationalism from 1925 to 1930." China Report 54, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744409.

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In the late 1920s, cultural nationalism in Hong Kong was imbedded in Confucianism, having been disappointed with the New Culture Movement and Chinese revolutionary nationalism.1 It also inspired British collaborative colonialism. This study attempts to explain the link between Hong Kong and the Confucius Revering Movement by analysing the essays on Hong Kong of Lu Xun (1881–1936), the father of modern Chinese literature and one of the most important revolutionary thinkers in modern China. The Confucius Revering Movement, which extended from mainland China to the Southeast Asian Chinese community and then to Hong Kong, formed a highly interrelated network of Chinese cultural nationalism associated with Confucianism. However, the movements in these three places had different cultural and political roles in keeping with their own contexts. Collaborative colonialism’s interference with the Confucius Revering Movement is one way to understand Lu Xun’s critical reading of Hong Kong. That is, Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement was seen as an endeavour of the colonial authorities to co-opt Confucianism in order to deal with influences from China. This article argues that Hong Kong’s Confucius Revering Movement should be regarded as one of the main perspectives through which to understand Hong Kong’s educational, cultural and political histories from the 1920s to the late 1960s. Lu Xun enables us to see several links. The first link is the one connecting the Confucius Revering Movement in Mainland China, Hong Kong and the Chinese community in Southeast Asia. This leads to the second link, that is, Lim Boen Keng (Lin Wenqing), the leading figure of the Confucius Revering Movement in the Southeast Asian Chinese community who later became the President of Amoy University, where Lu Xun had taught before his first visit to Hong Kong. The third link is the skilful colonial administrator Sir Cecil Clementi, who came to British Malaya in February 1930 to become Governor after being the Governor of Hong Kong. We can observe a network of Chinese critical/resistant and collaborative nationalism from these links.
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6

Flowerdew, John. "Discourse and social change in contemporary Hong Kong." Language in Society 25, no. 4 (December 1996): 557–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500020819.

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ABSTRACTThis article documents discursive and social change currently taking place in contemporary Hong Kong during the transitional period leading up to the change of sovereignty from Britain to China. It does so by means of a detailed analysis of a political meeting, involving the British Hong Kong governor, Chris Patten, and members of the Hong Kong public. The meeting took place in October, 1992, a day after Patten introduced proposals to widen the democratic franchise. Patten used the meeting, the first time a Hong Kong governor had made himself openly accountable to the public at large, to demonstrate the sort of democratic discourse for which the reform proposals were designed to create a framework.The analysis focuses on two main ways Patten highlighted the democratic nature of the discourse: the use of mise en abyme, or a “play within a play” structure, and the downplaying of overt markers of hierarchy and power asymmetry. Although Patten's aim was to demonstrate openness and accountability, his ultimate control of the discourse belied the democratic agenda he ostensibly promoted. The analysis consequently also focuses on the manipulative dimension of Patten's discourse. The conclusion considers to what extent the meeting might mark a real shift to a more democratic order of public discourse in Hong Kong. (Discourse analysis, power and language, social change, indexicals, involvement, manipulative discourse, mise en abyme, order of discourse, political discourse, turn-taking).
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7

Siu-Kai, Lau, and Kuan Hsin-chi. "Partial Democratization, “Foundation Moment” and Political Parties in Hong Kong." China Quarterly 163 (September 2000): 705–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000014624.

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Before the late 1980s, political parties were unknown phenomena in colonial Hong Kong. Since then measures of democratization initiated by the British in anticipation of their withdrawal in 1997 made available a portion of political power for public contest. The democratic reforms initiated by Chris Patten, the last colonial governor of Hong Kong, accelerated party formation and competition in the last few years of British rule.
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8

Tambling, J. "The History Man: The Last Governor of Hong Kong." Public Culture 9, no. 3 (April 1, 1997): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-9-3-355.

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9

Wilson, Lord, and George Pottinger. "Sir Henry Pottinger: The First Governor of Hong Kong." Pacific Affairs 71, no. 2 (1998): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760989.

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10

Miners, N. J. "Plans for Constitutional Reform in Hong Kong, 1946—52." China Quarterly 107 (September 1986): 463–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000039862.

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Анотація:
Hong Kong has never taken the path of constitutional development towards democratic self-government followed by the rest of Great Britain's colonial empire. In 1984 the Legislative and Executive Councils were still composed entirely of officials and unofficials nominated by the Governor without a single elected member, just as they have been for the past 140 years. This anomalous position has commonly been justified in two ways: the official explanation is that there have been no demands for democratic institutions voiced by the people of Hong Kong; unofficially ministers and officials have claimed that the People's Republic of China objects to free elections and Britain has found it expedient to give heed to China's views. This has never been publicly and unambiguously admitted by any Minister of the Crown while in office to avoid diplomatic embarrassment, but a large number of comments and replies to parliamentary questions can be quoted which leave little doubt that this is in fact the case. It seems that the Chinese People's Government has always equated democratic constitutional advance in Hong Kong with moves to grant independence to the territory and so has imposed her veto on any changes which might preclude the future resumption of Chinese sovereignty. But now that Britain has formally declared her intention to restore the whole of Hong Kong to China in 1997 China has in turn declared that after 1997“The legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be constituted by elections,” and is apparently prepared to waive her longstanding objections to democratic developments in the intervening 12 years before Hong Kong reverts to Chinese sovereignty.
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Дисертації з теми "Governors – Hong Kong"

1

Poon, Shuk Wah. "Five years of "mischievous activity" : a study of Governor Hennessy's policies towards the Chinese in Hong Kong, 1877-1882." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1995. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/32.

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2

"Connecting the Metropolis and the Colony: the Despatches from the Governors of Hong Kong to the Colonial Office of the UK, 1843 – 1926." 2017. http://repository.lib.cuhk.edu.hk/en/item/cuhk-1292403.

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本論文主要研究香港殖民地時期由 1843 年至 1926 年的通訊歷史，目的是要補足現有關於大英帝國、英國殖民地史及香港史研究的不足。此研究指出，傳送港督的公文往英國殖民地部是一耗時過程，並是香港與英國殖民地部之間通訊的一個持久問題。電報的出現令雙方之間的通訊更為有效；藉著電報，殖民地部除了能更有效地得知香港的最新情況，並能更緊密地監察香港政府的施政。本研究亦分析殖民地部與港督之間通訊的 “資訊層次”，這 “資訊層次” 由殖民地部頒布的規例所構建。透過統計結果，作者辯指除了電報外，機密和高度機密公文也是英國帝國對殖民地管治的 “神經系統” 中的重要成份。我們對不同公文的利用、其底層規則及殖民地部對港督公文的核准與否的研究，可以揭示英政府與總督之間的權力關係，並透視帝國和其殖民地之有意識和潛意識的焦慮。
This study investigates into the communication history of Hong Kong from 1843 to 1926 in the colonial period. It aims to fill the gaps as seen in previous studies of the British Empire, British colonialism and the history of Hong Kong. The study has found that the time-consuming process of conveying official despatches to the Colonial Office posed persistent problems for both the Governors of Hong Kong and the Secretary of State in the United Kingdom. With the advent of the telegraph, however, more efficient communication between the counterparts was achieved. The Colonial Office was thus equipped with an efficient means for instant updating of the situation in Hong Kong as well as close monitoring of the administration of the Hong Kong government. Our study also analyses the “information order” existed within the correspondence between the Colonial Office and the Governors, which was considered to be framed by the rules and regulations imposed by the Colonial Office. Drawing upon statistical findings, the researcher argues that, apart from telegrams, confidential and secret despatches served as key components of the nerve system of the British rule; our examination of their usage, the underlying regulations and endorsement (or otherwise) from the home government serves to unmask the power relations as well as the conscious and subconscious anxieties of the Empire and its colonies.
Cheng, Yui Tat.
Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2017.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves ).
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Title from PDF title page (viewed on …).
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
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3

Wang, Ying-ju, and 王英儒. "The Feasibility of Direct Election of the Governor of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under the "One Country, Two Systems"." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/gc28sb.

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碩士
南華大學
亞太研究所
95
During the period of colonization, Hong Kong was deeply influenced by British democratic systems, which nurtured Hong Kong people’s awareness of democratic self-governance. However, since the return of Hong Kong to China in 1997, along with Beijing’s implementing the “one country, two systems” in the region, the people of Hong Kong have begun to doubt about such systems, particularly its electoral constraints that by no means meet their demands for “direct election of the governor of Hong Kong” and “governing Hong Kong by the people.” How would Hong Kong government develop a democratic system suitable for Hong Kong under the “one country, two systems”? Whether or not would Hong Kong people be able to realize a direct election of their chief executive? These questions have become the critical issues Hong Kong government must face with, which will not only affect Hong Kong’s democratic development, but also affect possible democratization of China in the future. By adopting “literature review” and “historical research” methods, this thesis integrates pertinent democratization theories and the “one country, two systems” contentions since the return of Hong Kong to China, while examining both Hong Kong’s democratic institutions and the feasibility of direct election of the governor of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under the “one country, two systems.” It finds that, ever since the implementation of the “one country, two systems” in Hong Kong, it has, to a great extent, limited the democratic development in Hong Kong despite the Basic Law’s provision that has opened a partial popular voting of one-third of the councilmen in the Hong Kong Legislature. In other words, democratic parliamentary system has not been fully or effectively established in Hong Kong. Given the fact that China’s internal political context, the constant democratic voices inside the CCP, and the weakened central government control of the local may impact China’s leadership power and the nation’s reunification, Beijing authority has been concerned about such factors and will thus make an effort to block full-scale democratization of Hong Kong to prevent it from spreading into the Mainland and impairing the regime’s power. It is concluded that the development of democratic systems in Hong Kong, especially the appeal for direct election of the governor by Hong Kong people, has encountered complication, uncertainty and a long, difficult way to actualize.
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Книги з теми "Governors – Hong Kong"

1

Spurr, Russell. Excellency: The Governors of Hong Kong. Hong Kong: FormAsia, 1995.

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2

Pottinger, George. Sir Henry Pottinger: First governor of Hong Kong. Phoenix Mill, Thrupp, Stroud, Gloucestershire: Sutton, 1997.

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3

Dimbleby, Jonathan. The last governor: Chris Patten & the handover of Hong Kong. London: Warner, 1998.

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4

Dimbleby, Jonathan. The last governor: Chris Patten & the handover of Hong Kong. London: Warner, 1998.

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5

Xianggang er shi ba zong du: The 28 British governors of Hong Kong. Beijing Shi: Zhao hua chu ban she, 2007.

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6

Murray, MacLehose. Transcript of interviews with the Lord MacLehose of Beoch, KT, GBE,KCMG, KCVO, DL political adviser, Government of Hong Kong (1959-62), Governor of Hong Kong (1971-82). S. l: s. n., 2012.

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7

Dimbleby, Jonathan. The last governor: Chris Patten & the handover of Hong Kong. Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1997.

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8

Ruowen, Guan, and Hong Jinyu, eds. Li shi hui gu: Li ren Xianggang zong du yu Xianggang zhen gui li shi tu pian, 1842-1997 = The 28 governors with photo collections of historical Hong Kong. 2nd ed. Xianggang: Xianggang rong yu chu ban you xian gong si, 2000.

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9

Beating retreat: Hong Kong under the last governor. London: Sinclair-Stevenson, 1997.

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10

Patten, Chris. East and West: The last governor of Hong Kong on power, freedom and the future. Toronto: M&S, 1998.

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Частини книг з теми "Governors – Hong Kong"

1

Eoyang, Eugene Chen, Pauline Bunce, and Vaughan Rapatahana. "8. English Language as Governess: Expatriate English Teaching Schemes in Hong Kong." In English Language as Hydra, edited by Vaughan Rapatahana and Pauline Bunce, 133–57. Bristol, Blue Ridge Summit: Multilingual Matters, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21832/9781847697516-014.

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2

Day, Jerome J. "Hong Kong." In Telecommunications in the Pacific Basin, 242–64. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195084214.003.0014.

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Abstract To understand Hong Kong’ s telecommunications policy and practice requires an understanding of Hong Kong’ s uniqueness in terms of the broad parameters and institutional frameworks within which these matters are worked out compared with those elsewhere. First, Hong Kong is not a country. Rather, it is a British Crown Colony headed by a governor appointed by the Queen. In historical practice this means that the governor and other senior officials have been “vetted” for their posts by the British government in London. While the Hong Kong government has enjoyed the authority to legislate law for Hong Kong, to interpret this law through an independent judiciary, and to administer it, British constitutional and administrative practices naturally have predominated. (In the run-up to 1997 this has changed somewhat; see, e.g., Miners 1991).
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3

Lee, Peter W. H., F. Lieh-Mak, K. Y. Mak, Amy S. M. Fung, M. C. Wong, and Julia Lam. "RA: Hong Kong." In Recovery from Schizophrenia, 255–65. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195313673.003.0022.

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Abstract Hong Kong, one of the last of the British Crown colonies, reverted to Chinese sovereignty in July 1997. For the duration of the study, however, Hong Kong had a British-appointed Governor, a civil service of predominantly Chinese origin but with an over representation of British in the top ranks, appointed members of the Executive Council, and a predominantly elected Legislative Council. Hong Kong consists of four relatively distinct geographic areas, namely Hong Kong Island, a group of outlying islands nearby, Kowloon peninsula, and parts of the New Territories adjoining Mainland China. Ninety-five percent of the population is Chinese and Cantonese speaking, with an ever-increasing number of residents speaking English as well. The literacy rate is over 90%.
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4

Pomfret, David M. "“No Day without a Deed to Crown It”." In Meeting Place. Hong Kong University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390847.003.0005.

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The Ministering Children’s League was founded in Britain in 1885 with the aim of cultivating among children of the rich a desire to feel empathy with the poor and suffering. Examining the work of the league’s branch in Hong Kong in the early 20th century, this chapter argues that the decision by Flora Shaw, the activist wife of the Governor, Sir Frederick Lugard, to include Chinese girls as members broke down the race-bound relations between ‘benevolents’ and ‘beneficiaries’ and, in providing opportunities for Chinese and European children to work together and mingle socially, led to unintended consequences, and complicated the idea that ‘Empire’ was a straightforward story of social division and ethnic segregation. Under the aegis of empire-sponsored philanthropy, children in Hong Kong assumed the spirit of public service while learning to see themselves as part of a multicultural, international fellowship of childhood.
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